Chapter XXXV: Invasion By Attila.—Part I

Invasion Of Gaul By Attila.—He Is Repulsed By Ætius And The
Visigoths.—Attila Invades And Evacuates Italy.—The Deaths Of
Attila, Ætius, And Valentinian The Third.

It was the opinion of Marcian, that war should be avoided, as
long as it is possible to preserve a secure and honorable peace;
but it was likewise his opinion, that peace cannot be honorable
or secure, if the sovereign betrays a pusillanimous aversion to
war. This temperate courage dictated his reply to the demands of
Attila, who insolently pressed the payment of the annual tribute.
The emperor signified to the Barbarians, that they must no longer
insult the majesty of Rome by the mention of a tribute; that he
was disposed to reward, with becoming liberality, the faithful
friendship of his allies; but that, if they presumed to violate
the public peace, they should feel that he possessed troops, and
arms, and resolution, to repel their attacks. The same language,
even in the camp of the Huns, was used by his ambassador
Apollonius, whose bold refusal to deliver the presents, till he
had been admitted to a personal interview, displayed a sense of
dignity, and a contempt of danger, which Attila was not prepared
to expect from the degenerate Romans. 1 He threatened to chastise
the rash successor of Theodosius; but he hesitated whether he
should first direct his invincible arms against the Eastern or
the Western empire. While mankind awaited his decision with awful
suspense, he sent an equal defiance to the courts of Ravenna and
Constantinople; and his ministers saluted the two emperors with
the same haughty declaration. “Attila, my lord, and thy lord,
commands thee to provide a palace for his immediate reception.” 2
But as the Barbarian despised, or affected to despise, the Romans
of the East, whom he had so often vanquished, he soon declared
his resolution of suspending the easy conquest, till he had
achieved a more glorious and important enterprise. In the
memorable invasions of Gaul and Italy, the Huns were naturally
attracted by the wealth and fertility of those provinces; but the
particular motives and provocations of Attila can only be
explained by the state of the Western empire under the reign of
Valentinian, or, to speak more correctly, under the
administration of Ætius. 3

1 (return) [ See Priscus, p. 39, 72.]

2 (return) [ The Alexandrian or Paschal Chronicle, which
introduces this haughty message, during the lifetime of
Theodosius, may have anticipated the date; but the dull annalist
was incapable of inventing the original and genuine style of
Attila.]

3 (return) [ The second book of the Histoire Critique de
l’Etablissement de la Monarchie Francoise tom. i. p. 189-424,
throws great light on the state of Gaul, when it was invaded by
Attila; but the ingenious author, the Abbe Dubos, too often
bewilders himself in system and conjecture.]

