Chapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.—Part V

Whatever may have been the just measure of the calamities of
Europe, there was reason to fear that the same calamities would
soon extend to the peaceful countries of Asia. The sons of the
Goths had been judiciously distributed through the cities of the
East; and the arts of education were employed to polish, and
subdue, the native fierceness of their temper. In the space of
about twelve years, their numbers had continually increased; and
the children, who, in the first emigration, were sent over the
Hellespont, had attained, with rapid growth, the strength and
spirit of perfect manhood. 102 It was impossible to conceal from
their knowledge the events of the Gothic war; and, as those
daring youths had not studied the language of dissimulation, they
betrayed their wish, their desire, perhaps their intention, to
emulate the glorious example of their fathers. The danger of the
times seemed to justify the jealous suspicions of the
provincials; and these suspicions were admitted as unquestionable
evidence, that the Goths of Asia had formed a secret and
dangerous conspiracy against the public safety. The death of
Valens had left the East without a sovereign; and Julius, who
filled the important station of master-general of the troops,
with a high reputation of diligence and ability, thought it his
duty to consult the senate of Constantinople; which he
considered, during the vacancy of the throne, as the
representative council of the nation. As soon as he had obtained
the discretionary power of acting as he should judge most
expedient for the good of the republic, he assembled the
principal officers, and privately concerted effectual measures
for the execution of his bloody design. An order was immediately
promulgated, that, on a stated day, the Gothic youth should
assemble in the capital cities of their respective provinces;
and, as a report was industriously circulated, that they were
summoned to receive a liberal gift of lands and money, the
pleasing hope allayed the fury of their resentment, and, perhaps,
suspended the motions of the conspiracy. On the appointed day,
the unarmed crowd of the Gothic youth was carefully collected in
the square or Forum; the streets and avenues were occupied by the
Roman troops, and the roofs of the houses were covered with
archers and slingers. At the same hour, in all the cities of the
East, the signal was given of indiscriminate slaughter; and the
provinces of Asia were delivered by the cruel prudence of Julius,
from a domestic enemy, who, in a few months, might have carried
fire and sword from the Hellespont to the Euphrates. 103 The
urgent consideration of the public safety may undoubtedly
authorize the violation of every positive law. How far that, or
any other, consideration may operate to dissolve the natural
obligations of humanity and justice, is a doctrine of which I
still desire to remain ignorant.

102 (return) [ Eunapius (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 20) foolishly
supposes a præternatural growth of the young Goths, that he may
introduce Cadmus’s armed men, who sprang from the dragon’s teeth,
&c. Such was the Greek eloquence of the times.]

103 (return) [ Ammianus evidently approves this execution,
efficacia velox et salutaris, which concludes his work, (xxxi.
16.) Zosimus, who is curious and copious, (l. iv. p. 233—236,)
mistakes the date, and labors to find the reason, why Julius did
not consult the emperor Theodosius who had not yet ascended the
throne of the East.]

The emperor Gratian was far advanced on his march towards the
plains of Hadrianople, when he was informed, at first by the
confused voice of fame, and afterwards by the more accurate
reports of Victor and Richomer, that his impatient colleague had
been slain in battle, and that two thirds of the Roman army were
exterminated by the sword of the victorious Goths. Whatever
resentment the rash and jealous vanity of his uncle might
deserve, the resentment of a generous mind is easily subdued by
the softer emotions of grief and compassion; and even the sense
of pity was soon lost in the serious and alarming consideration
of the state of the republic. Gratian was too late to assist, he
was too weak to revenge, his unfortunate colleague; and the
valiant and modest youth felt himself unequal to the support of a
sinking world. A formidable tempest of the Barbarians of Germany
seemed ready to burst over the provinces of Gaul; and the mind of
Gratian was oppressed and distracted by the administration of the
Western empire. In this important crisis, the government of the
East, and the conduct of the Gothic war, required the undivided
attention of a hero and a statesman. A subject invested with such
ample command would not long have preserved his fidelity to a
distant benefactor; and the Imperial council embraced the wise
and manly resolution of conferring an obligation, rather than of
yielding to an insult. It was the wish of Gratian to bestow the
purple as the reward of virtue; but, at the age of nineteen, it
is not easy for a prince, educated in the supreme rank, to
understand the true characters of his ministers and generals. He
attempted to weigh, with an impartial hand, their various merits
and defects; and, whilst he checked the rash confidence of
ambition, he distrusted the cautious wisdom which despaired of
the republic. As each moment of delay diminished something of the
power and resources of the future sovereign of the East, the
situation of the times would not allow a tedious debate. The
choice of Gratian was soon declared in favor of an exile, whose
father, only three years before, had suffered, under the sanction
of _his_ authority, an unjust and ignominious death. The great
Theodosius, a name celebrated in history, and dear to the
Catholic church, 104 was summoned to the Imperial court, which
had gradually retreated from the confines of Thrace to the more
secure station of Sirmium. Five months after the death of Valens,
the emperor Gratian produced before the assembled troops _his_
colleague and _their_ master; who, after a modest, perhaps a
sincere, resistance, was compelled to accept, amidst the general
acclamations, the diadem, the purple, and the equal title of
Augustus. 105 The provinces of Thrace, Asia, and Egypt, over
which Valens had reigned, were resigned to the administration of
the new emperor; but, as he was specially intrusted with the
conduct of the Gothic war, the Illyrian præfecture was
dismembered; and the two great dioceses of Dacia and Macedonia
were added to the dominions of the Eastern empire. 106

