Chapter XLV: Appendix: to VOL. I (13)

This being duly considered, it seems to be very absurd, to require miracles again for confirmation of the same gospel which once hath been confirmed by miracles; and to desire that the truth of what once hath been declared by the apostles, and strengthened by wonderful works, should be sealed anew with outward wonders. But it would indeed have been another case, if a new gospel was preached, and that any pretended to give forth new holy Scriptures; for then it might be said with some reason, that it was necessary that this new gospel should be made credible, and confirmed by visible miracles. But where no other gospel is preached, than what hath been once delivered to the Christians by the first promulgators of the Christian religion, and where this is not done amongst heathens, but amongst Christians, or at least such as hear the name, there it cannot in justice be required to confirm this doctrine once more with miracles, the rather because, as hath been showed already, the doing of miracles may not always pass for an irrefragable proof of one’s being really pious and godly. To this may be added, that the miracles which Christ and his apostles wrought, to give credit to the appearing of the Son of God in the flesh, may be considered as types and figures of those spiritual wonders which should be wrought in the souls of people, when Christ was to be seen the second time, and to appear by his spirit, to the salvation of those who wait for him; for the eyes of the mind being blinded, must be opened and enlightened by him; and many that are dead in sin and trespasses, shall by him be raised, and made alive. This I think may suffice to show, that the position of Dr. Galenus could not stand the test; but whatever was objected, he continued to maintain his opinion.

Not long after this dispute, G. Fox and W. Penn returned to England, where, having sustained a violent tempest at sea, they arrived safely at Harwich: passing from thence to London, W. Penn there received the following letter from the princess Elizabeth, in answer to his:

_Herford, Oct. 29, 1677._

‘DEAR FRIEND,

‘Your tender care of my eternal well-being doth oblige me much,
and I will weigh every article of your counsel to follow it as
much as lies in me, but God’s grace must be assistant, as you
say yourself; he accepts nothing that does not come from him. If
I had made me bare of all worldly goods, and left undone what
he requires most, I mean to do all in and by his Son, I shall
be in no better condition than at this present. Let me feel him
first governing in my heart, then do what he requires of me; but
I am not able to teach others, being not taught of God myself.
Remember my love to G. F. B. F. G. K. and dear Gertrude.[49] If
you write no worse than your postscript, I can make a shift to
read it. Do not think I go from what I spoke to you the last
evening; I only stay to do it in a way that is answerable before
God and man: I can say no more now, but recommend to your prayers,

[49] This was Gertrude Dericks, who had visited the princess,
and afterwards came to live in England, and was married to
Stephen Crisp.

Your true friend,
ELIZABETH.’

‘P. S. I almost forget to tell you, that my sister writes me
word, she had been glad you had taken your journey by Osenburgh,
to return to Amsterdam. There is also a Drossard of Limbourg near
this place, (to whom I gave an examplar of R. B.’s apology,) very
desirous to speak with some of his friends.’

Yet another letter W. Penn received from the said princess, in answer to one he wrote from the Briel, at his passage towards England, which was as followeth:

To the princess Elizabeth, Salvation in the Cross, Amen.

‘_Dear and truly respected friend_,

‘My soul most earnestly desireth thy temporal and eternal
felicity, which standeth in thy doing the will of God now on
earth, as it is done in heaven. O dear princess, do it! Say the
word once in truth and righteousness, “Not my will, but thine
be done, O God!” Thy days are few, and then thou must go to
judgment.[50] Then an account of thy talent God will require from
thee. What improvement hast thou made? Let it prove and show its
own excellency, that it is of God, and that it leadeth all that
love it, to God. O that thou mayest be able to give an account
with joy!

[50] She died about four years after.

‘I could not leave this country, and not testify the sentiments
I hear in my mind, of that humble and tender entertainment thou
gavest us at thy court: the Lord Jesus reward thee: and surely he
hath a blessing in store for thee. Go on, be steadfast, overcome,
and thou shalt inherit. Do not despond; one that is mighty is
near thee; a present help in the needful time of trouble. O let
the desire of thy soul be to his name, and to the remembrance of
him. O wait upon the Lord, and thou shalt renew thy strength! The
youth shall faint, and the young men shall fail, but they that
trust in the Lord shall never be confounded.

‘I wish thee all true and solid felicity, with my whole soul.
The Lord God of heaven and earth have thee in his keeping, that
thou mayest not lose, but keep in that divine sense, which by his
eternal word, he hath begotten in thee. Receive, dear princess,
my sincere and Christian salutation: grace, mercy, and peace, be
multiplied among you all that love the Lord Jesus.