After the death of his rival Boniface, Ætius had prudently
retired to the tents of the Huns; and he was indebted to their
alliance for his safety and his restoration. Instead of the
suppliant language of a guilty exile, he solicited his pardon at
the head of sixty thousand Barbarians; and the empress Placidia
confessed, by a feeble resistance, that the condescension, which
might have been ascribed to clemency, was the effect of weakness
or fear. She delivered herself, her son Valentinian, and the
Western empire, into the hands of an insolent subject; nor could
Placidia protect the son-in-law of Boniface, the virtuous and
faithful Sebastian, 4 from the implacable persecution which urged
him from one kingdom to another, till he miserably perished in
the service of the Vandals. The fortunate Ætius, who was
immediately promoted to the rank of patrician, and thrice
invested with the honors of the consulship, assumed, with the
title of master of the cavalry and infantry, the whole military
power of the state; and he is sometimes styled, by contemporary
writers, the duke, or general, of the Romans of the West. His
prudence, rather than his virtue, engaged him to leave the
grandson of Theodosius in the possession of the purple; and
Valentinian was permitted to enjoy the peace and luxury of Italy,
while the patrician appeared in the glorious light of a hero and
a patriot, who supported near twenty years the ruins of the
Western empire. The Gothic historian ingenuously confesses, that
Ætius was born for the salvation of the Roman republic; 5 and the
following portrait, though it is drawn in the fairest colors,
must be allowed to contain a much larger proportion of truth than
of flattery. 411 “His mother was a wealthy and noble Italian, and
his father Gaudentius, who held a distinguished rank in the
province of Scythia, gradually rose from the station of a
military domestic, to the dignity of master of the cavalry. Their
son, who was enrolled almost in his infancy in the guards, was
given as a hostage, first to Alaric, and afterwards to the Huns;
412 and he successively obtained the civil and military honors of
the palace, for which he was equally qualified by superior merit.
The graceful figure of Ætius was not above the middle stature;
but his manly limbs were admirably formed for strength, beauty,
and agility; and he excelled in the martial exercises of managing
a horse, drawing the bow, and darting the javelin. He could
patiently endure the want of food, or of sleep; and his mind and
body were alike capable of the most laborious efforts. He
possessed the genuine courage that can despise not only dangers,
but injuries: and it was impossible either to corrupt, or
deceive, or intimidate the firm integrity of his soul.” 6 The
Barbarians, who had seated themselves in the Western provinces,
were insensibly taught to respect the faith and valor of the
patrician Ætius. He soothed their passions, consulted their
prejudices, balanced their interests, and checked their ambition.
611 A seasonable treaty, which he concluded with Genseric,
protected Italy from the depredations of the Vandals; the
independent Britons implored and acknowledged his salutary aid;
the Imperial authority was restored and maintained in Gaul and
Spain; and he compelled the Franks and the Suevi, whom he had
vanquished in the field, to become the useful confederates of the
republic.

4 (return) [ Victor Vitensis (de Persecut. Vandal. l. i. 6, p. 8,
edit. Ruinart) calls him, acer consilio et strenuus in bello: but
his courage, when he became unfortunate, was censured as
desperate rashness; and Sebastian deserved, or obtained, the
epithet of proeceps, (Sidon. Apollinar Carmen ix. 181.) His
adventures in Constantinople, in Sicily, Gaul, Spain, and Africa,
are faintly marked in the Chronicles of Marcellinus and Idatius.
In his distress he was always followed by a numerous train; since
he could ravage the Hellespont and Propontis, and seize the city
of Barcelona.]

5 (return) [ Reipublicae Romanae singulariter natus, qui
superbiam Suevorum, Francorumque barbariem immensis caedibus
servire Imperio Romano coegisset. Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, c.
34, p. 660.]

411 (return) [ Some valuable fragments of a poetical panegyric on
Ætius by Merobaudes, a Spaniard, have been recovered from a
palimpsest MS. by the sagacity and industry of Niebuhr. They have
been reprinted in the new edition of the Byzantine Historians.
The poet speaks in glowing terms of the long (annosa) peace
enjoyed under the administration of Ætius. The verses are very
spirited. The poet was rewarded by a statue publicly dedicated to
his honor in Rome.

Danuvii cum pace redit, Tanaimque furore Exuit, et nigro candentes
aethere terras Marte suo caruisse jubet. Dedit otia ferro
Caucasus, et saevi condemnant praelia reges. Addidit hiberni
famulantia foedera Rhenus Orbis...... Lustrat Aremoricos jam
mitior incola saltus; Perdidit et mores tellus, adsuetaque saevo
Crimine quaesitas silvis celare rapinas, Discit inexpertis Cererem
committere campis; Caesareoque diu manus obluctata labori Sustinet
acceptas nostro sub consule leges; Et quamvis Geticis sulcum
confundat aratris, Barbara vicinae refugit consortia gentis.
—Merobaudes, p. 1]

412 (return) [—cum Scythicis succumberet ensibus orbis,

Telaque Tarpeias premerent Arctoa secures, Hostilem fregit rabiem,
pignus quesuperbi Foederis et mundi pretium fuit. Hinc modo voti
Rata fides, validis quod dux premat impiger armis Edomuit quos
pace puer; bellumque repressit Ignarus quid bella forent.
Stupuere feroces In tenero jam membra Getae. Rex ipse, verendum
Miratus pueri decus et prodentia fatum Lumina, primaevas dederat
gestare faretras, Laudabatque manus librantem et tela gerentem
Oblitus quod noster erat Pro nescia regis Corda, feris quanto
populis discrimine constet Quod Latium docet arma ducem.
—Merobaudes, Panegyr. p. 15.—M.]