104 (return) [ A life of Theodosius the Great was composed in the
last century, (Paris, 1679, in 4to-1680, 12mo.,) to inflame the
mind of the young Dauphin with Catholic zeal. The author,
Flechier, afterwards bishop of Nismes, was a celebrated preacher;
and his history is adorned, or tainted, with pulpit eloquence;
but he takes his learning from Baronius, and his principles from
St. Ambrose and St Augustin.]

105 (return) [ The birth, character, and elevation of Theodosius
are marked in Pacatus, (in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 10, 11, 12,)
Themistius, (Orat. xiv. p. 182,) (Zosimus, l. iv. p. 231,)
Augustin. (de Civitat. Dei. v. 25,) Orosius, (l. vii. c. 34,)
Sozomen, (l. vii. c. 2,) Socrates, (l. v. c. 2,) Theodoret, (l.
v. c. 5,) Philostorgius, (l. ix. c. 17, with Godefroy, p. 393,)
the Epitome of Victor, and the Chronicles of Prosper, Idatius,
and Marcellinus, in the Thesaurus Temporum of Scaliger. * Note:
Add a hostile fragment of Eunapius. Mai, p. 273, in Niebuhr, p
178—M.]

106 (return) [ Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 716,
&c.]

The same province, and perhaps the same city, 107 which had given
to the throne the virtues of Trajan, and the talents of Hadrian,
was the orignal seat of another family of Spaniards, who, in a
less fortunate age, possessed, near fourscore years, the
declining empire of Rome. 108 They emerged from the obscurity of
municipal honors by the active spirit of the elder Theodosius, a
general whose exploits in Britain and Africa have formed one of
the most splendid parts of the annals of Valentinian. The son of
that general, who likewise bore the name of Theodosius, was
educated, by skilful preceptors, in the liberal studies of youth;
but he was instructed in the art of war by the tender care and
severe discipline of his father. 109 Under the standard of such a
leader, young Theodosius sought glory and knowledge, in the most
distant scenes of military action; inured his constitution to the
difference of seasons and climates; distinguished his valor by
sea and land; and observed the various warfare of the Scots, the
Saxons, and the Moors. His own merit, and the recommendation of
the conqueror of Africa, soon raised him to a separate command;
and, in the station of Duke of Mæsia, he vanquished an army of
Sarmatians; saved the province; deserved the love of the
soldiers; and provoked the envy of the court. 110 His rising
fortunes were soon blasted by the disgrace and execution of his
illustrious father; and Theodosius obtained, as a favor, the
permission of retiring to a private life in his native province
of Spain. He displayed a firm and temperate character in the ease
with which he adapted himself to this new situation. His time was
almost equally divided between the town and country; the spirit,
which had animated his public conduct, was shown in the active
and affectionate performance of every social duty; and the
diligence of the soldier was profitably converted to the
improvement of his ample patrimony, 111 which lay between
Valladolid and Segovia, in the midst of a fruitful district,
still famous for a most exquisite breed of sheep. 112 From the
innocent, but humble labors of his farm, Theodosius was
transported, in less than four months, to the throne of the
Eastern empire; and the whole period of the history of the world
will not perhaps afford a similar example, of an elevation at the
same time so pure and so honorable. The princes who peaceably
inherit the sceptre of their fathers, claim and enjoy a legal
right, the more secure as it is absolutely distinct from the
merits of their personal characters. The subjects, who, in a
monarchy, or a popular state, acquire the possession of supreme
power, may have raised themselves, by the superiority either of
genius or virtue, above the heads of their equals; but their
virtue is seldom exempt from ambition; and the cause of the
successful candidate is frequently stained by the guilt of
conspiracy, or civil war. Even in those governments which allow
the reigning monarch to declare a colleague or a successor, his
partial choice, which may be influenced by the blindest passions,
is often directed to an unworthy object But the most suspicious
malignity cannot ascribe to Theodosius, in his obscure solitude
of Caucha, the arts, the desires, or even the hopes, of an
ambitious statesman; and the name of the Exile would long since
have been forgotten, if his genuine and distinguished virtues had
not left a deep impression in the Imperial court. During the
season of prosperity, he had been neglected; but, in the public
distress, his superior merit was universally felt and
acknowledged. What confidence must have been reposed in his
integrity, since Gratian could trust, that a pious son would
forgive, for the sake of the republic, the murder of his father!
What expectations must have been formed of his abilities to
encourage the hope, that a single man could save, and restore,
the empire of the East! Theodosius was invested with the purple
in the thirty-third year of his age. The vulgar gazed with
admiration on the manly beauty of his face, and the graceful
majesty of his person, which they were pleased to compare with
the pictures and medals of the emperor Trajan; whilst intelligent
observers discovered, in the qualities of his heart and
understanding, a more important resemblance to the best and
greatest of the Roman princes.