‘Thy business I shall follow with all the diligence and
discretion I can, and by the first give thee an account, after it
shall please the Lord to bring me safe to London. All my brethren
are well, and present thee with their dear love; and the rest
with thee that love Jesus, the light of the world, in thy family.
Thou hast taught me to forget thou art a princess, and therefore
I use this freedom; and to that of God in thee am I manifest; and
I know my integrity. Give, if thou pleasest, the salutation of my
dear love to A. M. de Hornes, with the inclosed. Dear princess,
do not hinder, but help her. That may be required of her, which,
(considering thy circumstances,) may not yet be required of thee.
Let her stand free, and her freedom will make the passage easier
unto thee. Accept what I say, I intreat thee, in that pure and
heavenly love and respect, in which I write so plainly to thee.
Farewell, my dear friend, and the Lord be with thee. I am more
than I can say,

Thy great lover, and
Respectful friend,
W. PENN,’

‘I refer thee to the inclosed for passages. We visited Gichtel
and Hooftman, and they us: they were at one or two of the
meetings at Amsterdam. _Vale_ in _æternum_.’

To this letter the princess returned the following answer.

‘_This 17 November, 1677._

‘DEAR FRIEND,

‘I have received a letter from you that seemeth to have been
written at your passage into England, which I wish may be
prosperous: without date, but not without virtue to spur me on
to do and suffer the will of our God. I can say in sincerity and
truth, Thy will be done, O God, because I wish it heartily; but I
cannot speak in righteousness, until I possess that righteousness
which is acceptable unto him. My house and my heart shall be
always open to those that love him. Gichtel has been well
satisfied with the conferences between you. As for my business,
it will go as the Lord pleaseth, and I remain in him

Your affectionate friend,
ELIZABETH.’

G. Fox now being come to London, received there letters from New England, with an account of the cruel proceedings of the magistrates against his friends there: for persecution being hot in Old England, it made those in New England the worse; insomuch that they did not only whip the Quakers that were there, but also some masters of ships that were no Quakers, only for bringing some of that persuasion thither. But about that time the Indians made an inroad upon the English, and slew three-score of their men; and having taken one of their captains, they flead off the skin of his head, while he was alive, and carried it away in triumph.

Now since the people called Quakers were also much persecuted in Scotland, they drew up an account of their sufferings, and delivered it to the king in the beginning of this year; but whether they got any ease thereby, I cannot tell.

In the latter part of this year, G. Fox travelled through many places of England. In the meanwhile I will again make some mention of the persecution there. At Plymouth about this time, those called Quakers were generally kept out of their meeting-house, and then performing their worship in the open street, as a duty they owed to God, and for the omission of which they judged no man could be dispensed with, they suffered exceedingly, not only in winter, by the sharpness of the weather, but also in summer; for it was more than twelve months that they thus kept their meetings in the open street, being grievously abused by the rabble and the soldiers; for beating and punching seemed not sufficient; fiery squibs and burning coals were thrown among them, and filthy excrements cast down upon them out of a window: besides, fines were extorted for their having been at the meeting, on the account of one Richard Samble, who was fined as preacher, for having been on his knees at prayer, which fine was laid upon four of them that were at the said meeting.

At Frenchay in Gloucestershire, the justice, John Merideth, behaved himself exceedingly furious in disturbing the Quaker’s meetings; for he himself did not only beat them, but more than once drew his knife to mark them, as he called it, had he not been restrained by his servants, who for all that could not prevent his taking some by the hair of the head, and pulling them away, nay, the havoc and spoil which was made, was so extravagant, that from one Thomas Holbrow, an ancient blind man, they took his bed from under him, so that he and his wife lay about a quarter of a year on straw; and when his friends provided him with some clothing against winter, part of that was also taken from him: for such plundering now went on with a full career; and the basest men were authorized to deprive others of their goods, if there was but a justice that favoured such.

At Buyton, in Suffolk, Edmund Bally was by warrant from justice Burwel, despoiled of what he had, both within doors and without, his goods having been distrained five times; and though he was fain to lie on straw, yet he was not left unmolested, for they came in the night, armed with pistols, and broke open his door, threatening to destroy him. It happened there also, that a poor blind widow, on her sick bed, was visited by some persons; and this was made a conventicle, and they were fined, and warrants issued out by the aforesaid justice to make distress on their goods. In many other places things went no better; but I may not detain my reader with every particular.

This year died in prison William Dobson, of Brightwell in Berkshire, having been spoiled of his goods from time to time, during the space of thirteen years, and almost always in prison too, till his hard sufferings ended with his life.

It was also in this year that William III. prince of Orange, came from Holland into England, and there entered into matrimony with the princess Mary, eldest daughter of the duke of York, which in process of time made way for him to the throne of Great Britain. He accomplished his marriage there on the 4th of November, being his birth-day; and not long after returned to Holland with his spouse.

1678.

About the beginning of the year 1678, G. Fox came to London, and the parliament sitting at that time, he and G. Whitehead presented to them an account of the grievous sufferings of their friends, by laws made against the Papists; and they were not without hopes of obtaining some ease, because several of the members of that august assembly seemed to favour them; but the parliament was suddenly prorogued, whereby a stop was put to their endeavours.

