Chapter LIX: Appendix (2)

‘The inquisitor said, ‘William, that you may not think we deal
with you as tyrants, we will lay it before you, that you may tell
what you know in time, for if you be racked, you will be but a
miserable man, and must have your head cut off besides.’ But I
told him, ‘I knew no evil, nor had any such thing in my heart
against them.’ Then he read a few lines to this purpose. ‘We,
Leopoldus, &c. Emperor, &c. having understood of two impeached
persons, John Philly and William Moore, found by our frontier
garrisons, our desire is they should be racked, to know their
intent.’ And then the hangman, according to order, put on an
iron screw hard upon my thumbs, and bid me, ‘Tell out.’ Then
he slacked them and screwed them harder again; but that not
availing, he was commanded to proceed farther, and so he tied a
small cord about my wrist behind my back, and drew me up some
degrees on the ladder, and tied my hands to one of them, and
another cord about my ancles, with a battel of wood between my
feet, lifted up my body quite from the ladder, and at the first
pull my left arm gave a pretty loud crack out of joint, being
shorter tied above that wrist; then he was bid put it in joint
again. So he slacked, and they asked me, having three things
especially to ask. 1st. Why did I ask the student, if one should
come to them, and say, He intended to buy somewhat of them, if
they would then kill him? 2d. Why we had desired to be set over
the water at the town, and who was the author? 3d. Why I had
written up some of the names of the garrisons, and other places,
notwithstanding I had them in the maps?

‘And though he mentioned but three questions at the first, yet
he would have forced me to have told, whether J. Philly was an
engineer, a gunner, or a minister? Now this suspicion of his
being a minister, had an Irishman, it seems, put into their
heads, who had almost an irreconcileable hatred or malice in
him against Englishmen, as I afterward out of his mouth plainly
understood, especially against ministers, as authors of their
ruin and exile: and this man was interpreter between me and them.
But I answered, and kept to this, that he was an husbandman and a
maltman, and I knew him not till he came to Amsterdam. He asked
me, ‘If I had a mind to go to the Turks, and to be one?’ I said,
‘I had rather die than be one.’ In the mean time I was so racked,
that my chin was so close to my breast, and closed my mouth,
that I was almost choaked, and could not well speak any longer,
and I should not wish any to experience how painful it was, and
yet they would be questioning me. Then I asked them ‘Where is
now the Christian love, and do ye now as ye would be done unto?’
And I cried the louder, that the people without might hear and
bear witness what they were a doing to me, for the door was shut
and guarded, and sometimes when I was slacked, it was almost
as painful as the pulling: but something they would have out of
me, and I told them, how that they might by such means force
one (as I believed many had done) to say more than they knew,
to be out of their pain; for I had rather they had proceeded
to have beheaded me according to their threatenings, than to
have tormented me; but yet that they would not do then, for he
(the inquisitor) would have me say yea to it, which it’s likely
would have been enough to them, though they had known us to have
confessed a lie: howbeit finally I confessed, it was for love to
our religion that we were come to those places. Then they left
off, as thinking there was crime enough: yet he spake as if I
should be racked again on the third day.

‘Then they fetched John, who not seeing me, but having heard me
crying out before, he thought I had been hanged on the private
gallows, and put out of the way. But he was given up, being
confident in the Lord, who had sealed to him (he said) that he
should have his life for a prey before he came forth: so they
laid four things to him chiefly to answer, and his thumbs were
screwed, and he was drawn on the ladder twice, and he cried out,
‘Innocent.’ And they asking the interpreter, What that was? He
said, ‘they were smitten in their consciences, and they left
off:’ I judge the sooner, because if there had been any evil,
they would have got it out of me, with whom they had more delight
to meddle, because they could understand me, and I them: and
then it was afternoon, and they hungry, it’s like, for they had
begun early with me, and when all was done, and they could find
no contradiction, they invented a lie, and the marshal came unto
me, and told me, John had said, I had no money by me, but what
I had was his; and bade me tell how it was? But I knew it was
otherwise: but they sought occasion against us, that they might
yet have tormented us more, but I kept to truth, which he also
had spoken, and their expectation failed them.

‘Afterward a priest with the marshal came, and felt my ears to
see whether I had been a rogue, or some one of account, which
they would have concluded, if they had been either cut or bored.

‘When they had done all this, they told me, There would be twenty
or thirty men of note appointed out of the quarters round about,
to hold a court of justice upon us, and to determine what deaths
we should die, and to make new laws for our sake; but in the mean
time the inquisitor came, and would have me first write some of
the heads of my religion, so I did write many particulars, which
I cannot now set down word by word, at some of which he raged
very much.

‘About that time John Philly, feeling much of the wickedness of
the inquisitor and priests, and being sensible how they plotted
to take away our lives, did once cry out to the governor when
he was in his coach, and he sent to know what he would have,
which was to acquaint him with the particulars laid, before him
in his racking, and what his answers were, and how there was no
contradiction found in our answers, for he was jealous, that the
inquisitor and priests would prevent our words to the governor,
and afterwards he got pen and ink, and wrote to the governor, but
the inquisitor got it, and sought to keep it from the governor,
for it is like, he was convicted in his conscience of his dealing
so evil with us. But John perceiving he would smother it, called
to the governor again, who commanded him to give me it to
translate for him, which was done; so not long after came the
inquisitor to me, having been sick three days upon the bed, and
told me, he was sent by the governor, that we might go forth and
fill a little earth in the wheelbarrow, whereby we might earn
near two pence a day to buy us bread; ‘for,’ said he, ‘that which
remains in my hands of the money is little for my pains, and the
marshal and hangman will have some for their pains.’