107 (return) [ _Italica_, founded by Scipio Africanus for his
wounded veterans of _Italy_. The ruins still appear, about a
league above Seville, but on the opposite bank of the river. See
the Hispania Illustrata of Nonius, a short though valuable
treatise, c. xvii. p. 64—67.]

108 (return) [ I agree with Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom.
v. p. 726) in suspecting the royal pedigree, which remained a
secret till the promotion of Theodosius. Even after that event,
the silence of Pacatus outweighs the venal evidence of
Themistius, Victor, and Claudian, who connect the family of
Theodosius with the blood of Trajan and Hadrian.]

109 (return) [ Pacatas compares, and consequently prefers, the
youth of Theodosius to the military education of Alexander,
Hannibal, and the second Africanus; who, like him, had served
under their fathers, (xii. 8.)]

110 (return) [ Ammianus (xxix. 6) mentions this victory of
Theodosius Junior Dux Mæsiæ, prima etiam tum lanugine juvenis,
princeps postea perspectissimus. The same fact is attested by
Themistius and Zosimus but Theodoret, (l. v. c. 5,) who adds some
curious circumstances, strangely applies it to the time of the
interregnum.]

111 (return) [ Pacatus (in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 9) prefers the
rustic life of Theodosius to that of Cincinnatus; the one was the
effect of choice, the other of poverty.]

112 (return) [ M. D’Anville (Geographie Ancienne, tom. i. p. 25)
has fixed the situation of Caucha, or Coca, in the old province
of Gallicia, where Zosimus and Idatius have placed the birth, or
patrimony, of Theodosius.]