G. F. then travelling through many places, came home to Swarthmore in the latter part of the year; and since many of his friends at this time were under great persecution, and in prison, he wrote the following epistle to them:

‘_My dear Friends_,

‘Who are sufferers for the Lord Jesus’ sake, and for the
testimony of the truth, the Lord God Almighty with his power
uphold you, and support you in all your trials and sufferings;
and give you patience, and content in his will, that ye may
stand valiant for Christ and his truth upon the earth, over the
persecuting and destroying spirit, which makes to suffer, in
Christ, (who bruises his head,) in whom ye have both election
and salvation. And for God’s elect sake the Lord hath done much
from the foundation of the world; as may be seen throughout the
Scriptures of Truth; and they that touch them, touch the apple
of God’s eye, they are so tender to him. And therefore it is
good for all God’s suffering children to trust in the Lord, and
to wait upon him; for they shall be as mount Sion, that cannot
be removed from Christ, their rock and salvation, who is the
foundation of all the elect of God, of the prophets and the
apostles, and of God’s people now, and to the end: glory to the
Lord and the Lamb over all. Remember my dear love to all friends;
and do not think the time long, for all time is in the Father’s
hand, his power. And therefore keep the word of patience,
and exercise that gift; and the Lord strengthen you in your
sufferings, in his holy Spirit of faith. Amen.

GEORGE FOX.’

Swarthmore, the 5th of the 12th
month, 1678.

Persecution was now very hot in many places. At Bawnasse, in Westmoreland, it happened that those of the society called Quakers being religiously met together, were much abused by the rude people; and besides other insolencies that were committed, a dog being thrown among them, one John Thompson said to this wicked crew, that they ought to behave themselves civil and moderate; and for saying so he was informed against as a preacher, and on that account fined twenty pounds. Mary Tod, a poor ancient widow in Yorkshire, having had a meeting at her house, was also fined twenty pounds by justice Francis Driffield; and when the informers told him that her goods were not worth so much, he ordered them to take all that they could find: this they did, and did not leave her a bed to lie on; nay, took away all her clothes.

This year the ambassadors of the king of France, and those of the United Netherlands, with those of several other potentates, were met at Nimeguen, to treat about a general peace; and therefore Robert Barclay wrote an epistle to them in Latin, to exhort them to this good work: the epistle, together with his Apology for the true Christian Divinity, in Latin, was delivered to each of the said ambassadors, viz. a book for every one of them, and one for their principals. George Fox also wrote an exhortatory epistle to them, which being translated and printed in Latin, was also sent to them. And before this year came to an end, the peace was concluded.

1679.

In the meanwhile persecution went on in England, and those that were envious did not want a specious pretence to gild their malice; for about this time a plot of the Papists being discovered, there seemed a necessity to watch against seditious assemblies; insomuch, that those who had no mind to persecute, were in a manner constrained to it; of which an instance was seen in the year 1679, at Castle Dumington in Leicestershire: for John Evat having been fined for a meeting at his house, and goods enough to answer not being found, the constable, and three other officers were fined each five pounds, because they had been backward to take away the said Evat’s goods. But the ecclesiastics showed themselves more covetous, to get what they pretended to be their due; and one Michael Reynolds, at Farringdon in Berkshire, was this year despoiled of cattle, barley, and beans, for tithes, to the value of more than ninety-seven pounds, and all this only for one year.

Thus honest men were oppressed, which gave occasion to a certain writer of that time, (who in print gave many instances of this nature,) to say, ‘Truly the Papists may laugh because of their victory, now they have got a law, whereby one Protestant fights against another.’ This was chiefly levelled against conventicles; for thereby many families were impoverished, because often they were robbed of thrice as much as the fine amounted to; and the basest means that could be thought of were used to enrich the persecutors with the spoil of the innocent: for it happened that four of those called Quakers travelling on the way, this was deemed a transgression, by adding a fifth to their number who was not of their society. And thus the informers, (some of whom were often whores, or wives of informers,) made a meeting of it, and this passed; so great was the power of these profligates; and on this account the goods of the said four persons were distrained. More abominable actions of that kind I could mention, if I did not think it might seem tedious. Such despoiling was permitted now to any naughty fellow, and this made them so insolent, that one John Hill, constable at Walsingham in Norfolk, when he was showed the injustice of the warrant he had, said ‘Justice or no, I will take it for all that.’

At Norwich lived one William Wat, who for several years had carried on the trade of informing, but whatever he got by it turned to no account; and often he was seized with such fits of weakness, that he could not stand on his legs; but this year, in October, the hand of God fell so heavy upon him, that it put a period to his life. He had supped at night, and was as well, according to his wife’s relation, as ever; but on a sudden he sunk down to the ground, and his daughter crying aloud, he seemed to look at her, and so died without more ado: but what was looked upon as a very strange thing, his corpse stunk so grievously, that none were willing to carry it, and the overseers of the poor were necessitated to hire four men to hear it to the grave.

Far otherwise was the exit of Isaac Pennington, an eminent minister and author among those called Quakers, and a man of an acute wit, and great endowments, who in the year 1658, on Whitsunday, so called, being in a meeting at the house of John Crook in Bedfordshire, was so reached by the preaching of G. Fox, that he, who before that time, had contradicted the Quakers with his natural wisdom, now embraced their doctrine as truth, and did not stick to make public profession of it, for which he afterwards several times suffered imprisonments during the space many of years; but he continued steadfast to the end without fainting, and died piously in October, at his house near Goodnestone in Kent, from whence his corpse was carried to Buckinghamshire, where he formerly lived, and was honourably interred there.

