Chapter XXXVI: Appendix: I (4)

[140] Chioccarello, Antistitum Eccles. Neap. Catalogus, pp. 331-2. Carafa was hostile to Spain and, on his elevation to the papacy as Paul IV, in 1555, he declared the throne of Naples vacant and fallen to the Holy See. He made an alliance with France but, in the ensuing war, he was speedily brought to terms by Alba. He retained the Neapolitan archiepiscopate for some time, doubtless in the hope of causing trouble there.

[141] Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

[142] Amabile, I, 214. Rebiba was promoted to the cardinalate shortly after the accession of Paul IV.

[143] Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

[144] Amabile, I, 218.--Fontana, Documenti Vaticani contro l’Eresia luterana in Italia, p. 178 (Roma, 1892).

[145] Perrin, Histoire des Vaudois, chap. VII (Genève, 1618).--Amabile, I, 236-9.--Lombard, Jean-Louis Paschale et les Martyrs de Calabre (Paris, 1881).--Filippo de’ Boni, L’Inquisizone e i Calabro-Valdese (Milano, 1864).

[146] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 79, fol. 135.

[147] Scipione Lentolo, Historia delle grandi e crudeli Persecutioni fatte ai tempi nostri. Edita da Teofilo Gay, pp. 227, 314 (Torre Pellice, 1906).

[148] Ibidem, pp. 251, 260

[149] Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

[150] Lentolo, pp. 228-41.--Gerdes, Specimen Italiæ Reformatæ, p. 134 (Lugd. Bat., 1765).--Amabile, I, pp. 248-9.

[151] Amabile, I, 250, 253.--Lentolo, p. 245.

[152] Lentolo, p. 244. This rests wholly on the authority of Lentolo and probably applied only to orphans. It was a practice derived from Spain.

[153] Amabile, I, 256.

[154] Lombard, _op. cit._, p. 105.

[155] Amabile, I, 257.

[156] Chioccarello MSS., Tom. VIII.--Amabile, I, 256.

[157] Collenuccio, Historia del Regno de Napoli, II, 329^{b} (Napoli, 1563).

The process of confiscation seems to have been protracted. A vice-regal letter of January 29, 1569, states that all the proceeds had not yet been sold and orders that the matter be closed and the money be paid into the treasury.--Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

From a transaction in 1572 it appears that when Neapolitans were burnt in Rome, notice was sent to the viceroy in order that he might seize their confiscated estates. At the same time a statement was presented of their prison expenses, which were reimbursed to the Congregation of the Inquisition out of the proceeds.--Ibidem.

[158] Lombard, _op. cit._, p. 107.

[159] Decret. Sac. Congr. S. Officii, p. 221 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).

[160] Amabile I, 259.

[161] Ibidem, p. 258.

[162] Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib. XXII, cap. viii, § 2.--Al nostro Santissimo Padre Innocenzio XII intorno al Procedimento nelle cause che si trattano nel Tribunale del S. Officio (MS. _penes me_).--Discorso del Dottore Angelo Gioccatano (Gaetano Agela), MS. _penes me_.--MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital., 209, fol. 117-18.--Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII (see Appendix).

[163] Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

[164] “Delle sante dimostrazioni contro gli eretici ed Ebrei, e supplicando che voglia esser servito di far intendere à sua Beatitudine la commune sodisfazione che tiene tutta la città che questa sorte di persone siano del tutto castigate ed estirpate per mano del nostro ordinario come si conviene como sempre averno supplicato, giusta la forma delli canoni e senza interposizione di corte secolare, ma santamente procedano nelle cose della religione tantum.”--Giacinto de’ Mori, Scritture e Motivi dati a’ Signori Deputati di Napoli (MS. _penes me_).

[165] Relazioni Venete, Serie II, T. II, p. 273.

[166] Amabile, I, 312-16.

[167] Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

[168] In 1597 the Venetian envoy Girolamo Ramusio alludes to the case of the Baron of Castellanetta, excommunicated by his bishop and summoned to Rome; also to that of Mastrillo, fiscal of the Vicaria, who sold a quantity of grain belonging to the Abbey of S. Leonardo which was held by Cardinal Gaetano, in consequence of which he was cited to Rome. In both cases the court intervened and prevented obedience for the reason that, if a precedent was established of allowing those cited by Rome to go, the principal royal ministers could be summoned and forced to go.--Relazioni Venete, Appendice, p. 310.