It is not without the most sincere regret, that I must now take
leave of an accurate and faithful guide, who has composed the
history of his own times, without indulging the prejudices and
passions, which usually affect the mind of a contemporary.
Ammianus Marcellinus, who terminates his useful work with the
defeat and death of Valens, recommends the more glorious subject
of the ensuing reign to the youthful vigor and eloquence of the
rising generation. 113 The rising generation was not disposed to
accept his advice or to imitate his example; 114 and, in the
study of the reign of Theodosius, we are reduced to illustrate
the partial narrative of Zosimus, by the obscure hints of
fragments and chronicles, by the figurative style of poetry or
panegyric, and by the precarious assistance of the ecclesiastical
writers, who, in the heat of religious faction, are apt to
despise the profane virtues of sincerity and moderation.
Conscious of these disadvantages, which will continue to involve
a considerable portion of the decline and fall of the Roman
empire, I shall proceed with doubtful and timorous steps. Yet I
may boldly pronounce, that the battle of Hadrianople was never
revenged by any signal or decisive victory of Theodosius over the
Barbarians: and the expressive silence of his venal orators may
be confirmed by the observation of the condition and
circumstances of the times. The fabric of a mighty state, which
has been reared by the labors of successive ages, could not be
overturned by the misfortune of a single day, if the fatal power
of the imagination did not exaggerate the real measure of the
calamity. The loss of forty thousand Romans, who fell in the
plains of Hadrianople, might have been soon recruited in the
populous provinces of the East, which contained so many millions
of inhabitants. The courage of a soldier is found to be the
cheapest, and most common, quality of human nature; and
sufficient skill to encounter an undisciplined foe might have
been speedily taught by the care of the surviving centurions. If
the Barbarians were mounted on the horses, and equipped with the
armor, of their vanquished enemies, the numerous studs of
Cappadocia and Spain would have supplied new squadrons of
cavalry; the thirty-four arsenals of the empire were plentifully
stored with magazines of offensive and defensive arms: and the
wealth of Asia might still have yielded an ample fund for the
expenses of the war. But the effects which were produced by the
battle of Hadrianople on the minds of the Barbarians and of the
Romans, extended the victory of the former, and the defeat of the
latter, far beyond the limits of a single day. A Gothic chief was
heard to declare, with insolent moderation, that, for his own
part, he was fatigued with slaughter: but that he was astonished
how a people, who fled before him like a flock of sheep, could
still presume to dispute the possession of their treasures and
provinces. 115 The same terrors which the name of the Huns had
spread among the Gothic tribes, were inspired, by the formidable
name of the Goths, among the subjects and soldiers of the Roman
empire. 116 If Theodosius, hastily collecting his scattered
forces, had led them into the field to encounter a victorious
enemy, his army would have been vanquished by their own fears;
and his rashness could not have been excused by the chance of
success. But the _great_ Theodosius, an epithet which he
honorably deserved on this momentous occasion, conducted himself
as the firm and faithful guardian of the republic. He fixed his
head-quarters at Thessalonica, the capital of the Macedonian
diocese; 117 from whence he could watch the irregular motions of
the Barbarians, and direct the operations of his lieutenants,
from the gates of Constantinople to the shores of the Hadriatic.
The fortifications and garrisons of the cities were strengthened;
and the troops, among whom a sense of order and discipline was
revived, were insensibly emboldened by the confidence of their
own safety. From these secure stations, they were encouraged to
make frequent sallies on the Barbarians, who infested the
adjacent country; and, as they were seldom allowed to engage,
without some decisive superiority, either of ground or of
numbers, their enterprises were, for the most part, successful;
and they were soon convinced, by their own experience, of the
possibility of vanquishing their _invincible_ enemies. The
detachments of these separate garrisons were generally united
into small armies; the same cautious measures were pursued,
according to an extensive and well-concerted plan of operations;
the events of each day added strength and spirit to the Roman
arms; and the artful diligence of the emperor, who circulated the
most favorable reports of the success of the war, contributed to
subdue the pride of the Barbarians, and to animate the hopes and
courage of his subjects. If, instead of this faint and imperfect
outline, we could accurately represent the counsels and actions
of Theodosius, in four successive campaigns, there is reason to
believe, that his consummate skill would deserve the applause of
every military reader. The republic had formerly been saved by
the delays of Fabius; and, while the splendid trophies of Scipio,
in the field of Zama, attract the eyes of posterity, the camps
and marches of the dictator among the hills of the Campania, may
claim a juster proportion of the solid and independent fame,
which the general is not compelled to share, either with fortune
or with his troops. Such was likewise the merit of Theodosius;
and the infirmities of his body, which most unseasonably
languished under a long and dangerous disease, could not oppress
the vigor of his mind, or divert his attention from the public
service. 118

113 (return) [ Let us hear Ammianus himself. Hæc, ut miles
quondam et Græcus, a principatu Cæsaris Nervæ exorsus, adusque
Valentis inter, pro virium explicavi mensurâ: opus veritatem
professum nun quam, ut arbitror, sciens, silentio ausus
corrumpere vel mendacio. Scribant reliqua potiores ætate,
doctrinisque florentes. Quos id, si libuerit, aggressuros,
procudere linguas ad majores moneo stilos. Ammian. xxxi. 16. The
first thirteen books, a superficial epitome of two hundred and
fifty-seven years, are now lost: the last eighteen, which contain
no more than twenty-five years, still preserve the copious and
authentic history of his own times.]

114 (return) [ Ammianus was the last subject of Rome who composed
a profane history in the Latin language. The East, in the next
century, produced some rhetorical historians, Zosimus,
Olympiedorus, Malchus, Candidus &c. See Vossius de Historicis
Græcis, l. ii. c. 18, de Historicis Latinis l. ii. c. 10, &c.]

115 (return) [ Chrysostom, tom. i. p. 344, edit. Montfaucon. I
have verified and examined this passage: but I should never,
without the aid of Tillemont, (Hist. des Emp. tom. v. p. 152,)
have detected an historical anecdote, in a strange medley of
moral and mystic exhortations, addressed, by the preacher of
Antioch, to a young widow.]

116 (return) [ Eunapius, in Excerpt. Legation. p. 21.]

117 (return) [ See Godefroy’s Chronology of the Laws. Codex
Theodos tom. l. Prolegomen. p. xcix.—civ.]

118 (return) [ Most writers insist on the illness, and long
repose, of Theodosius, at Thessalonica: Zosimus, to diminish his
glory; Jornandes, to favor the Goths; and the ecclesiastical
writers, to introduce his baptism.]