Some time before, G. Fox had written some queries to the pope and the Papists, which being translated into Dutch, and printed, I was desired by him to translate into Latin, and to send them to Rome to the pope.[51] This I did at his desire, but never received or heard of any answer to them.

[51] These queries in Latin, with what the author W. S. wrote to
the pope on that occasion, are to be seen in the Appendix to the
Dutch history, which being translated into English, the reader
may take as follows.

_To Innocent XII. Pope of Rome, S._

‘GREAT PRELATE,

‘Thou wilt perhaps at first sight admire that the writing
inclosed should be sent to thee; but know it was done at the
command of the author; and not undeservedly; for if thou
rightly weighest and considerest the matter, thou must with
us acknowledge, that it would be very unworthily done to keep
this little treatise from thy view, which hath been already
printed in the Dutch language, and carries the pope’s name in
the frontispiece. Nor wilt thou be able to deny, that thou art
not only not injured hereby, but that we have also performed a
duty that we owed thee, in transmitting these questions which
properly belong to thee. But if thou pleasest to read them and
return an answer, thou wilt both oblige the author, and also
remove the suspicion of error from your religion, in the sight of
all Christendom, provided thou canst give a clear answer to the
objections, not only in word, but in deed also.

I write this at the request of certain
of my friends called Quakers.

W. SEWEL.’

Amsterdam, the 23d day of the month
called April, 1679.

* * * * *

_Some questions presented to the Papists, and the pope of Rome,
as the supreme head of their church, and commended to their
consideration by George Fox._

‘FRIENDS,

‘1. How comes it to pass, that the pope and cardinals grant not
to the Protestants living in Spain, Italy, and at Rome, that
liberty of meeting together for the right performing of divine
worship, which ye yourselves enjoy in England, Holland, and other
places, where the Protestants have the chief power?

‘Would not the pope and his ministers persecute, deliver to the
inquisition and burn them, if they should at any time set up as
many meetings in Spain, Italy, and at Rome, as ye yourselves
enjoy in many places in Protestant countries?

‘Is the royal law of God thus fulfilled, which teacheth, to do
to all men whatsoever we would have done to ourselves? Matt.
vii. 12. Would ye have those things done to you by Protestants,
which ye have done to them? But if not, where then are the
royal law and gospel among you? God forbid, that we should deny
liberty to any one that acknowledgeth God, and believeth in his
Son, the Lord Jesus Christ. It seems therefore very strange to
us, that the pope and papists do deny the same liberty in the
pre-mentioned places, which they themselves enjoy among the
protestants; because it is not only contrary to reason, but
always to law and gospel; for the apostle affirmeth, “That he
that was born after the flesh persecuted him that was born after
the Spirit.” Gal. iv. 29. Have not the papists therefore openly
showed in themselves the fleshly birth, which is contrary to
reason, law, and gospel.

‘2. Where did Christ or his apostles ever command men to bow
themselves to images, and to worship them, and keep holydays?
Where did they command holydays to be appointed in remembrance of
themselves, and the same to be honoured? Why do ye not tell us
where in the gospels, epistles, or in the revelation, any such
thing was commanded those churches, which were in the time of the
apostles and primitive Christians?

‘Where, I say, did Christ or his apostles give command to whip,
hang, or burn men; or, to speak as gently as may be, at least
to imprison any because they dissented from them, and could not
adhere to their religion?

‘3. Where ever did Christ or his apostles in the primitive
churches command that candles should be lighted at noon-day?
Well, show us where it is written, whether it be in the gospels,
or epistles. Is not therefore the Roman church degenerated
from the church of the primitive times? Is she not fallen from
spiritual weapons to carnal; hath she not revolted from that
purity and virginity, wherein she witnessed in time past Christ
to be the head of the churches?

‘4. Did the churches of ancient time make choice of a private
man, and account him for head of the universal church? Where ever
did the primitive church command infants to be sprinkled with
water? Did not Christ say, “Teach all nations, baptizing them,”
&c. Mat. xxviii. 19. Ought they not therefore to be taught before
they were baptized? Are ye not degenerated from that faith which
Christ is the author and finisher of, and which purifieth the
heart, and giveth victory over sin, and evil, which separate from
God, and by which we have access to God, and wherewith he is well
pleased? Are ye not degenerated from the light, truth, grace,
power and spirit, wherein the apostles were?

‘5. Have ye not degenerated from the ancient church, because
ye suffer not the people to read the holy Scripture in their
mother-tongue? For doth not the apostles say, “And when this
epistle is read amongst you, cause that it be also read in the
church of the Laodiceans,” Col. iv. 16, and elsewhere, “I charge
you by the Lord, that this epistle be read unto all the holy
brethren,” 1 Thess. v. 27. Yea, did not Christ also say, “O
fools, and slow of heart, to believe all that the prophets have
spoken.” Luke, xxiv. 25.