[169] Relazioni Venete, Appendice, p. 312.

[170] Pii Quinti Epistt., Lib. I, Ep. vi (Antverpiæ, 1640).

[171] Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

Failing in this Cardinal Ghislieri, then at the head of the Roman Inquisition, wrote in November to Viceroy Alcalá asking that Vico be sent or be placed under bonds to present himself. To this, in April, 1565, the viceroy assented, requiring Vico to give security in 10,000 ducats to that effect; he was already in prison and condemned to banishment on complaint of his vassals; he duly went to Rome and was sentenced to compurgation and penance.--Amabile, I, 286.

[172] Chioccarello, _ubi sup._

[173] Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII (see Appendix).

[174] Ibidem.

[175] Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

[176] Escritos de Santa Teresa, T. II, pp. 457, 463 (Madrid, 1869). Cf. Amabile, I, 229-30.

In 1588 we find the Congregation of the Inquisition scolding the nuncio at Naples for refusing to pay the expenses of this transportation, as his predecessors had always done.--Decret. Sac. Congr. S. Officii, p. 192 (Bibl. del R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol 3).

[177] Amabile, I, 332.--Relazioni Venete, Serie II, T. V, p. 471.

[178] Bibliothèque Nationale de France, fonds latin, 8994, fol. 252.

Possibly this may be partially explained by the fact that heresy was a case reserved to the Holy See, the absolution for which in the _forum internum_ required a special licence (cap. 3, Extrav. Commun., Lib. V, Tit. ix). But in the _forum externum_ the episcopal jurisdiction over heresy was in no way curtailed by the existence of the Inquisition (Benedicti PP. XIV de Synodo diœcesana, Lib. IX, cap. iv, n. 3). This was fully admitted by the Roman Inquisition (Decret. S. Congr. S. Officii, pp. 174-5, 177, 266-8, 272-3 ap. R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).

[179] Amabile, Fra Tommaso Campanella, II, 120-1 (Napoli, 1882).

[180] Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

[181] Ibidem.

[182] Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.--Amabile, Inquisizione in Napoli, II, 35.

[183] Amabile, II, 35-6.

[184] Ibidem, II, 37-9.

[185] These feelings are warmly but respectfully expressed in a memorial addressed to Innocent XII (1691-1700), by Giuseppe Valletta, an advocate of Naples, in support of envoys sent to negotiate with him (MS. _penes me_).

It is difficult for us to estimate the horror which, as the inquisitors boasted, the Holy Office cast over the population. They relate with pride that in Spain men cited to appear, even on matters not pertaining to the faith, but ignorant of the cause, were known to take to their beds and die of sheer terror. How much greater, then, they ask, must be the horror of those accused, suddenly arrested and cast into the strictest and most secret prison, not to mention what followed?--“Sola simplici vocatione alicujus inquisitoris in Hispania, ait Morillus citatus, per aliquem ejus ministrum, ad negotium forte particulare non pertinens ad Inquisitionem Fidei, absque eo quod vocati sciant ad quid vocentur, adeo perterrefieri homines soleant, ut aliquibus statim necessario decumbere et præ nimio dolore febri superveniente emori contigerit. At quid in casibus ubi datur præventio per accusationem aut denuntiationem et agitur de repentina captura et de carceratione rigidissima ac secretissima, ut taceam de aliis quæ hanc consequuntur, quanto magis perterrefiant capti et carcerati? quanto maiori horrore afficientur?”--Salelles, De Materiis Tribunalium S. Inquisitionis, Proleg. IV, n. 8 (Romæ, 1651).

[186] Capasso, Ragionamenti ad istanza degl’ Ecc^{mi} Sig^{ri} della Città di Napoli (MS. _penes me_).

[187] Pietro de Fusco, Per la fidelissima Città di Napoli, negli affari della Santa Inquisizione (MS. _penes me_).--Amabile, II, 41-52.--Giannone, Lib. XXXII, cap. 5.

Pietro de Fusco tells us that confiscations were not infrequently released, as they were in 1587 to the children of Francesco di Aloes di Caserta and to the heirs of Bernardino Gargano d’Aversa, although they died as impenitent heretics.