The deliverance and peace of the Roman provinces 119 was the work
of prudence, rather than of valor: the prudence of Theodosius was
seconded by fortune: and the emperor never failed to seize, and
to improve, every favorable circumstance. As long as the superior
genius of Fritigern preserved the union, and directed the motions
of the Barbarians, their power was not inadequate to the conquest
of a great empire. The death of that hero, the predecessor and
master of the renowned Alaric, relieved an impatient multitude
from the intolerable yoke of discipline and discretion. The
Barbarians, who had been restrained by his authority, abandoned
themselves to the dictates of their passions; and their passions
were seldom uniform or consistent. An army of conquerors was
broken into many disorderly bands of savage robbers; and their
blind and irregular fury was not less pernicious to themselves,
than to their enemies. Their mischievous disposition was shown in
the destruction of every object which they wanted strength to
remove, or taste to enjoy; and they often consumed, with
improvident rage, the harvests, or the granaries, which soon
afterwards became necessary for their own subsistence. A spirit
of discord arose among the independent tribes and nations, which
had been united only by the bands of a loose and voluntary
alliance. The troops of the Huns and the Alani would naturally
upbraid the flight of the Goths; who were not disposed to use
with moderation the advantages of their fortune; the ancient
jealousy of the Ostrogoths and the Visigoths could not long be
suspended; and the haughty chiefs still remembered the insults
and injuries, which they had reciprocally offered, or sustained,
while the nation was seated in the countries beyond the Danube.
The progress of domestic faction abated the more diffusive
sentiment of national animosity; and the officers of Theodosius
were instructed to purchase, with liberal gifts and promises, the
retreat or service of the discontented party. The acquisition of
Modar, a prince of the royal blood of the Amali, gave a bold and
faithful champion to the cause of Rome. The illustrious deserter
soon obtained the rank of master-general, with an important
command; surprised an army of his countrymen, who were immersed
in wine and sleep; and, after a cruel slaughter of the astonished
Goths, returned with an immense spoil, and four thousand wagons,
to the Imperial camp. 120 In the hands of a skilful politician,
the most different means may be successfully applied to the same
ends; and the peace of the empire, which had been forwarded by
the divisions, was accomplished by the reunion, of the Gothic
nation. Athanaric, who had been a patient spectator of these
extraordinary events, was at length driven, by the chance of
arms, from the dark recesses of the woods of Caucaland. He no
longer hesitated to pass the Danube; and a very considerable part
of the subjects of Fritigern, who already felt the inconveniences
of anarchy, were easily persuaded to acknowledge for their king a
Gothic Judge, whose birth they respected, and whose abilities
they had frequently experienced. But age had chilled the daring
spirit of Athanaric; and, instead of leading his people to the
field of battle and victory, he wisely listened to the fair
proposal of an honorable and advantageous treaty. Theodosius, who
was acquainted with the merit and power of his new ally,
condescended to meet him at the distance of several miles from
Constantinople; and entertained him in the Imperial city, with
the confidence of a friend, and the magnificence of a monarch.
“The Barbarian prince observed, with curious attention, the
variety of objects which attracted his notice, and at last broke
out into a sincere and passionate exclamation of wonder. I now
behold (said he) what I never could believe, the glories of this
stupendous capital! And as he cast his eyes around, he viewed,
and he admired, the commanding situation of the city, the
strength and beauty of the walls and public edifices, the
capacious harbor, crowded with innumerable vessels, the perpetual
concourse of distant nations, and the arms and discipline of the
troops. Indeed, (continued Athanaric,) the emperor of the Romans
is a god upon earth; and the presumptuous man, who dares to lift
his hand against him, is guilty of his own blood.” 121 The Gothic
king did not long enjoy this splendid and honorable reception;
and, as temperance was not the virtue of his nation, it may
justly be suspected, that his mortal disease was contracted
amidst the pleasures of the Imperial banquets. But the policy of
Theodosius derived more solid benefit from the death, than he
could have expected from the most faithful services, of his ally.
The funeral of Athanaric was performed with solemn rites in the
capital of the East; a stately monument was erected to his
memory; and his whole army, won by the liberal courtesy, and
decent grief, of Theodosius, enlisted under the standard of the
Roman empire. 122 The submission of so great a body of the
Visigoths was productive of the most salutary consequences; and
the mixed influence of force, of reason, and of corruption,
became every day more powerful, and more extensive. Each
independent chieftain hastened to obtain a separate treaty, from
the apprehension that an obstinate delay might expose _him_,
alone and unprotected, to the revenge, or justice, of the
conqueror. The general, or rather the final, capitulation of the
Goths, may be dated four years, one month, and twenty-five days,
after the defeat and death of the emperor Valens. 123

119 (return) [ Compare Themistius (Orat, xiv. p. 181) with
Zosimus (l. iv. p. 232,) Jornandes, (c. xxvii. p. 649,) and the
prolix Commentary of M. de Buat, (Hist. de Peuples, &c., tom. vi.
p. 477—552.) The Chronicles of Idatius and Marcellinus allude, in
general terms, to magna certamina, _magna multaque_ prælia. The
two epithets are not easily reconciled.]