‘How can it possibly be, that your common people should believe
those things which Christ, the prophets, and apostles have
spoken, unless it be granted them to read or recite the same in
their own tongue, to the end they might both hear and understand
them by the Spirit which gave them forth? Why then do ye take
away the use of the holy Scriptures from the common people? Are
ye afraid lest the truth should appear manifest, whereby they
might see and believe what is written in the law and prophets,
and by Christ and his apostles? Had not the Jews the law and the
prophets in their mother-tongue, that their children might read
them? Ought not therefore all Christians likewise to have the
New Testament, that makes mention of Christ and his apostles,
in their mother-tongue? But if not, why do ye not show us where
Christ or his apostles have forbidden it?

‘But what do ye say of the sacrament of the altar, as it is
called? Why have ye slain many, and burnt others alive in
England, France, the Low Countries, and other places, because
they could not approve or receive it? Ye assert it as a thing
certain, that the bread and wine, as soon as ye have consecrated
them, are made Christ, yea, whole Christ, consisting of soul,
spirit, flesh, blood, and bones. Besides ye boldly affirm, that
all who receive that sacrament do receive whole Christ, and that
after your consecration, that very thing becomes immortal and
divine.

‘Wherefore come, O pope, cardinals and priests, let us take a
bottle of wine and a loaf of bread, and equally divide the wine
into two basons, and cut the bread into two parts: then let the
pope, cardinals, or priests consecrate one part, which they
please; which being done, let us lay up the consecrated and the
unconsecrated together, in some close place, and secure the same
with seven locks and keys on your part, and with as many on ours,
both papists and protestants keeping watch over it. But if it
plainly appear, that the consecrated bread and wine are immortal
and divine, and lose nothing of their virtue and savour, nor grow
mouldy or sour, as though they had been unconsecrated, then we
will come over to you: but if they lose their property, quality,
and savour, and both parts of the bread do alike grow mouldy,
then it will be reasonable for you to come over to us, and
confess that your sacrament of the altar, so called, is neither
Christ nor his flesh, nor anything immortal or divine; for his
flesh saw no corruption, Acts, ii. 27. 31.--xiii. 35. 37, and his
precious blood, which delivers from sin and corruption, cannot be
corruptible.

‘Let trial then be made hereof; but let judgment be left to just
and equal arbitrators, both papists and protestants, and that in
a place where the protestants may have the same power that ye
have: for it would be unjust to make this trial or experiment,
where ye have the whole administration of the commonwealth, and
an equal liberty is denied the protestants. This thing will make
the truth manifest, and turn to the honour of God: for ye have
shed much blood upon this occasion.

‘Wherefore suffer your Christ, whom ye have made, to be tried,
that it may be seen whether he be the true Christ, or antichrist;
whether he be the true God, or a false one? For it would be
somewhat hard that Baal’s prophets should outdo you, for they
were willing to have their god tried, though they had before
slain many of the people of God, because they would not worship
their god; as ye also have often done.

‘Come ye forth therefore publicly, and make trial; that it may
appear at length to all Christendom, whether yours be the divine
and immortal Christ and God, or no? Or is not rather that mortal
and corruptible Christ, which ye yourselves have made, and for
whose sake ye have slain multitudes of the people of God, because
they could not believe or comply with you?

‘7. Further, where did Christ or his apostles ever speak to the
saints of purgatory, wherein men should be purged from their sins
after death. Show us where it is written in the New Testament.
Is it not therefore a plain denying that Christ’s blood purgeth
from all sin, to tell the people a fable of a certain purgatory
to purge them from sins after death? Is it not likewise a denying
of Christ’s baptism with the holy Spirit, and of spiritual
circumcision, and faith in Christ, which purgeth in this life,
and giveth the victory?

‘Did not Christ answer some that desired fire might come down
from heaven and consume those that would not receive him; “Ye
know not what manner of spirit ye are of?” Did not he rebuke
them, saying “That he came not to destroy men’s lives but to save
them?” Luke, ix. 54, 55, 56.

‘Ye therefore who have destroyed such a vast number of men and
women for their dissenting from you about rites and ceremonies,
and taken away their lives by such kind of instruments, racks
and fires, as were never sent down from heaven, but devised and
invented by yourselves; are ye not worse than they, who desired
fire to be called from heaven to destroy men’s lives? And seeing
Christ told them, that they knew not what manner of spirit they
were of, do ye know what manner of spirit ye are of, who have
devised so many ways and torments for the killing of men, and
have actually made use of them?

‘With what front can ye persuade us to commit our souls, bodies,
and lives, to you, who know not of what spirit ye are children,
neither have the mind of Christ who said, “He came not to destroy
men’s lives, but to save them?”