[188] MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, Tom. XVII.--Amabile, II, 54-58.--MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital., 189, fol. 327; 209, fol. 111-138.

[189] Amabile, II, 59-72; Append., 68, 71.

[190] Acampora, Ragioni a pro della Fidelissima Città di Napoli (Napoli, 1709).

[191] Amabile, II, 74-80.--Acampora, _op. cit._

[192] Ragionamenti del Sig. D. Niccolò Capasso colli quali ad istanza degl’ Ecc^{mi} Sig^{ri} della Città di Napoli prova non doversi ricevere in questo Religiosissimo Regno l’odioso Tribunale dell’ Inquisizione.

I am not aware that this work has ever been printed, but it must have had a considerable circulation in MS. I have three copies, of which one is a Latin version. In one of them the prefatory address to the Deputati is dated December 3, 1711, which fixes the time of its composition. The other copies were made respectively in 1715 and 1717, indicating that it continued to be referred to.

[193] Amabile, II, 81-3.

[194] Amabile, II, 84-5.--Consulta dalla Real Camera de S. Chiara alla Maestà del Re per il Santo Uffizio, Dec. 19, 1746 (MS. _penes me_).

[195] Consulta dalla Real Camera de S. Chiara alla Maestà del Re per il Santo Uffizio (MS. _penes me_).

That the Neapolitan Government was not actuated by any tenderness towards heresy is manifested in a singular transaction of the period detailed in a letter of which I have copy, of July 11, 1746, from Edward Allen, the British Consul, to the Marchese Fogliani--apparently the foreign secretary. An English girl of 13, named Ellen Bowes, was forcibly abducted from her father’s house, after surrounding it with about a hundred armed men. Against this outrage the consul protested as a violation of the privileges of the English nation, to which Fogliani replied, explaining the reasons which had led the king to do this and what was proposed to do with the child. Apparently she had expressed an intention to join the Catholic Church and had been taken so as to secure her conversion. Allen rejoined in a long argumentative letter and, although he pointed out that a child of such tender age could have no conception of the different religions, he felt himself obliged to disavow asking her return to her parents and limited his request to having her delivered to some one of the English nation, where she could be examined as to her motives. What was the issue of the affair does not appear from the paper in my possession, but evidently the king, after taking such a step and justifying it, could not well retreat.

[196] Lettera circolare del Marchese Fraggiani, Napoli, 1761.--Beccatini, Istoria della Inquisizione, pp. 372-77, 382 (Milano, 1797).--Amabile, _op. cit._, II, 104-5; Appendice, 80.

[197] Supplica al Re nostro Signore de’ Deputati por opporsi ai pregindizj del S. Officio. _Sine nota_ sed Napoli, 1764.--Le Bret, Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte, III, 160 (Frankfurt, 1773).

[198] Páramo, p. 219.

[199] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1. The salaries are as follows:

Gabriel de Cardona, inquisitor, from the date of his embarcation 150 ducats. Bartolomé de Castro, assessor 50 “ An alguazil, with charge of prison, to be selected by Carmona 20 “ Bernat Ros, notario del secreto y de los secuestros } the salaries Yourself } heretofore paid.

[200] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

[201] Páramo, pp. 220-222. For the Valencia experience of Domingo de Santa Cruz, see History of the Inquisition of Spain, Vol. I, p. 242.

[202] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.

[203] Ibidem. Páramo (p. 223) calls the appointee Magister Farris, subsequently created Bishop of Bonebolla--a see subsequently merged into that of Cagliari. There is no reference in Gams’s _Series Episcoporum_ to such a bishopric in Sardinia. Páramo interposes a Nicolas Vaguer as inquisitor, from 1498 to 1500, which is evidently a mistake.

[204] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

[205] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 2, fol. 1.

[206] Ibidem. Lib. 1.

[207] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 184, 185.

[208] Ibidem, fol. 306, 307, 308. The salaries ordered were:

The Bishop of Alghero, inquisitor 100 libras. Micer Pedro de Contreras, advocate 30 “ Luis de Torres, alguazil 30 “ An escribano for both secreto and secuestros 30 “ A portero and nuncio 10 “ Bernat Ros, receiver 100 “ Mossen Alonso de Ximeno, fiscal 30 “

It is observable that no salary is provided for Canon Aragall, the other inquisitor (see Appendix).