120 (return) [ Zosimus (l. iv. p. 232) styles him a Scythian, a
name which the more recent Greeks seem to have appropriated to
the Goths.]

121 (return) [ The reader will not be displeased to see the
original words of Jornandes, or the author whom he transcribed.
Regiam urbem ingressus est, miransque, En, inquit, cerno quod
sæpe incredulus audiebam, famam videlicet tantæ urbis. Et huc
illuc oculos volvens, nunc situm urbis, commeatumque navium, nunc
mœnia clara pro spectans, miratur; populosque diversarum gentium,
quasi fonte in uno e diversis partibus scaturiente unda, sic
quoque militem ordinatum aspiciens; Deus, inquit, sine dubio est
terrenus Imperator, et quisquis adversus eum manum moverit, ipse
sui sanguinis reus existit Jornandes (c. xxviii. p. 650) proceeds
to mention his death and funeral.]

122 (return) [ Jornandes, c. xxviii. p. 650. Even Zosimus (l. v.
p. 246) is compelled to approve the generosity of Theodosius, so
honorable to himself, and so beneficial to the public.]

123 (return) [ The short, but authentic, hints in the _Fasti_ of
Idatius (Chron. Scaliger. p. 52) are stained with contemporary
passion. The fourteenth oration of Themistius is a compliment to
Peace, and the consul Saturninus, (A.D. 383.)]

The provinces of the Danube had been already relieved from the
oppressive weight of the Gruthungi, or Ostrogoths, by the
voluntary retreat of Alatheus and Saphrax, whose restless spirit
had prompted them to seek new scenes of rapine and glory. Their
destructive course was pointed towards the West; but we must be
satisfied with a very obscure and imperfect knowledge of their
various adventures. The Ostrogoths impelled several of the German
tribes on the provinces of Gaul; concluded, and soon violated, a
treaty with the emperor Gratian; advanced into the unknown
countries of the North; and, after an interval of more than four
years, returned, with accumulated force, to the banks of the
Lower Danube. Their troops were recruited with the fiercest
warriors of Germany and Scythia; and the soldiers, or at least
the historians, of the empire, no longer recognized the name and
countenances of their former enemies. 124 The general who
commanded the military and naval powers of the Thracian frontier,
soon perceived that his superiority would be disadvantageous to
the public service; and that the Barbarians, awed by the presence
of his fleet and legions, would probably defer the passage of the
river till the approaching winter. The dexterity of the spies,
whom he sent into the Gothic camp, allured the Barbarians into a
fatal snare. They were persuaded that, by a bold attempt, they
might surprise, in the silence and darkness of the night, the
sleeping army of the Romans; and the whole multitude was hastily
embarked in a fleet of three thousand canoes. 125 The bravest of
the Ostrogoths led the van; the main body consisted of the
remainder of their subjects and soldiers; and the women and
children securely followed in the rear. One of the nights without
a moon had been selected for the execution of their design; and
they had almost reached the southern bank of the Danube, in the
firm confidence that they should find an easy landing and an
unguarded camp. But the progress of the Barbarians was suddenly
stopped by an unexpected obstacle a triple line of vessels,
strongly connected with each other, and which formed an
impenetrable chain of two miles and a half along the river. While
they struggled to force their way in the unequal conflict, their
right flank was overwhelmed by the irresistible attack of a fleet
of galleys, which were urged down the stream by the united
impulse of oars and of the tide. The weight and velocity of those
ships of war broke, and sunk, and dispersed, the rude and feeble
canoes of the Barbarians; their valor was ineffectual; and
Alatheus, the king, or general, of the Ostrogoths, perished with
his bravest troops, either by the sword of the Romans, or in the
waves of the Danube. The last division of this unfortunate fleet
might regain the opposite shore; but the distress and disorder of
the multitude rendered them alike incapable, either of action or
counsel; and they soon implored the clemency of the victorious
enemy. On this occasion, as well as on many others, it is a
difficult task to reconcile the passions and prejudices of the
writers of the age of Theodosius. The partial and malignant
historian, who misrepresents every action of his reign, affirms,
that the emperor did not appear in the field of battle till the
Barbarians had been vanquished by the valor and conduct of his
lieutenant Promotus. 126 The flattering poet, who celebrated, in
the court of Honorius, the glory of the father and of the son,
ascribes the victory to the personal prowess of Theodosius; and
almost insinuates, that the king of the Ostrogoths was slain by
the hand of the emperor. 127 The truth of history might perhaps
be found in a just medium between these extreme and contradictory
assertions.

124 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iv. p. 252.]

125 (return) [ I am justified, by reason and example, in applying
this Indian name to the the Barbarians, the single trees hollowed
into the shape of a boat. Zosimus, l. iv. p. 253. Ausi Danubium
quondam tranare Gruthungi In lintres fregere nemus: ter mille
ruebant Per fluvium plenæ cuneis immanibus alni. Claudian, in iv.
Cols. Hon. 623.]