6 (return) [ This portrait is drawn by Renetus Profuturus
Frigeridus, a contemporary historian, known only by some
extracts, which are preserved by Gregory of Tours, (l. ii. c. 8,
in tom. ii. p. 163.) It was probably the duty, or at least the
interest, of Renatus, to magnify the virtues of Ætius; but he
would have shown more dexterity if he had not insisted on his
patient, forgiving disposition.]

611 (return) [

Insessor Libyes, quamvis, fatalibus armis Ausus Elisaei solium
rescindere regni, Milibus Arctois Tyrias compleverat arces, Nunc
hostem exutus pactis proprioribus arsit
Romanam vincire fidem, Latiosque parentes Adnumerare sib,
sociamque intexere prolem. —-Merobaudes, p. 12.—M.]

From a principle of interest, as well as gratitude, Ætius
assiduously cultivated the alliance of the Huns. While he resided
in their tents as a hostage, or an exile, he had familiarly
conversed with Attila himself, the nephew of his benefactor; and
the two famous antagonists appeared to have been connected by a
personal and military friendship, which they afterwards confirmed
by mutual gifts, frequent embassies, and the education of
Carpilio, the son of Ætius, in the camp of Attila. By the
specious professions of gratitude and voluntary attachment, the
patrician might disguise his apprehensions of the Scythian
conqueror, who pressed the two empires with his innumerable
armies. His demands were obeyed or eluded. When he claimed the
spoils of a vanquished city, some vases of gold, which had been
fraudulently embezzled, the civil and military governors of
Noricum were immediately despatched to satisfy his complaints: 7
and it is evident, from their conversation with Maximin and
Priscus, in the royal village, that the valor and prudence of
Ætius had not saved the Western Romans from the common ignominy
of tribute. Yet his dexterous policy prolonged the advantages of
a salutary peace; and a numerous army of Huns and Alani, whom he
had attached to his person, was employed in the defence of Gaul.
Two colonies of these Barbarians were judiciously fixed in the
territories of Valens and Orleans; 8 and their active cavalry
secured the important passages of the Rhone and of the Loire.
These savage allies were not indeed less formidable to the
subjects than to the enemies of Rome. Their original settlement
was enforced with the licentious violence of conquest; and the
province through which they marched was exposed to all the
calamities of a hostile invasion. 9 Strangers to the emperor or
the republic, the Alani of Gaul were devoted to the ambition of
Ætius, and though he might suspect, that, in a contest with
Attila himself, they would revolt to the standard of their
national king, the patrician labored to restrain, rather than to
excite, their zeal and resentment against the Goths, the
Burgundians, and the Franks.

7 (return) [ The embassy consisted of Count Romulus; of Promotus,
president of Noricum; and of Romanus, the military duke. They
were accompanied by Tatullus, an illustrious citizen of Petovio,
in the same province, and father of Orestes, who had married the
daughter of Count Romulus. See Priscus, p. 57, 65. Cassiodorus
(Variar. i. 4) mentions another embassy, which was executed by
his father and Carpilio, the son of Ætius; and, as Attila was no
more, he could safely boast of their manly, intrepid behavior in
his presence.]

8 (return) [ Deserta Valentinae urbis rura Alanis partienda
traduntur. Prosper. Tyronis Chron. in Historiens de France, tom.
i. p. 639. A few lines afterwards, Prosper observes, that lands
in the ulterior Gaul were assigned to the Alani. Without
admitting the correction of Dubos, (tom. i. p. 300,) the
reasonable supposition of two colonies or garrisons of Alani will
confirm his arguments, and remove his objections.]