‘This was about five weeks after our coming to Comora, and we
were willing to accept of the governor’s proffer, that we might
thereby have the benefit of the fresh air, and that our bonds
might be manifest to such as might somewhat take it to heart;
for there were both Lutherans and Calvinists that did partly
commiserate our conditions, but durst not venture to come and
see us in the castle, and sometimes was some small thing given
us by some, and the papists marvelled, and others were glad we
had obtained the favour as to be suffered to work; yet sometimes
the marshal would not suffer us to go out, and sometimes he kept
back of our wages, and on saints days, so called, and rainy days,
we had no wages. Howbeit the Lord provided for us, for there
were some women that remembered us on these days, and pretty
much we could have gotten, had we spoken to rich people, and
to officers, but we were not free to beg of any, whereupon the
marshal was angry. And as for that gold which John had hid in the
prison-wall, some had found it, and taken it away. And when we
had been about seven weeks asunder, John obtained that favour as
to be with me, but one night he was in danger of being murdered
by a student, who privily got to him when he was asleep, and took
him by the neck, and might have choaked him, had not the Lord
preserved him.

‘After that John wrote again to the governor, and commended
his wisdom in forbearing to proceed so severely against us as
some would have had him, but that paper the inquisitor did also
intercept, and he sent for me, and threatened that he would help
us to the gallows himself, howbeit I have spared and helped you
before, said he; and about that time I did eat but little, that
I might be the better prepared to die the sooner, if they should
have been suffered to have hung me upon an hook by the ribs, as
it was their manner with some, who lived in a most miserable pain
for three or four days.

‘After that I wrote something to the governor, but the inquisitor
did also intercept that, and I spoke with the governor’s
secretary and his chamberlain, who were two pretty discreet
young men, and one of them told me, how the inquisitor was made
to give his lord our papers which he had intercepted; and it
appeared, that he was come into disfavour with the governor, and
the chief-priest, our great adversary, was in danger of being
punished, but for what cause we did not yet certainly know;
however that evening the chain was taken off from each of us, and
but a little left upon one leg.

‘After that came down the general-president with the
deputy-chancellor and others, to view the garrison, and they came
riding by us where we were at work, and one looking out of the
coach, and seeing us not take off our hats, cried ‘These are the
Quakers;’ and the same day was a new gallows made, and we were
called in, and by the way the marshal said, ‘We were to go before
a general, and if we did not take off our hats, we should see
what would become of us, for the gallows was ready.’

‘And coming before them, there sat a priest at the table, and
said, ‘We had forfeited our lives by desiring to go over the
river,’ &c. But I told him, ‘They thirsted after blood, and the
potentates of the earth hearkened unto them.’ And as for us,
we had no man but God to plead for us; and many sophistical
arguments he produced, as thereby to ensnare me, but some of
the rest desiring to speak with me, I regarded what he said the
less, and with much boldness I spake unto them. And as for the
president, who seemed to be the wisest among them, he called John
to him, and spoke French with him, and afterwards called me, and
spake with me. The deputy-chancellor asked me, ‘Whether I would
rather turn papist, or be hanged?’ I said, ‘I did not desire to
have them put it to my choice.’ The president asked, Whether I
would not that all people were as I was? I answered, and said,
Whatsoever is good in me, I wish them like me in that. He asked,
Whether I would not they were all of my religion? I said, I
wished all might be faithful to that which they knew already to
be good. Then he caused them to bring us our hats again, which
some had thrown off, and when they had dined, they desired us to
write for certificates, and so went their way.

‘And upon a certain time colonel Fusch came riding by where we
were at work, and some Italian lords with him, who were intended
for Rome, and he proffered to send me with them if I pleased, or
if I would be a Papist, or Calvinist, (i. e. Presbyterian) he
would procure my liberty, &c. And many more temptations we had
daily, which would be too long here to relate. And often there
came officers and asked us, What saith the Spirit now? Hath the
Spirit sent you to work? And had he not done better to have
counselled you to stay at home? And doth he not yet tell you that
you must be Catholics? And when I had done speaking to them, and
they not knowing how to defend themselves, they would say, ‘Such
heretics ought to be burned;’ and more bad words to the same
purpose.

‘And when sixteen weeks were expired of our imprisonment, the
Hungarian deputy-governor, a bitter old man, came where we were
at work, and said, ‘He must send us to Cæsar;’ for John had
before in his paper appealed unto him.

‘Then we went into the garrison, until four soldiers and an
interpreter, and letters, were ready, that went along with us,
and there were iron-bolts put upon our feet, and we put into a
waggon. And the interpreter told us, how he had heard the letter
which was come concerning us, but nevertheless, he said, we
should not come into England. So that whole night we rode, and
arrived the third day at the house of one called his excellency,
lord Francis of Nadasti, &c. Judex Curiæ Hungariæ, the Emperor’s
majesty’s active privy counsellor and lord chamberlain, &c. to
whom the governor of Comora had given us over, it was supposed,
partly to make friendship with him, for they had been formerly
at variance; and when he came from his worship he caused us to
be called, and asked me, If we were Quakers? I said, ‘Yea:’ He
said, ‘Very well.’ And in the afternoon his wife looked out of a
window, and asked me several questions, and I had much freedom to
answer her, which she interpreted to some Hungarians that were
with her: and the next morning we were taken to the vice-king’s
parlour, where the lords of that kingdom and of the other
dominions were set about the table, and John was ordered to go to
one end by the secretary, who seemed to be an understanding man,
and he was partly reached by John’s answers, and he was forward
to repeat them aloud to the archbishop and the rest; and Nadasti
asked me several questions, but hastily, about our religion, of
which we gave friends an account formerly.