‘Are ye not all therefore, as many as take away men’s lives for
worship devised by you, obnoxious to the rebuke of Christ? For
when did Christ or any of his apostles ever give command, or by
their example teach, that any one that was disobedient to them,
or rejected their doctrine and religion, should be persecuted and
imprisoned, or punished by any carnal weapons? Tell us where any
thing of this kind is contained, either in the four evangelical
histories, or in the epistles written to the Christian Churches?
‘Did ever Christ or his apostles go to the rope-makers to buy
whips and halters, to whip and hang men for dissenting from them
as ye have done? Did they ever go to the blacksmiths to make
chains, fetters, bolts and locks? Or to the gunsmiths to buy guns
and muskets; or to the sword-cutlers to buy swords and halberts?
Did they ever build prisons, or get holes and vaults dug, to
force men by such means to their religion? Show us an example and
precept given by Christ or his apostles, which commands and makes
the use of such weapons and instruments lawful.

‘But if ye cannot make proof thereof, it is necessary for you
to confess and acknowledge, that ye are fallen and degenerated
from the true Christian weapons, which the apostles and primitive
Christians used, saying, “The weapons of our warfare are not
carnal, but mighty through God,” that is, spiritual, 2 Cor. x. 4.

G. FOX.’

_To Innocent XI. Pope of Rome, S._

‘Behold, great prelate, a few questions written for the sake
of thee, and thy adherents, a copy whereof we sent thee by the
post, about three months ago; but being uncertain whether it
was delivered into thy hands or no, we thought good to write
the questions over again, and send them to thee, that it might
not belong to us, that thou dost not read them. For we think
it convenient, that thou shouldst earnestly concern thyself to
inspect what was printed in Dutch, and inscribed to the pope
and his adherents, which if thou shalt please to do, and also
vouchsafe thy pains in answering them both by fact and writing,
it will satisfy the author’s desire, and remove a doubt or
scruple out of many persons’ minds. Farewell.

This I have written in the name of some
of my friends called Quakers.

WILLIAM SEWEL.’

Amsterdam, the 24th of the month
called July, 1679.

This year there was a great commotion in England about a plot carried on by the Papists against the life of the king, who made his brother, the duke of York, go beyond sea for some time; for the parliament suspecting him, a motion was made in the house of commons to exclude him from the succession to the crown; but this project was quashed.

1680.

In the beginning of the year 1680, it happened that George Whitehead and Thomas Burr coming to Norwich, and preaching there in the meeting of their friends, were taken prisoners, as it was said, under a frivolous pretence, as if G. Whitehead might have been a Jesuit: and being brought before justice Francis Bacon, who then was recorder of the city, he after some odd examination, demanded of them, as preachers, the fine of twenty pounds a man; which they refusing, he asked them, whether they would take the oath of allegiance; and they answering, that they could take no oath for conscience-sake, he said, if they would neither pay the fines, nor take the oath, he would commit them to jail. They having showed that they were no vagrants, but men of competent estates, that had settled habitations, as was well known, Bacon said, _De non apparentibus, & non existentibus eadem est ratio_: i. e. Of things not appearing, and things not in being, there is the same reason: just as if he had said, your estates that are at London, where G. Whitehead lived, and Ware, where T. Burr dwelt, appear not at Norwich, and therefore they are not in being. Now though they showed the absurdity of this strange kind of logic, yet Bacon would not hearken to it, but called them seducers, and seditious, and told them, there was a statute yet in force, that was made in queen Elizabeth’s days, to hang such persons as they were. And they asking him, if he could prosecute them upon that law, or execute it upon them, he answered, ‘Yes, if the king should give order to have it put in execution, I would do it, and have you hanged, if you would not quit the realm.’ From this it may appear what a violent man this recorder was, and that the prisoners could not expect any good treatment from him. So night being come, he sent them to the jail.

About a month after, at the quarter-sessions, they were called into the court of judicature to be tried; and being brought to the bar, George Whitehead said, ‘We have been five weeks in prison; it is meet the court should know for what; pray let our mittimus be produced.’ But the recorder who sat as judge in the court, said, ‘There is no need of your mittimus to be read here: I will give an account of the cause.’ And then he told the court, ‘how they had gathered together a company of about two hundred, and that officers went from him to dissipate them, but could not; that thereupon he sent the sheriff, who took them away; and that they being brought before him, he proffered them, if they would pay their fines, he would not commit them; and that they refusing, he tendered the oath of allegiance to them; which they not being willing to take, he sent them to jail.’