[209] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 321, 348, 349, 351.

[210] Ibidem, fol. 366; Lib. 75, fol. 40.

[211] Ibidem, Lib. 940; fol. 36.

[212] Ibidem, Lib. 78, fol. 304.

[213] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 136.

[214] Ibidem, Lib. 940, fol. 44.

[215] Ibidem, fol. 44, 45.

[216] Biblioteca nacional de Madrid, MSS., D, 118, fol. 179, n. 55.

[217] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 19, fol. 100.

[218] Biblioteca nacional, _loc. cit._, fol. 124, n. 44.

[219] Fontana, Documenti Vaticani, pp. 100, 110, 169.

[220] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 208.

[221] Manno, Storia di Sardegna, II, 189-90 (Milano, 1835).

[222] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 594 (Archivo hist. nacional).

[223] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 13, fol. 28; Lib. 20, fol. 208; Lib. 21, fol. 240; Libros 56, 57, 918.

[224] La Martinière, Le Grand Dictionnaire Geographique et Critique, IX, 237 (Venise, 1737).

[225] Sclopis, Antica Legislazione del Piemonte, p. 484 (Torino, 1833).

[226] Le Bret, Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte, 5 Theil, p. 547 (Frankfurt, 1776).

[227] Fontana, Documenti Vaticani contro l’Eresia Luterana, p. 87.--Raynald. Annal., ann. 1536, n. 45.

The greed of the curia in grasping at all attainable rich preferment was a fruitful source of neglect and gave opportunity for heresy to flourish. Cardinal Ippolito d’Este, who was archbishop of Milan from 1520 to 1550, during the whole of that time never entered the city.--Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 797.

[228] Catena, Vita del Papa Pio Quinto, pp. 6-8, 17 (Roma, 1587).

Two somewhat similar cases show that the Venetian territory was equally infected and equally indifferent (Ibidem, pp. 9, 10). One of these likewise exhibits Ghislieri’s implacable persistence. Vittore Soranzo, Bishop of Brescia, was overcurious in reading heretic books. Ghislieri was sent to make a secret investigation and, on his report, Soranzo was summoned to Rome and confined in the castle of Sant’ Angelo for two years. Nothing was proved against him; he was released and returned to his see, where he continued to perform his functions until 1558. In 1557 Ghislieri was promoted to the cardinalate and, in 1558, Paul IV created for him the office of supreme inquisitor--an office which he was careful not to perpetuate after he became Pius V. He had not forgotten his failure to convict Soranzo. In April, 1558, Paul IV, in public consistory, deprived of his office the unfortunate bishop, who retired to Venice and speedily died of grief.--Catena, pp. 13, 15.--Ughelli, Italia Sacra, T. IV, pp. 695-701.

[229] Cesare Cantù, Eretici d’Italia, III, 34-7.

[230] Fontana, Documenti Vaticani, pp. 174, 184.

[231] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 9, F. 45, Parte Inferiore, Lettera 92.

[232] Ibidem, Tom. 51, F. 101, P. Inf., Lett. 107.

[233] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 53, F. 103, P. Inf., Lett. 42, 43, 44, 45, 77, 97.

[234] Muratori, Annali d’Italia, ann. 1563.--De Thou, Hist., Lib. XXXVI.

[235] Lettere del Archivescovo Calini (Baluz. et Mansi Miscell., IV, 329).

[236] Salomoni, Memorie Storico-Diplomatiche, p. 159 (Milano, 1806).

[237] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 23, F. 73, P. Inf. Lett. 47.

[238] Ibidem, Tom. 53, F. 103, P. Inf. Lett. 176.

[239] Archivio civico-storico à S. Carpofaro, Armario A, Filza VII, n. 43.

[240] Lettere del Nunzio Visconti, n. 67, 68 (Baluz. et Mansi, Miscell., III, 491-2).--Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib. XXII, cap. viii, n. 2-4.

[241] Archivio civico-storico à S. Carpofaro, Armario A, Filza VII, n. 40 (see Appendix).

[242] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 54, F. 104, P. Inf. Lett. 48.

[243] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 56, F. 106, P. Inf. Lett. 211.

[244] Beccatini, Istoria dell’ Inquisizione, p. 178.