9 (return) [ See Prosper. Tyro, p. 639. Sidonius (Panegyr. Avit.
246) complains, in the name of Auvergne, his native country,

Litorius Scythicos equites tunc forte subacto Celsus Aremorico,
Geticum rapiebat in agmen Per terras, Averne, tuas, qui proxima
quaedue Discursu, flammis, ferro, feritate, rapinis, Delebant;
pacis fallentes nomen inane.

another poet, Paulinus of Perigord, confirms the complaint:—

Nam socium vix ferre queas, qui durior hoste. —-See Dubos, tom. i.
p. 330.]

The kingdom established by the Visigoths in the southern
provinces of Gaul, had gradually acquired strength and maturity;
and the conduct of those ambitious Barbarians, either in peace or
war, engaged the perpetual vigilance of Ætius. After the death of
Wallia, the Gothic sceptre devolved to Theodoric, the son of the
great Alaric; 10 and his prosperous reign of more than thirty
years, over a turbulent people, may be allowed to prove, that his
prudence was supported by uncommon vigor, both of mind and body.
Impatient of his narrow limits, Theodoric aspired to the
possession of Arles, the wealthy seat of government and commerce;
but the city was saved by the timely approach of Ætius; and the
Gothic king, who had raised the siege with some loss and
disgrace, was persuaded, for an adequate subsidy, to divert the
martial valor of his subjects in a Spanish war. Yet Theodoric
still watched, and eagerly seized, the favorable moment of
renewing his hostile attempts. The Goths besieged Narbonne, while
the Belgic provinces were invaded by the Burgundians; and the
public safety was threatened on every side by the apparent union
of the enemies of Rome. On every side, the activity of Ætius, and
his Scythian cavalry, opposed a firm and successful resistance.
Twenty thousand Burgundians were slain in battle; and the remains
of the nation humbly accepted a dependent seat in the mountains
of Savoy. 11 The walls of Narbonne had been shaken by the
battering engines, and the inhabitants had endured the last
extremities of famine, when Count Litorius, approaching in
silence, and directing each horseman to carry behind him two
sacks of flour, cut his way through the intrenchments of the
besiegers. The siege was immediately raised; and the more
decisive victory, which is ascribed to the personal conduct of
Ætius himself, was marked with the blood of eight thousand Goths.
But in the absence of the patrician, who was hastily summoned to
Italy by some public or private interest, Count Litorius
succeeded to the command; and his presumption soon discovered
that far different talents are required to lead a wing of
cavalry, or to direct the operations of an important war. At the
head of an army of Huns, he rashly advanced to the gates of
Thoulouse, full of careless contempt for an enemy whom his
misfortunes had rendered prudent, and his situation made
desperate. The predictions of the augurs had inspired Litorius
with the profane confidence that he should enter the Gothic
capital in triumph; and the trust which he reposed in his Pagan
allies, encouraged him to reject the fair conditions of peace,
which were repeatedly proposed by the bishops in the name of
Theodoric. The king of the Goths exhibited in his distress the
edifying contrast of Christian piety and moderation; nor did he
lay aside his sackcloth and ashes till he was prepared to arm for
the combat. His soldiers, animated with martial and religious
enthusiasm, assaulted the camp of Litorius. The conflict was
obstinate; the slaughter was mutual. The Roman general, after a
total defeat, which could be imputed only to his unskilful
rashness, was actually led through the streets of Thoulouse, not
in his own, but in a hostile triumph; and the misery which he
experienced, in a long and ignominious captivity, excited the
compassion of the Barbarians themselves. 12 Such a loss, in a
country whose spirit and finances were long since exhausted,
could not easily be repaired; and the Goths, assuming, in their
turn, the sentiments of ambition and revenge, would have planted
their victorious standards on the banks of the Rhone, if the
presence of Ætius had not restored strength and discipline to the
Romans. 13 The two armies expected the signal of a decisive
action; but the generals, who were conscious of each other’s
force, and doubtful of their own superiority, prudently sheathed
their swords in the field of battle; and their reconciliation was
permanent and sincere. Theodoric, king of the Visigoths, appears
to have deserved the love of his subjects, the confidence of his
allies, and the esteem of mankind. His throne was surrounded by
six valiant sons, who were educated with equal care in the
exercises of the Barbarian camp, and in those of the Gallic
schools: from the study of the Roman jurisprudence, they acquired
the theory, at least, of law and justice; and the harmonious
sense of Virgil contributed to soften the asperity of their
native manners. 14 The two daughters of the Gothic king were
given in marriage to the eldest sons of the kings of the Suevi
and of the Vandals, who reigned in Spain and Africa: but these
illustrious alliances were pregnant with guilt and discord. The
queen of the Suevi bewailed the death of a husband inhumanly
massacred by her brother. The princess of the Vandals was the
victim of a jealous tyrant, whom she called her father. The cruel
Genseric suspected that his son’s wife had conspired to poison
him; the supposed crime was punished by the amputation of her
nose and ears; and the unhappy daughter of Theodoric was
ignominiously returned to the court of Thoulouse in that deformed
and mutilated condition. This horrid act, which must seem
incredible to a civilized age drew tears from every spectator;
but Theodoric was urged, by the feelings of a parent and a king,
to revenge such irreparable injuries. The Imperial ministers, who
always cherished the discord of the Barbarians, would have
supplied the Goths with arms, and ships, and treasures, for the
African war; and the cruelty of Genseric might have been fatal to
himself, if the artful Vandal had not armed, in his cause, the
formidable power of the Huns. His rich gifts and pressing
solicitations inflamed the ambition of Attila; and the designs of
Ætius and Theodoric were prevented by the invasion of Gaul. 15