And though G. Whitehead with good reason said, that they being Englishmen had a right to travel in any part of the nation: and T. Burr added, that he being a person that was concerned in trading in corn, by the law of England he might travel from place to place about his concerns; yet this so displeased the recorder, that he said, ‘Had not you better have been turning your malt at home, than to come here to preach? The Scripture says, God added to the church such as should be saved; but ye draw from the church: and,’ said he further, ‘the church of England will never be at quiet till some of you be hanged.’ G. Whitehead then showing how unreasonably the recorder behaved himself, and that a judge ought not thus to inveigh against the prisoners, and threaten them, alleged to that end a notable instance, how, in the case of Humphrey Stafford, an arch traitor, the chief justice Hussey had been unwilling, (in compliance with the king’s desire,) to declare his opinion concerning him before he was judicially proceeded against. The recorder then asked, what king’s reign was that in? ‘In king Henry VII.’s’ replied George Whitehead. ‘I perceive you are read,’ returned the recorder. And so he was indeed; and he defended his cause so well in the court, that the magistrates seemed at a loss; for he showed so evidently that he was unjustly committed to prison, that the mayor, (to whom, and to the justices he had appealed,) said, ‘You have appealed to me; truly we are tradesmen, and no lawyers: we leave matters of law to the recorder; he knows the law, and we must acquiesce in his judgment.’ If I should repeat here all that was spoken pro and contra, so as I find it extant, I should be fain to be almost as large as I have been in the relation of the trials of John Crook and William Penn: and therefore I will only say briefly, that, after much reasoning, the recorder tendered the oath of allegiance again to them, that so by their refusal he might get occasion to premunire them. But this recorder, before the whole process came to an end, being turned out by the magistrates, it did not come to that pitch; though it was a good while yet before the aforesaid George Whitehead and Thomas Burr were released, after they had shown the illegality of their imprisonment; first, by more than one warrant from the recorder, and afterward, to colour the error the better, by an order from the quarter-sessions.

This year those called Quakers, at London, published a brief relation of the sufferings of their friends, since the king’s restoration, and presented it to the king and parliament, showing therein, how many had been fined by the bishops’ courts, robbed of all they had, put into prisons, and there died; the number of which was computed to be two hundred and forty-three persons, many whereof had been so grievously beaten and wounded because of their frequenting religious assemblies, that they died of their hurts and wounds. There came forth also a printed account of the unjust proceedings of the informers, and how at their instance, without a juridicial process, the accused were bereaved of their goods, the unlawfulness of which was plainly shown from the books of eminent lawyers.

G. Fox now travelled through many places, and came to London about the time of the annual meeting; and travelling afterwards again into the country, he returned into the said city, and staid there the most part of the winter.

The parliament was then very busy with enquiring into the plot carried on by the Papists; and the house of commons especially were very active in the case, so that a bill to exclude the duke of York from the succession to the crown, passed after a third reading: but this was opposed in the house of lords; for by a majority, among which were the bishops, who would not consent to the exclusion, the bill was rejected. Now since some ill-natured Episcopalians were very forward to place the Quakers amongst the plotters, G. Fox gave forth the following declaration.

‘It is our principle and testimony, to deny and renounce all
plots and plotters against the king, or any of his subjects;
for we have the Spirit of Christ, by which we have the mind of
Christ, who came to save men’s lives, and not to destroy them:
and we would have the king and all his subjects to be safe.
Wherefore we do declare, that we will endeavour, to our power,
to save and defend him and them, by discovering all plots and
plotters, which shall come to our knowledge, that would destroy
the king or his subjects: this we do sincerely offer unto
you. But as to swearing and fighting, which in tenderness of
conscience we cannot do, ye know, that we have suffered these
many years for our conscientious refusal thereof. And now that
the Lord hath brought you together, we desire you to relieve us,
and free us from those sufferings: and that ye will not put upon
us to do those things, which we have suffered so much and so long
already for not doing? for if you do, ye will make our sufferings
and bonds stronger, instead of relieving us.

GEORGE FOX.’

1681.

Not long after he also wrote a paper to all rulers and magistrates in England, Scotland, and Ireland, to dissuade them from persecution for religion. His labour seemed not altogether ineffectual with the parliament, for about the beginning of the year 1681, the house of commons resolved,

That it is the opinion of the house, that persecution of
Protestant dissenters upon the penal laws, is at this time
grievous to the subjects; a weakening of the Protestant interest,
an encouragement to popery, and dangerous to the peace of this
kingdom.

But though the house of commons came to this resolution, yet it did not stop persecution; for as long as the laws, (by virtue whereof they persecuted,) were not repealed, which could not be done without the concurrence of the house of lords and the king, those that were malicious continued in their old way, which lasted yet three or four years.

George Fox now also came into some trouble; since he and his wife were sued for tithes, though she had lived three and forty years at Swarthmore, and in all that time no tithe had been paid nor demanded. Of this George Fox had certificates; but since they would not accept them without an oath, it made his case the more difficult. He proposed the matter to four judges at London, and found one more moderate than the others; which put a stop to what her enemies designed. And the judges wondered when they heard he had made a promise in writing, not to meddle with his wife’s estate.

This year the king dissolved the parliament, and called a new one, to sit at Oxford, and so it did; but for all that he could not make it comply with his demands, and so he dissolved this also. Some time after he desired the prince of Orange to come over, who thereupon came from Holland into England, and after a short stay, returned to the Hague.