‘And though they had little or nothing to say against our
answers, yet they passed sentence upon us, that we should
be burned, if we would not be instructed, and embrace their
religion; for they had a law, they said, which tolerated but
three religions, viz. theirs, the Lutherans, and the Calvinists,
and whosoever brought a new religion there, was according to
their law, to be burned; and upon that we were sent away. And
John told me, The power of the Lord would divide them in their
council, as an Irish priest did afterwards tell him, who was sent
to require an account of our religion in writing, and when it
was done, the Irishman got an English copy of it, and said, ‘He
would tell them the contents of it, and help us what he could;’
but we thought it would be the best that I translated it, which
accordingly I did, and I gave it Nadasti in his hand.

‘Afterwards they sent the priest to convert us, and there he
read out of his catechism, and asked John concerning the creed,
pater-nosters, seven sacraments, mass, faith, hope, love,
patience, and more such like things, to which John answered him.
After that came down some priests, and asked us, If we were come
forth to sow our seed? O, said the Irish priest, ‘they cannot
speak Latin;’ yet he and others know that I could. And seeing
they could not prevail with us there, we were sent to another
place, five Dutch miles from [115]Wien, (the Emperor’s seat)
with two soldiers, by Nadasti’s command, and when we were come
thither, the priests gave order to put us in the hole with the
Turks, because they suspected us to be preachers, and by their
instigation, and with the consent of the court-master, (who told
me, that there should be wood and straw fetched to burn us) did
the soldiers take off our coats, and searched our pockets, and
took our books and papers, and the next day, because we would
not speak Latin, nor take off our hats to their images in their
churches (so called) they set others upon us to ensnare us in
words, and strove to do it themselves, that they might have
occasion to take away our lives, which they often threatened to
do, and when they could not prevail with all their cunning baits,
nor make us bow to their worship, they manifested their cruelty
farther, in causing iron-shackles to be put upon our hands; and
though they were so little that I was forced even to cry out, by
reason of the extremity of pain, yet with force they thrust on
the lock, and beheld it with joy.

[115] Vienna.

‘And in the hole we had scarce room to put forth our feet without
touching the Turks, whose feet were in the stocks, and hands
in irons, and necks and feet in iron-bands tied to the walls
with strong chains. Afterwards the priests being drunk at their
feasts, sent for us to examine us farther, and they said ‘They
could not believe but John was a preacher, for an husbandman
could not answer so readily.’ And one of the chief of them told
us, that they had several instruments of cruelty, which they
could also let us taste of; that they could burn men under their
arms, and put hot iron or copper-plates upon their breasts: and
he also told us, that we should be sent down into Hungaria to
be burned. I spoke to one of the priests, and desired we might
be dealt withal as men or Christians, and might have a little
straw or hay to lie upon, for we were worse used than the Turks.
‘Yea,’ said he, ‘we prefer them before you.’ And about that time
they proffered us a drink in an urging manner, which it was
supposed was made to poison us; and John refusing to take it,
one of the priests said, ‘Suspectum est nos.’ One of the priests
asked me, If I had a wife? I said, ‘I never knew woman-kind.’
He said, ‘The heretics had not that grace of chastity, neither
had I any grace from God.’ The Turks, he said, had some grace,
they were good soldiers, and somewhat else he said of them.
Another priest asked me, ‘How I had lain in the hole, and how the
iron-shackles pleased me?’ And threatened we should be put into
the miry-dungeon in the tower, and called me filthy names in the
Hungarian tongue, before the people.

‘Howbeit, blessed be the Lord, we had slept well in the shackles,
upon the besoms in a corner; yea, better than could be expected,
though at the first my wrist-band pained me much. And when the
priests and others were seeking much to discourage us, I was upon
a time setting musing upon a bench, and thinking Lord help us,
what will be the end of this, and whether they shall have power
to murder us here, where few may know of it, for in this place
are no other sects to be witnesses, as at Comora and Presburgh,
and then my mind was turned inwards, and I was as if I had slept;
and on a sudden it was as if I had seen a man all clothed in
white, sitting on a milk-white horse, riding in post-haste to
me-wards, as if he were hastening to rescue me; then I looked up
and was pretty much comforted, thinking it was from the Lord to
encourage me, lest I should be too much cast down. And the very
same day there came tidings from the earl, that he was displeased
at what they had done, as he told his barber, to whom he showed
the papers which John had writ; and the barber hearing of us,
together with his perusing the aforesaid papers, the witness of
God was reached in him, which had stirred much in him in the time
of his youth, by which he was stirred up to declare against the
darkness and deadness of the brethren’s forms aforesaid, among
whom he had been educated; neither could he be well satisfied in
himself until he came to see me, and after some discourse with
us, was yet more convinced, and he told us, how that the earl
did judge that the priests had been drunk, which was true, both
with rage and wine. Then did the streams begin to turn, and some
desired our favour, both the officer and priest began to flatter
us, with others who had been high against us; and then they had
no more power to put us into the hole to exercise their cruelty
upon us, as they had done before, which was no small cross to
their wills.