126 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iv. p. 252—255. He too frequently
betrays his poverty of judgment by disgracing the most serious
narratives with trifling and incredible circumstances.]

127 (return) [—Odothæi Regis _opima_ Retulit—Ver. 632. The
_opima_ were the spoils which a Roman general could only win from
the king, or general, of the enemy, whom he had slain with his
own hands: and no more than three such examples are celebrated in
the victorious ages of Rome.]

The original treaty which fixed the settlement of the Goths,
ascertained their privileges, and stipulated their obligations,
would illustrate the history of Theodosius and his successors.
The series of their history has imperfectly preserved the spirit
and substance of this single agreement. 128 The ravages of war
and tyranny had provided many large tracts of fertile but
uncultivated land for the use of those Barbarians who might not
disdain the practice of agriculture. A numerous colony of the
Visigoths was seated in Thrace; the remains of the Ostrogoths
were planted in Phrygia and Lydia; their immediate wants were
supplied by a distribution of corn and cattle; and their future
industry was encouraged by an exemption from tribute, during a
certain term of years. The Barbarians would have deserved to feel
the cruel and perfidious policy of the Imperial court, if they
had suffered themselves to be dispersed through the provinces.
They required, and they obtained, the sole possession of the
villages and districts assigned for their residence; they still
cherished and propagated their native manners and language;
asserted, in the bosom of despotism, the freedom of their
domestic government; and acknowledged the sovereignty of the
emperor, without submitting to the inferior jurisdiction of the
laws and magistrates of Rome. The hereditary chiefs of the tribes
and families were still permitted to command their followers in
peace and war; but the royal dignity was abolished; and the
generals of the Goths were appointed and removed at the pleasure
of the emperor. An army of forty thousand Goths was maintained
for the perpetual service of the empire of the East; and those
haughty troops, who assumed the title of _Fæderati_, or allies,
were distinguished by their gold collars, liberal pay, and
licentious privileges. Their native courage was improved by the
use of arms and the knowledge of discipline; and, while the
republic was guarded, or threatened, by the doubtful sword of the
Barbarians, the last sparks of the military flame were finally
extinguished in the minds of the Romans. 129 Theodosius had the
address to persuade his allies, that the conditions of peace,
which had been extorted from him by prudence and necessity, were
the voluntary expressions of his sincere friendship for the
Gothic nation. 130 A different mode of vindication or apology was
opposed to the complaints of the people; who loudly censured
these shameful and dangerous concessions. 131 The calamities of
the war were painted in the most lively colors; and the first
symptoms of the return of order, of plenty, and security, were
diligently exaggerated. The advocates of Theodosius could affirm,
with some appearance of truth and reason, that it was impossible
to extirpate so many warlike tribes, who were rendered desperate
by the loss of their native country; and that the exhausted
provinces would be revived by a fresh supply of soldiers and
husbandmen. The Barbarians still wore an angry and hostile
aspect; but the experience of past times might encourage the
hope, that they would acquire the habits of industry and
obedience; that their manners would be polished by time,
education, and the influence of Christianity; and that their
posterity would insensibly blend with the great body of the Roman
people. 132

128 (return) [ See Themistius, Orat. xvi. p. 211. Claudian (in
Eutrop. l. ii. 112) mentions the Phrygian colony:——Ostrogothis
colitur mistisque Gruthungis Phyrx ager——and then proceeds to
name the rivers of Lydia, the Pactolus, and Herreus.]

129 (return) [ Compare Jornandes, (c. xx. 27,) who marks the
condition and number of the Gothic _Fæderati_, with Zosimus, (l.
iv. p. 258,) who mentions their golden collars; and Pacatus, (in
Panegyr. Vet. xii. 37,) who applauds, with false or foolish joy,
their bravery and discipline.]

130 (return) [ Amator pacis generisque Gothorum, is the praise
bestowed by the Gothic historian, (c. xxix.,) who represents his
nation as innocent, peaceable men, slow to anger, and patient of
injuries. According to Livy, the Romans conquered the world in
their own defence.]

131 (return) [ Besides the partial invectives of Zosimus, (always
discontented with the Christian reigns,) see the grave
representations which Synesius addresses to the emperor Arcadius,
(de Regno, p. 25, 26, edit. Petav.) The philosophic bishop of
Cyrene was near enough to judge; and he was sufficiently removed
from the temptation of fear or flattery.]

132 (return) [ Themistius (Orat. xvi. p. 211, 212) composes an
elaborate and rational apology, which is not, however, exempt
from the puerilities of Greek rhetoric. Orpheus could _only_
charm the wild beasts of Thrace; but Theodosius enchanted the men
and women, whose predecessors in the same country had torn
Orpheus in pieces, &c.]