10 (return) [ Theodoric II., the son of Theodoric I., declares to
Avitus his resolution of repairing, or expiating, the faults
which his grandfather had committed,—

Quae noster peccavit avus, quem fuscat id unum, Quod te, Roma,
capit.

Sidon. Panegyric. Avit. 505.

This character, applicable only to the great Alaric, establishes
the genealogy of the Gothic kings, which has hitherto been
unnoticed.]

11 (return) [ The name of Sapaudia, the origin of Savoy, is first
mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus; and two military posts are
ascertained by the Notitia, within the limits of that province; a
cohort was stationed at Grenoble in Dauphine; and Ebredunum, or
Iverdun, sheltered a fleet of small vessels, which commanded the
Lake of Neufchatel. See Valesius, Notit. Galliarum, p. 503.
D’Anville, Notice de l’Ancienne Gaule, p. 284, 579.]

12 (return) [ Salvian has attempted to explain the moral
government of the Deity; a task which may be readily performed by
supposing that the calamities of the wicked are judgments, and
those of the righteous, trials.]

13 (return) [

—Capto terrarum damna patebant Litorio, in Rhodanum proprios
producere fines, Thendoridae fixum; nec erat pugnare necesse, Sed
migrare Getis; rabidam trux asperat iram Victor; quod sensit
Scythicum sub moenibus hostem Imputat, et nihil estgravius, si
forsitan unquam Vincerecontingat, trepido. —Panegyr. Avit. 300,
&c.

Sitionius then proceeds, according to the duty of a panegyrist,
to transfer the whole merit from Ætius to his minister Avitus.]

14 (return) [ Theodoric II. revered, in the person of Avitus, the
character of his preceptor.

Mihi Romula dudum Per te jura placent; parvumque ediscere jussit
Ad tua verba pater, docili quo prisca Maronis Carmine molliret
Scythicos mihi pagina mores. —-Sidon. Panegyr. Avit. 495 &c.]

15 (return) [ Our authorities for the reign of Theodoric I. are,
Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, c. 34, 36, and the Chronicles of
Idatius, and the two Prospers, inserted in the historians of
France, tom. i. p. 612-640. To these we may add Salvian de
Gubernatione Dei, l. vii. p. 243, 244, 245, and the panegyric of
Avitus, by Sidonius.]