‘After that there came a spiritual lord (so called) an
Englishman, from Wien, and he asked John, If we were come to
plant our religion? saying, ‘Sects had occasioned much mischief
in England, but now they would be rooted out.’ But John said,
‘The love of God can reconcile them again.’ ‘A pox o’ God, take
that love,’ said he, with other such unsavory words, whereby
he showed himself to be carnal indeed, although he was called
spiritual. Another came to us, who was called Frater Valentine,
and speaking with us concerning the bible, he said, ‘It had
brought many thousands into hell,’ and reading a paper of
John’s, which he had writ to the earl and council, wherein John
showed, how he was an Englishman, and forasmuch as there was
no discord betwixt England and the Empire, he knew not why an
Englishman coming into any of the emperor’s dominions, to visit
a sort of people, and to spend his money, should be so used,
&c. But said the aforesaid Frater, ‘They ought to be beheaded,
for if they had done so to Luther at first, said he, there had
not been so many Lutherans or heretics at this day.’ Farther he
said, ‘We were forerunners of Antichrist;’ and this rumour went
through the kingdom and elsewhere, that Antichrist was taken,
and was at Nadasti’s court. However, soon after it was thought
we might have been set at liberty, but that the priest did so
much incense the earl against us, and we having writ according
to order for certificates, which in due time came to hand, from
friends in Holland, and they were of good service, with the
king’s proclamation for setting Friends at liberty; but the earl
was taken exceeding sick at Wien, so that the thing was not then
effected.

‘In the mean time Adam Bien, the earl’s barber, had desired,
unknown to us, that we might have the liberty to come forth, and
be in his house, the winter being cold, and we in a cold guard,
where the doors stood open all day, and much of the night; and
he proffered his own person in our stead, if we should run away.
Howbeit, we were not free to be so burdensome to him, though he
had obtained the thing, but chose rather to content ourselves
where they had appointed us, that the burden might come the
heavier upon them, that they might be the sooner weary of us; and
what storms and assaults we had from the priests and soldiers,
and others with them, and how they sought to ensnare us, would
be too long here to relate: but in the mean time we were often
refreshed through Adam’s and his wife’s love, together with a
sense of the love of God, and of friends who were afar off; and
our adversaries might have been the worse to us, but that many
of them there stood in pretty much awe of Adam, who stood in his
integrity over them, for he having such daily access to the earl,
and knowing most of them at court guilty of more or less, they
did therefore dread him the more. And sometimes we did go to his
house, and had sometimes opportunity to speak with some of the
aforementioned brethren, who were warned of that sore desolation
which is since come upon many of them. For of nine families there
is but one remaining, and the rest were burned, with the value
of many thousands in them, and above two hundred of the men were
slain and taken captive.

‘And about that time there was a gentleman (so called) appointed
for to bind and carry me away, whose waiting-man came to me, and
gave me two big glasses, as if I should have gone with him to
have fetched some wine or something else; but presently I was
sensible all was not right or well, for he had a great cudgel in
his hand, and that same morning he had given me very bad words,
and when I had followed him into the fields, there came many
sleds, (for the snow was so deep that wagons could not travel,)
and when the first came at us, the man that had given me the
bottles, caused me to lay them down, and get upon one of the
sleds, and he returned back again. The other, who had so much
threatened me formerly, came towards me, and then I was very
sensible of mischief intended by them, and then I was troubled
for John and Adam, lest they should have avenged themselves on
them, through pretending I had been run away, (for they were
become full of envy against Adam for his love to us,) so I
resolved to endeavour to get back to the town; thinking, that
if they did stop me, it might be the better manifest I was not
run away. But when I essayed so to do, that wicked man caught me
by the hair in a great fury, and shed pretty much of my blood,
and I thought he had quite struck out one of my eyes, and he
pulled me down in the snow, and did sorely abuse me, and bound
my arms with thongs, as also my feet, and bound me so in the
sled, that I hung also by the arms and feet with my face in the
hay, neither knew I to the contrary, but that they would have
murdered me in that wood which was close by; but O, thought I,
that I might but live one quarter of an hour, that peradventure
some might pass by and see me, whereby Adam and John might come
to know what was become of me; afterwards we came by a gallows,
where I thought they might have executed me, but there we passed
by, and people coming that way, they muzzled me with a cloak,
and one sat upon me till the people were passed by. Howbeit, I
hearing their feet in the snow, called to them and desired them
to acquaint the aforesaid barber that I was there; but then did
the soldier beat me sore again, the other having charged him not
to suffer me to say any thing. Then where we came at night, the
irons were put on my feet, and a long big chain, tied on high
about a beam, was put about my neck all night. Next morning we
came to a village, when I would gladly have spoken with one, but
they caused me to lie down until we were passed both village and
castle, and so we travelled towards a place in the wilderness, as
I was informed, and finally we came to a place where they were
building a new cloister; but the prior not being at home, the
other priests would not take me in without his order, so that
night I was put in chains as before, and the next morning was led
up to the castle, and was ordered to be put in a dark hole where
no light was, for he that came along with me bade them blindfold
me, and put me in a deep dungeon, and give me but little bread
and water, and that none should tell of me, and there being a
Jew, he was forbidden on pain of death to say any thing; and
I was soon after put into an hole where there was but little
light, and there I was four days and four nights in cold frosty
weather, and it was much I was not starved. But after the prior
wrote home to the monks, I was sent for; and when they used their
ceremonies, and sprinkled their infants, &c. I did not conform
to them in their kneeling and the like, at which they marvelled,
but said not much in my presence, but when I went to my lodging,
they said, I was a bad dog, and a stubborn rogue; and sometime
they sent for an armed soldier to guard me, or rather to affright
me. And when I had been there about twelve days, the prior came
home, and it seems he had some orders to rack me for writing
letters at Puttendorf: then did the prior send for me, and asked
me concerning our coming into the country, and to what end, and
concerning some points of our religion, to which I answered him
according to truth; but he said, ‘That was not enough, we must
believe that the Pope was Christ’s Vicar, and that he and they
had power to bind and loose,’ &c.