Notwithstanding these specious arguments, and these sanguine
expectations, it was apparent to every discerning eye, that the
Goths would long remain the enemies, and might soon become the
conquerors of the Roman empire. Their rude and insolent behavior
expressed their contempt of the citizens and provincials, whom
they insulted with impunity. 133 To the zeal and valor of the
Barbarians Theodosius was indebted for the success of his arms:
but their assistance was precarious; and they were sometimes
seduced, by a treacherous and inconstant disposition, to abandon
his standard, at the moment when their service was the most
essential. During the civil war against Maximus, a great number
of Gothic deserters retired into the morasses of Macedonia,
wasted the adjacent provinces, and obliged the intrepid monarch
to expose his person, and exert his power, to suppress the rising
flame of rebellion. 134 The public apprehensions were fortified
by the strong suspicion, that these tumults were not the effect
of accidental passion, but the result of deep and premeditated
design. It was generally believed, that the Goths had signed the
treaty of peace with a hostile and insidious spirit; and that
their chiefs had previously bound themselves, by a solemn and
secret oath, never to keep faith with the Romans; to maintain the
fairest show of loyalty and friendship, and to watch the
favorable moment of rapine, of conquest, and of revenge. But as
the minds of the Barbarians were not insensible to the power of
gratitude, several of the Gothic leaders sincerely devoted
themselves to the service of the empire, or, at least, of the
emperor; the whole nation was insensibly divided into two
opposite factions, and much sophistry was employed in
conversation and dispute, to compare the obligations of their
first, and second, engagements. The Goths, who considered
themselves as the friends of peace, of justice, and of Rome, were
directed by the authority of Fravitta, a valiant and honorable
youth, distinguished above the rest of his countrymen by the
politeness of his manners, the liberality of his sentiments, and
the mild virtues of social life. But the more numerous faction
adhered to the fierce and faithless Priulf, 13411 who inflamed
the passions, and asserted the independence, of his warlike
followers. On one of the solemn festivals, when the chiefs of
both parties were invited to the Imperial table, they were
insensibly heated by wine, till they forgot the usual restraints
of discretion and respect, and betrayed, in the presence of
Theodosius, the fatal secret of their domestic disputes. The
emperor, who had been the reluctant witness of this extraordinary
controversy, dissembled his fears and resentment, and soon
dismissed the tumultuous assembly. Fravitta, alarmed and
exasperated by the insolence of his rival, whose departure from
the palace might have been the signal of a civil war, boldly
followed him; and, drawing his sword, laid Priulf dead at his
feet. Their companions flew to arms; and the faithful champion of
Rome would have been oppressed by superior numbers, if he had not
been protected by the seasonable interposition of the Imperial
guards. 135 Such were the scenes of Barbaric rage, which
disgraced the palace and table of the Roman emperor; and, as the
impatient Goths could only be restrained by the firm and
temperate character of Theodosius, the public safety seemed to
depend on the life and abilities of a single man. 136

133 (return) [ Constantinople was deprived half a day of the
public allowance of bread, to expiate the murder of a Gothic
soldier: was the guilt of the people. Libanius, Orat. xii. p.
394, edit. Morel.]

134 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iv. p. 267-271. He tells a long and
ridiculous story of the adventurous prince, who roved the country
with only five horsemen, of a spy whom they detected, whipped,
and killed in an old woman’s cottage, &c.]

13411 (return) [ Eunapius.—M.]

135 (return) [ Compare Eunapius (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 21, 22)
with Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 279.) The difference of circumstances
and names must undoubtedly be applied to the same story.
Fravitta, or Travitta, was afterwards consul, (A.D. 401.) and
still continued his faithful services to the eldest son of
Theodosius. (Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 467.)]

136 (return) [ Les Goths ravagerent tout depuis le Danube
jusqu’au Bosphore; exterminerent Valens et son armée; et ne
repasserent le Danube, que pour abandonner l’affreuse solitude
qu’ils avoient faite, (Œuvres de Montesquieu, tom. iii. p. 479.
Considerations sur les _Causes_ de la Grandeur et de la Décadence
des Romains, c. xvii.) The president Montesquieu seems ignorant
that the Goths, after the defeat of Valens, _never_ abandoned the
Roman territory. It is now thirty years, says Claudian, (de Bello
Getico, 166, &c., A.D. 404,) Ex quo jam patrios gens hæc oblita
Triones, Atque Istrum transvecta semel, vestigia fixit Threicio
funesta solo—the error is inexcusable; since it disguises the
principal and immediate cause of the fall of the Western empire
of Rome.]

VOLUME THREE