It was also in this year that the king gave a country or great tract of land in America to William Penn, with a patent under the great seal, to him and his in perpetuum, since the king owed him still a considerable sum for the services of his father the admiral sir William Penn. This tract of land on the river Delaware, from the fortieth degree to the three and fortieth, with all the isles belonging to it, the king gave to W. Penn, with full power to erect a new colony there, to sell lands, to create magistrates, to make laws, not contrary to the laws of England, and power to pardon crimes: and in the patent, the king declared that this tract of land henceforth should hear the name of Pennsylvania. This favour of the king, William Penn chiefly owed, I think, to James, then duke of York, who being chief admiral of England, sir William Penn, the father, on his dying bed, desired him to protect his son against his enemies, who, because of his religion, were like to fall hard upon him. This the duke promised, and performed; and it was not without reason that William Penn afterwards, when the said duke had ascended the throne, showed himself ready to be serviceable to him in all that he thought might be beneficial to the kingdom. William Penn now went with much company to America. And having seen the land given him, he founded there the chief city Philadelphia, and some other towns. And that he might the more peaceably enjoy the country, he purchased from the Indians so much land that he became proprietor of a country twice as big as all the United Provinces, as he himself once told me: and this colony increased so suddenly, that after a few years, at Philadelphia, there were built six hundred brick houses.

William Penn’s father was deceased long before, and on his dying bed he declared that he had a gracious God, and he gave marks of a true Christian disposition of mind: he also gave his son several wholesome admonitions how to behave himself in this world. He complained much of the wickedness of the times, and was heard at sundry times to say, ‘Wo to thee, O England! God will judge thee, O England! Great plagues are at thy door, O England!’ He also said, ‘God hath forsaken us. We are infatuated; we will shut our eyes. We will not see our true interest and happiness: we shall be destroyed.’ When he was near death, and took his leave of his relations, he said to William Penn, ‘Son William, if you and your friends keep to your plain way of preaching, and keep to your plain way of living, you will make an end of the priests to the end of the world. Bury me by my mother, live all in love, shun all manner of evil; and I pray God to bless you all; and he will bless you.’ Thus died the valiant admiral Penn, father of William Penn, proprietor of Pennsylvania: and now I return to other matters.

1682.

I left George Fox at London, and since he continued there and thereabout a good while, I will take a turn to Bristol, where in the year 1682, a dismal scene of persecution was opened: for the meetings of those called Quakers were disturbed, not only by grievously abusing and imprisoning them; but they were also vexed by breaking into their houses, and committing all manner of violence, as among the rest in the house of Richard Marsh, an eminent merchant in that city: for, to get of him the fine that was pretended, first a cask of wine, worth twenty pounds, was taken, and sold for four pounds; as often it happened, that the goods thus taken, were sold for less than the half, because honest people being unwilling to buy such goods, they were sold to any one that would but bid some money, how little soever: for what was wanting of the fine was taken anew from the fined person, and so they did here also; for they broke open his counting-house, sought for money, and took away his ledger, journal, cash-book, and other books and accounts, besides many household goods; and several chambers were rifled, though the wife, of the said Marsh lay in child-bed at that time. The chief actors of these insolencies were the sheriff John Knight, and John Helliar an attorney, who, with his companions Lugg, Tilley, Casse, Patrick, Hoar, and Watkins, served for informers. Knight and Helliar came frequently with a multitude of boys and rude rabble to disturb the meetings of the Quakers; and then they carried them to the prisons, which grew so full, that about fifty persons were crowded into one room, which was so nasty, that one of the aldermen, viz. sir Robert Cann, said, if he had a dog which he loved he would not put him there. And though sir Thomas Earl, mayor of the city, and some justices and aldermen, at the request of others, showed themselves inclined to allow the prisoners a better place, yet the power of the aforesaid sheriff John Knight, was such, that he hindered it.

The meetings of other Protestant dissenters were now also disturbed, but they fainted and gave way; whereas the Quakers stood firm, how much soever vexed; which often was done in a very outrageous manner: for their meetings were not only disturbed often with the noise of drums and fiddles, but liberty was given to the vilest fellows to commit all kind of insolency without showing any regard to those of the female sex, whose hoods and scarfs were torn; and Helliar, to give the boys a sign to attack the women, was used to say to these, ‘have a care of your hoods and scarfs;’ for then the boys fell upon them, and both aged women and ancient men were carried to prison, and forced to go faster than they well could, by pushing them, and pinching their arms black and blue; and when once a girl spoke a word against this cruelty, she was pulled by the hair, and hauled to prison; nay, little boys were beaten on the head till they grew giddy, and then they were carried to Bridewell, where Helliar charged the keeper to get a new cat of nine tails, endeavouring to terrify the children, by making them believe they should be whipped, unless they would promise to come no more to meetings: but this succeeded not; for his extravagant malice did not subdue the constancy of these children.

With such diabolical rage they persecuted this people at Bristol, and not a stone was left unturned to afflict them. Once they were nailed up in their meeting-house, and thus kept about six hours; which could not but be very hard to nature, since there were also women of no mean families, and among these the widow of the upper sheriff Lane. So many also were taken prisoners, that at length there was no more room in the jails. By these proceedings many families were ruined: for their goods were taken from them, not only on the account of meeting, but when any were believed to be of good estates, the oath of allegiance was tendered to them. At court it seems they were the more offended against the Quakers, because in the election of members of parliament some had voted for such as they believed to be moderate, and no favourers of popery; and therefore it was said underhand, that if Mr. Penn or Mr. Whitehead would undertake for the Quakers not to vote at elections of parliament-men, there should be no further persecution of them.