‘And when we had reasoned a while together, he said, ‘I must
have my habitation again in the castle, and that he would come
sometimes by me and bring the bible.’ And afterwards he came up
sometimes to see his corn and provision, but had little delight
to speak with me; but once he called me where he sat, and told
me, ‘The earl had desired him to inform me, that I should not
marvel that he sent me thither, for it was not for my sake alone,
but for seducing so many souls, and if it could be proved I
was come on such purpose, I should be laid on an heap of wood,
meaning, I should be burned. In the mean time I bore my testimony
against their fruits of covetousness, pride, persecution, &c.
and against their weapons, which were not like Christ’s, nor his
apostles; and with this some that stood by were affected; and
many things passed betwixt us at that time, which I shall not now
rehearse; and afterwards I was told, how he had said to some, he
had spoken to many learned men, but never did any answer him as
I did. And afterwards I had more liberty and more respect showed
me, and the report went, how that none that dealt with me could
gain at my hand.

‘And after I was so treacherously taken away, as before
mentioned, from Adam and John, the earl told Adam, I was run
away, and he might see where to find me; he said, ‘He could not
believe that,’ but afterward he got intelligence where I was,
and writ some lines by the officer of the castle, but he was
unwilling to give it me, but gave me bad language, saying, ‘He
had appointed an hangman to flea off my skin, if I did not turn
papist;’ but finally, I got a sight of it, and he told me how
closely the design of my removal was carried on, insomuch that
but three did know of it at first. He also told me, how he had
longed for an opportunity to send me bodily necessaries, which
he afterwards did, and gave orders to give me bread enough on
his account: and finally, the earl being sick, nigh unto death,
Adam obtained a promise of him to let us have our liberty. But
after that he in whose custody I was had set me free, he kept
me six weeks to help the masons, and promised to tell me a good
message when he returned, if I would be diligent. And afterward
he took me aside, and told me, ‘The Earl would have me informed,
that if I would be a catholic I should have good service and
preferment, but if not, however he could not detain me, for he
had prisoners enough besides.’ But this was concluded, if I was
found afterwards in Hungaria or Austria, I should be burned, and
my companion also.

‘And before I was brought from thence he did try me many ways,
for he would have me learn to shoot, and hath tied match about my
fingers, and hath struck me to make me hold the musket. But I was
like a fool, and they made themselves sport with me, and several
times would put pistols in my hands and bid me shoot, sometimes
in seeming earnest, and sometimes to make sport before strangers.

‘Afterwards I was examined about my religion, and they thinking
such a liver would adorn their profession, they did threaten to
have my tongue cut out if I would not be a papist; and afterwards
a priest was sent for to instruct me, and convert me, but when he
could not prevail a tub was made ready, and a rope put through
the ears of it, and I was set in it, and they said, I should be
let down into a well thirty-six fathoms deep above the water,
and I knew not but that it might have come to pass, howbeit they
drew the rope but over a beam to affright me, and I falling out
of that, they laid me cross over the saddle of an ass, and drew
me up, and turned me hard about, and then let it go with a whirl
to make my head dizzy; but I was silent, and valued it little,
whereat they marvelled, as if I had been past all feeling. And
from thence they carried me to another place, and there they
locked my neck and feet near together, and my hands spread
abroad, and locked in a thing wherein they torture the Turks to
make them confess of what ability they are, or their friends,
whereby to get great ransom, and some asked, if it was painful?
and others said, they committed more sins than they did profit
thereby.

‘And at another time I was put in a wheel which was made for the
well, and they caused the soldiers to turn it about, that I might
tumble to and again in it, which might have done me much hurt,
but that I held fast on the side of it, yet however one of my
elbows was in great danger of being sorely harmed, and afterwards
I was much threatened, as if they would have racked me again.

‘And about that time I was told by the secretary and others, that
the emperor, by reason of the hot wars that were in the country,
had given orders to set all the Christian prisoners at liberty,
so that it was thought they could not detain us much longer.