The Franks, whose monarchy was still confined to the neighborhood
of the Lower Rhine, had wisely established the right of
hereditary succession in the noble family of the Merovingians. 16
These princes were elevated on a buckler, the symbol of military
command; 17 and the royal fashion of long hair was the ensign of
their birth and dignity. Their flaxen locks, which they combed
and dressed with singular care, hung down in flowing ringlets on
their back and shoulders; while the rest of the nation were
obliged, either by law or custom, to shave the hinder part of
their head, to comb their hair over the forehead, and to content
themselves with the ornament of two small whiskers. 18 The lofty
stature of the Franks, and their blue eyes, denoted a Germanic
origin; their close apparel accurately expressed the figure of
their limbs; a weighty sword was suspended from a broad belt;
their bodies were protected by a large shield; and these warlike
Barbarians were trained, from their earliest youth, to run, to
leap, to swim; to dart the javelin, or battle-axe, with unerring
aim; to advance, without hesitation, against a superior enemy;
and to maintain, either in life or death, the invincible
reputation of their ancestors. 19 Clodion, the first of their
long-haired kings, whose name and actions are mentioned in
authentic history, held his residence at Dispargum, 20 a village
or fortress, whose place may be assigned between Louvain and
Brussels. From the report of his spies, the king of the Franks
was informed, that the defenceless state of the second Belgic
must yield, on the slightest attack, to the valor of his
subjects. He boldly penetrated through the thickets and morasses
of the Carbonarian forest; 21 occupied Tournay and Cambray, the
only cities which existed in the fifth century, and extended his
conquests as far as the River Somme, over a desolate country,
whose cultivation and populousness are the effects of more recent
industry. 22 While Clodion lay encamped in the plains of Artois,
23 and celebrated, with vain and ostentatious security, the
marriage, perhaps, of his son, the nuptial feast was interrupted
by the unexpected and unwelcome presence of Ætius, who had passed
the Somme at the head of his light cavalry. The tables, which had
been spread under the shelter of a hill, along the banks of a
pleasant stream, were rudely overturned; the Franks were
oppressed before they could recover their arms, or their ranks;
and their unavailing valor was fatal only to themselves. The
loaded wagons, which had followed their march, afforded a rich
booty; and the virgin-bride, with her female attendants,
submitted to the new lovers, who were imposed on them by the
chance of war. This advance, which had been obtained by the skill
and activity of Ætius, might reflect some disgrace on the
military prudence of Clodion; but the king of the Franks soon
regained his strength and reputation, and still maintained the
possession of his Gallic kingdom from the Rhine to the Somme. 24
Under his reign, and most probably from the enterprising spirit
of his subjects, his three capitals, Mentz, Treves, and Cologne,
experienced the effects of hostile cruelty and avarice. The
distress of Cologne was prolonged by the perpetual dominion of
the same Barbarians, who evacuated the ruins of Treves; and
Treves, which in the space of forty years had been four times
besieged and pillaged, was disposed to lose the memory of her
afflictions in the vain amusements of the Circus. 25 The death of
Clodion, after a reign of twenty years, exposed his kingdom to
the discord and ambition of his two sons. Meroveus, the younger,
26 was persuaded to implore the protection of Rome; he was
received at the Imperial court, as the ally of Valentinian, and
the adopted son of the patrician Ætius; and dismissed to his
native country, with splendid gifts, and the strongest assurances
of friendship and support. During his absence, his elder brother
had solicited, with equal ardor, the formidable aid of Attila;
and the king of the Huns embraced an alliance, which facilitated
the passage of the Rhine, and justified, by a specious and
honorable pretence, the invasion of Gaul. 27

16 (return) [ Reges Crinitos se creavisse de prima, et ut ita
dicam nobiliori suorum familia, (Greg. Turon. l. ii. c. 9, p.
166, of the second volume of the Historians of France.) Gregory
himself does not mention the Merovingian name, which may be
traced, however, to the beginning of the seventh century, as the
distinctive appellation of the royal family, and even of the
French monarchy. An ingenious critic has deduced the Merovingians
from the great Maroboduus; and he has clearly proved, that the
prince, who gave his name to the first race, was more ancient
than the father of Childeric. See Mémoires de l’Academie des
Inscriptions, tom. xx. p. 52-90, tom. xxx. p. 557-587.]