‘And about the 4th of the seventh month, 1663, I was carried into
the country with the prior and a priest from Rome, and others,
and when we came to the water which parts the two countries,
we parted; and the aforesaid Adam had ordered one of them to
give me some money to bear my charges, and he gave me but five
groshees, which is about the value of ten-pence. After that I
came to a place called Pinkfield, where several Lutheran barons,
and others, came to see me; and many things they asked me, to
which, according to freedom, I answered. And I had a desire to
have gotten to Wien, but they told me, ‘It was impossible for
me to pass, that would not take off my hat, besides there were
abundance of soldiers that way;’ and one desired me to stay by
him till I could have opportunity. Afterwards I was directed to
go through Stoyermack to Gratz, a great city, where there were
merchants from Noremberg at the fair, and one of them it was
thought, might be somewhat of my opinion, and thither I went,
but going in at the gates was called back, and was not suffered
to go in, for they were fearful of the enemy, and suspicious of
strangers.

‘The next day, when I saw I could not meet with the aforesaid
merchant, I resolved to travel on my journey, and to trust to the
Lord to take care for my sustenance, who had often done it, when
as to the outward there was little appearance of relief. And in
my journey I inquired for the privatest ways, which I found to be
most peaceable. Howbeit, when I came to the west-end of Austria
I was twice stopped, as if I might have been sent from the Turks
to spy out and burn towns, but when I produced my certificate I
was suffered to pass, but charged not to tarry at their town, and
after that I avoided coming into cities and villages as much as
I could, and so got forward, though not without difficulty. And
I have great cause to thank the Lord for his goodness, for I did
not much want food, but through mercy got either bread or fruit,
or something; for in those countries they are accustomed to give
travellers and tradesmen bread, and lodging in their barns, and
sometimes I told them how I had been robbed by soldiers and
abused, and then their hearts were moved so much the more with
pity towards me.

‘And I proceeded on my journey, and through mercy got about the
2d of the eighth month into some part of the Paltz in Germany,
and came through Heidelberg and Manheim, and upon the 7th of the
same month I arrived at Christein among friends, and being there
kindly entertained, and abundantly refreshed, I tarried there
some weeks, waiting to have heard of John or from Adam.

‘Now the last news which I had of John was by dear Adam’s
[116]letter, which I hope may be come to thy hands before this.
Several more passages might be set down, and what we suffered
together, and since we parted, but this for the present may
suffice till another opportunity. Farewell.

[116] That letter signified that John Philly was set at
liberty, and departed toward Germany on the 6th of the
seventh month, 1663.

‘Thy dear friend in the love and light of God,
‘WILLIAM MOORE.’

Amsterdam, the 11th month, 1663.

The narrative contained in the preceding letter, exhibits many instances of that protecting Providence of God, which supports and accompanies those who in an holy obedience to the commands of his spirit are devoted to answer its requirings. The many dangers and trials through which they passed, the despitefulness and tortures with which their enemies were suffered to prove their meekness and patience, the cruel and shameful deaths wherewith they were threatened, give the clearest demonstrations of their steadfastness in the faith from which they could not be moved; for they looking unto Jesus, the author and finisher of their faith, who for the joy that was set before him endured the cross, despising the shame, and is set down at the right hand of the throne of God, and considering him that endured such contradiction of sinners against himself, were not weary, nor did faint in their minds. See Heb. xii. But in all their afflictions were supported by the consciousness of their integrity, and the consolations of the Spirit of God, raising their spirits above the fear of man, and enabling them to persevere in a steady confession of their faith, and supplying them with that wisdom which is from above, whereby they were enabled to withstand the subtil devices and snares of those who sought their ruin and destruction: from which they were preserved by the power of the Lord, the only preserver of those that put their trust in him, whom he delivereth out of the hand of the wicked, and out of the hand of the unrighteous and cruel man. Psal. lxxi. 4.

INDEX.

A.

ABRAHAMS, (Dr. Galenus,) his comparison of Ames and Stubbs, vol. i.
p. 157.

---- disputes with G. Fox and W. Penn, vol. ii. p. 168.

Acts of Parliament against conventicles, vol. i. p. 355. vol. ii. p.
98.

---- against Quakers’ meetings, and to enforce oaths, vol. i. p. 355.

---- to suppress seditious conventicles, vol. ii. p. 98.

---- to restrain non-conformists from living in corporations, vol.
ii. p. 60.

---- allowing the affirmation of Quakers to be accepted instead of
the oath, vol. ii. p. 267, 284, 325.

Adderton, (Major-General,) a New England persecutor, vol. i. p. 304.

---- his remarkable death, vol. i. p. 371.

Address of the Quakers to king Charles II. vol. ii. p. 191.

---- to king James II. on the toleration, vol. ii. p. 212.

---- from the Yearly meeting to ditto on the toleration, vol. ii. p.
213.

---- to king William upon the peace of 1697, vol. ii. p. 277.

---- to ditto on discovery of a plot, vol. ii. p. 283.

---- to queen Anne on her succession to the throne, vol. ii. p. 297.

---- to ditto on her promise to maintain the toleration, vol. ii. p.
298.

---- to ditto, from the yearly meeting on the Union, vol. ii. p. 312.

---- to ditto on the renewal of her promise to maintain the
toleration, vol. ii. p. 320.

---- to king George, on his accession and declaration for the
toleration, vol. ii. p. 324.

---- to ditto on suppression of the rebels, vol. ii. p. 327.

Affirmation, an act obtained for its acceptance, ii. 267.

---- made perpetual, and the form more easy, ii. 325.

Aldam, Thomas, imprisoned in York Castle for preaching, &c. i. 66.

---- ditto for not paying tithes, &c. i. 141.

---- predicts the fall of O. Cromwell, i. 208.