17 (return) [ This German custom, which may be traced from
Tacitus to Gregory of Tours, was at length adopted by the
emperors of Constantinople. From a MS. of the tenth century,
Montfaucon has delineated the representation of a similar
ceremony, which the ignorance of the age had applied to King
David. See Monumens de la Monarchie Francoise, tom. i. Discours
Preliminaire.]

18 (return) [ Caesaries prolixa... crinium flagellis per terga
dimissis, &c. See the Preface to the third volume of the
Historians of France, and the Abbe Le Boeuf, (Dissertat. tom.
iii. p. 47-79.) This peculiar fashion of the Merovingians has
been remarked by natives and strangers; by Priscus, (tom. i. p.
608,) by Agathias, (tom. ii. p. 49,) and by Gregory of Tours, (l.
viii. 18, vi. 24, viii. 10, tom. ii. p. 196, 278, 316.)]

19 (return) [ See an original picture of the figure, dress, arms,
and temper of the ancient Franks, in Sidonius Apollinaris,
(Panegyr. Majorian. 238-254;) and such pictures, though coarsely
drawn, have a real and intrinsic value. Father Daniel (History de
la Milice Francoise, tom. i. p. 2-7) has illustrated the
description.]

20 (return) [ Dubos, Hist. Critique, &c., tom. i. p. 271, 272.
Some geographers have placed Dispargum on the German side of the
Rhine. See a note of the Benedictine Editors, to the Historians
of France, tom. ii p. 166.]

21 (return) [ The Carbonarian wood was that part of the great
forest of the Ardennes which lay between the Escaut, or Scheldt,
and the Meuse. Vales. Notit. Gall. p. 126.]

22 (return) [ Gregor. Turon. l. ii. c. 9, in tom. ii. p. 166,
167. Fredegar. Epitom. c. 9, p. 395. Gesta Reg. Francor. c. 5, in
tom. ii. p. 544. Vit St. Remig. ab Hincmar, in tom. iii. p. 373.]

23 (return) [

—Francus qua Cloio patentes Atrebatum terras pervaserat. —Panegyr.
Majorian 213

The precise spot was a town or village, called Vicus Helena; and
both the name and place are discovered by modern geographers at
Lens See Vales. Notit. Gall. p. 246. Longuerue, Description de la
France tom. ii. p. 88.]

24 (return) [ See a vague account of the action in Sidonius.
Panegyr. Majorian 212-230. The French critics, impatient to
establish their monarchy in Gaul, have drawn a strong argument
from the silence of Sidonius, who dares not insinuate, that the
vanquished Franks were compelled to repass the Rhine. Dubos, tom.
i. p. 322.]

25 (return) [ Salvian (de Gubernat. Dei, l. vi.) has expressed,
in vague and declamatory language, the misfortunes of these three
cities, which are distinctly ascertained by the learned Mascou,
Hist. of the Ancient Germans, ix. 21.]

26 (return) [ Priscus, in relating the contest, does not name the
two brothers; the second of whom he had seen at Rome, a beardless
youth, with long, flowing hair, (Historians of France, tom. i. p.
607, 608.) The Benedictine Editors are inclined to believe, that
they were the sons of some unknown king of the Franks, who
reigned on the banks of the Neckar; but the arguments of M. de
Foncemagne (Mem. de l’Academie, tom. viii. p. 464) seem to prove
that the succession of Clodion was disputed by his two sons, and
that the younger was Meroveus, the father of Childeric. * Note:
The relationship of Meroveus to Clodion is extremely doubtful.—By
some he is called an illegitimate son; by others merely of his
race. Tur ii. c. 9, in Sismondi, Hist. des Francais, i. 177. See
Mezeray.]

27 (return) [ Under the Merovingian race, the throne was
hereditary; but all the sons of the deceased monarch were equally
entitled to their share of his treasures and territories. See the
Dissertations of M. de Foncemagne, in the sixth and eighth
volumes of the Mémoires de l’Academie.]