Algiers, some Quakers’ slaves there allowed to hold meetings, i. 421.

Ames, William, convinced at Dublin by the ministry of E. Burrough and
F. Howgill, and becomes a minister, i. 128.

---- banished Amsterdam, i. 189.

---- kindly entertained by the elector Palatine, i. 225.

---- several Baptists convinced by him near Worms in Germany, i. 225.

---- imprisoned in Rotterdam, and is dismissed, i. 226.

---- ---- in London, and ditto, i. 380.

---- dies at Amsterdam, i. 408.

Amsterdam, some pretended Quakers there, i. 190.

Austin, Anne, travels with Mary Fisher, (see Mary Fisher,) i. 181.

Armorer, Wm. a justice, his cruelty to the Quakers, ii. 69.

Audland, John, convinced by G. Fox, i. 69.

---- his testimony received by many at Bristol, i. 101.

---- brief account of his life and death, ii. 12.

---- some account of his wife and others, ii. 309.

Atherton, Oliver, dies in prison for tithes, i. 432.

B.

Baily, Wm. convinced by G. Fox, i. 146.

---- his exhortation against persecution, ii. 33.

---- marries M. Fisher. Dies at sea, coming from the West Indies, ii.
136.

Baker, Daniel, account of his being at Malta, i. 348.

---- imprisoned in London, and writes his travels, i. 349.

---- is illegally and barbarously abused, i. 380.

Baptism, water, discourse concerning, i. 146.

---- the principle of Quakers respecting it, and the outward supper,
ii. 304.

Baptists, several convinced, i. 27.

---- some at Barrow in Leicestershire, silenced by G. Fox, i. 36.

Baptist, a teacher at Carlisle, convinced, i. 83.

---- another in Cumberland who gives up an impropriation of tithes,
i. 90.

Barbadoes, Quakers suffer much there by the priests, i. 373.

---- negroes prohibited by law from going to Quakers’ meetings, ii.
142.

---- Quakers petition king William for relief--his order thereupon,
ii. 234.

Barclay, his education and character, ii. 74.

---- writes to Adrian Paets concerning the immediate revelation of
the Spirit, ii. 142.

---- writes in Latin to the ambassadors at Nimeguen, ii. 155.

---- his death, ii. 235.

Barnadiston, Giles, convinced by G. Fox, becomes a minister, and a
sufferer, i. 416.

Barrow, Henry, and two more, put to death by instigation of the
clergy, i. 18.

Battledoor, a book published by G. Fox and others, i. 315.

Baily, George, dies in prison in France, i. 189.

Bennet, a Justice, said to be the first who in scorn gave Friends the
name of Quakers, i. 39.

---- strikes G. Fox as he was kneeling down to pray for him, i. 47.

Benson, a justice convinced by G. Fox, i. 79.

---- his wife imprisoned at York, i. 85.

---- refused leave to visit G. Fox in Carlisle dungeon, i. 90.

Beraudin, a martyr, spoke after his tongue was cut out, praising God,
i. 15.

Birkhead, Christopher, sent to prison, i. 106.

---- ditto at Rochelle, i. 188.

---- confined in the house of correction at Middleburgh, and
discharged, i. 189.

Bishop, George, convinced at Bristol, i. 101.

---- author of an account of the persecution in New England, i. 305.

---- his prophetic caution to the king and parliament, ii. 40.

---- same fulfilled, ii. 49.

Bishops, their zeal for ceremonies, i. 17.

---- cruel sayings of the bishop of Peterborough, ii. 111.

Blasphemers in Coventry prison, confounded by G. Fox, i. 36.

Blasphemy often charged upon the Quakers, but not proved, i. 160.

Blaugdone, Barbara, convinced by John Audland and John Camm, i. 101.

---- imprisoned at Bristol, Marlborough, Exeter, and several other
places, i. 109, 110, 111.

---- arrives in Ireland, and pays a visit to the deputy, i. 128.

---- goes to Cork, returns to Bristol, after to Ireland, imprisoned
at Dublin and Limerick, i. 129.

---- committed to Bridewell in Bristol, ii. 184.

Blome, Richard, author of the Fanatic History, which seems chiefly
designed against the Quakers, i. 175.

Boston, in New England, some Quakers arrive there, are ill-treated,
imprisoned, and sent back again, i. 181.

---- a law made to prohibit bringing Quakers there, i. 182.

---- cruelties practised there, i. 193, 194, 217.

---- the country round will not now yield wheat, though formerly
fertile, i. 373.

---- the jailer to whip the Quakers twice a week, beginning with 10
lashes, and increasing 3 every time till they would work, i. 218.

---- Quakers banished from, i. 222.

---- an address of the general court of, to king Charles II. to
justify their cruel proceedings, which is answered by E.
Burrough, i. 296.

Bourignon, Antonia, her writings, &c. ii. 278.

Bowing and scraping censured by G. Fox, i. 32.

Bowing at the name of Jesus, what it is, &c. i. 336.

Boyes, a priest, invites G. Fox to his pulpit, i. 60.

---- goes with him, i. 61.

---- refuseth tithes from some who proffered them, i. 62.

Brend, William, imprisoned and used barbarously at Boston, i. 217.

Briggs, Thomas, convinced by G. Fox, i. 79.

---- is cruelly treated at Warrington, Yarmouth, Lynn, and other
places, i. 85, 86.

---- goes to America, i. 86.

---- foretells the destruction of London, ii. 64.

---- dies, ii. 193.

Briscoe, William, a justice, is so seized and struck by the dread of
the Lord, that he recalls his warrant for imprisoning R. Widders,
i. 91.

Bristol, dismal persecution there, ii. 182.

---- meetings kept up by children, ii. 184.

---- R. Lindy, a blind man, used severely, ii. 186.

---- dreadful death of the jailer, ii. 187.

Brown, Richard, alderman of London, his character and cruelty, i. 377.

Brownists, whence their name, i. 17.

Bugg, Francis, an apostate, charges the Quakers with Socinian
notions, ii. 257.

Bull-and-Mouth meeting-house in Martin’s-le-Grand, i. 101.

Burden, Ann, a widow, cruelly treated in New England, i. 193.

Burial of the dead, practice of the Quakers respecting, ii. 304.

Burnet, Dr. remarkable sayings against persecution, &c. ii. 325.

Burrough, Edward, convinced by G. Fox, i. 70.

---- becomes an eminent minister, i. 75.

---- preaches in the fields near London, i. 98.

---- goes with F. Howgill to Ireland, and are banished thence, i. 128.

---- writes to the Protector on different subjects, i. 142, 184, 188,
208, 216.

---- writes to his wife and children, i. 210.

---- meets the funeral of O. Cromwell, &c. i. 212.

---- a remarkable prophecy of his, i. 209.

---- goes to Dunkirk, i. 232.

---- message to the rulers of England, i. 235.

---- writes an apology for Quakers, and against persecution, i. 357.

---- has the foreknowledge of his death, imprisoned in Newgate with
six or seven score more. The king sends an order for his release,
but it is stifled, i. 405.

---- his death, i. 406.

---- his eulogium, by F. Howgill, i. 406.

C.

Calvin, John, admits the indwelling of God’s spirit in man, i. 15.

Camm, John, a zealous preacher, i. 75, 101.

---- goes to Bristol, and persecuted there, i. 102.

---- short account of his life and death, ii. 11.

Caton, William, convinced by G. Fox, i. 72.

---- his early piety when in judge Fell’s family, i. 119.

---- is moved to go to warn people to repentance, i. 119.

---- at 17 years of age, travels to divers places, visiting Friends,
at London meets with J. Stubbs, i. 120.

---- confined at Maidstone and cruelly whipped, i. 122.

---- goes by himself to France, and afterwards with J. Stubbs to
Holland--Goes to Scotland, i. 123.

---- returns to England, i. 123.

---- goes again to Scotland, thence to Holland, secured at
Middleburgh, and sent to England, i. 124.

---- goes to Amsterdam, i. 157.

---- imprisoned six months in Yarmouth, i. 429.

---- his death and character, ii. 60.

Charity doth not impoverish, verified in the Quakers, i. 93.

Charles II. his declaration at Breda for liberty of conscience, i.
265.

---- this promise renewed to the Quakers, i. 281.

Cheevers, Sarah, travels with C. Evans, see C. E.

Christening of Children, no Scripture for it, ii. 78.

Christison, Wenlock, banished Boston, appears in court there, and is
sent to jail, i. 299.

---- brought again to court, i. 303.

---- receives sentence of death, his prophetical speech, is set at
liberty with 27 more of his Friends, i. 304, 305.

Church, what a church is, i. 29, 65, 67, 68, ii. 16.

Church Faith, a paper so called, answered by G. Fox, i. 213.

Church government, amongst the Quakers, account of, ii. 308.

Clarendon, Edward earl of, his saying of O. Cromwell, i. 212.

---- supposed to propose queries to the Quakers, i. 271.

Clark, Mary, cruelly whipped and imprisoned 12 weeks in New England,
for warning against persecution, i. 194.

Clayton, Richard, in Suffolk, fixes some queries to a steeple-house
door, i. 138.

---- is with two others taken up, examined and whipped, i. 138.

Christ, i. 22, 26, 27, 34, 53, 58, 65, 322, 323.

Coale, Josiah, convinced by J. Audland and J. Camm, i. 101.

---- committed to Newgate in Bristol, i. 105.

---- goes with T. Thirstone to Virginia, thence with T. Chapman to
New England, i. 298.

---- writes a warning against persecution, ii. 194.

---- his exhortation to constancy under sufferings, ii. 33.

---- his warning to the king, ii. 66.

---- answers a Popish book, ii. 72.

---- his death and character, ii. 83, 84.

Colchester, cruel and bloody persecution there, i. 415.

Coleman, Ann, with two more women, sentenced to be whipped through
eleven towns, i. 362.

---- again cruelly whipped with some others, i. 365.

Conjuror, one so reputed, baffled by G. Fox, i. 55.

Conventicle, vide Acts of parliament.

Convincement, some convinced by dying penitents, &c. ii. 292, 294.

Copeland, John, his right ear cut off at Boston, i. 221.

Corbet, counsellor, gains reputation by his defence of G. Fox’s
cause, ii. 304.

Creatures, virtues of them opened to G. Fox, i. 30.

Crisp, Stephen, convinced by J. Parnel, i. 125.

---- becomes a minister and goes to Scotland, i. 246.

---- a brief account of him, i. 430.

---- goes to York, ii. 49.

---- his epistle to Friends concerning the present and succeeding
times, ii. 69.

---- imprisoned at Ipswich, ii. 77.