[245] Acta Eccles. Mediolanens., I, 471 (Mediolani, 1843).

[246] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S. VI, 29.--See Appendix.

[247] Ibidem, Tom. 54, Vol. 68, F, 104, P. Inf. Lett. 63, 147, 163; Tom. 55, F, 105, Lett. 250.

[248] Ibidem, C. 185, P. Inf. Carta 14.

[249] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 44, F, 94, P. Inf. Lett. 72; Tom. 56, F, 106, Lett. 51, 206, 211.

Brescia formed part of the Venitian territory, in which these weekly conferences of the secular and inquisitorial powers were prescribed. When the Inquisition was founded in the thirteenth century, Venice refused it admission, but in 1249 it organized a kind of secular tribunal against heresy, known as the _tre Savi dell’ eresia_ or _Assistenti_. At length, in 1289 it admitted an inquisitor, but adjoined to him the Assistenti, who were not to partake in the judgements but to see that he did not overstep his proper functions and to lend when necessary the aid of the secular arm. As the mainland territory of the Republic increased and the reorganized papal Inquisition appointed its delegates in the cities, the Signoria in 1548 provided that the _rettori_ or other magistrates in each place should coöperate with the inquisitor and bishop as _assistenti_. Rome took umbrage at this and a prolonged negotiation ensued, which ended with the _assistenti_ being accepted, with the understanding that they were to have a consultative but not a decisive vote. This gave the Signoria power to curb excesses and to save the people from being harassed with inquisitorial prosecutions for trifling cases of sorcery, bigamy, etc., which were so bitterly complained of elsewhere. If we may believe Páramo, when Philip failed to inflict the Spanish Inquisition on Milan, Pius V sought to introduce one of the same kind in Venice, but the proposition produced so alarming a popular excitement that the Signoria prevailed upon him to abandon the attempt, promising at the same time to exercise the greatest vigilance in the suppression of heresy.--Vettor Sandi, Principj di Storia Civile della Repubblica di Venezia, Lib. X, cap. iii, art. 3 (Venizia, 1756).--Albizzi, Riposta all’ Historia della Sacra Inquisitione del R. P. Paolo Servita, pp. 40-58 (Ed. II, _s. l. e. d._).--Páramo de Orig. Off. S. Inquis., p. 266.--Natalis Comitis Historiar., Lib. XIV, ann. 1564.

[250] See Appendix for a decree of Pius V, issued within a few months of his accession.

[251] See Appendix.

[252] Bzovii Annales, ann. 1566, n. 88. This may very probably have been the occasion of the decree just referred to.

Yet the duke, in 1567, offered no opposition when Pius V ordered him to send to Rome for trial the canon Ceruti, who, in 1569, was condemned to the galleys for life. He could not have been a Protestant for his chief heresy was the denial of immortality. The intercession of the duke however, in 1572, procured his liberation and permission to keep his house in Mantua as a prison.--Bertolotti, Martiri del Libero Pensiero, pp. 43-5 (Roma, 1891).

[253] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 5, F, 41, and F, 177, P. Inf.

Catena relates (Vita di Pio V, p. 157) that an heretical preacher of Morbegno in the Valtelline, named Francesco Cellaria was accustomed to visit Mantua secretly as a missionary, where he had relations with some of the nobles. To put an end to this, Pius sent in disguise the Dominican Piero Angelo Casannova to the Valtelline with instructions for his capture. With a band of eight men Casannova kidnapped him at Bocca d’Adda, as he was returning from Coire to Morbegno, hurried him to Piacenza whence Duke Ottavio Farnese transmitted him to Rome. There he was condemned to be burnt alive but at the last moment he weakened and recanted, so that he was strangled before burning. He had been forced to name his accomplices in Mantua and other cities, and immediate steps were taken for securing them. The Grisons complained loudly of this invasion of their territory, but the Duke of Alburquerque, then Governor of Milan (1564-71), replied that the papal jurisdiction over heresy was supreme in all lands.

[254] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 56, F, 106, P. Inf. Lett. 140.

[255] Acta Eccles. Mediolanens. I, 67, 469.

[256] Decreta Sac. Congr. Sti. Officii, pp. 217-20 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).

Under Venetian rule when, in 1579, the inquisitor at Treviso was about to publish an edict prohibiting departure for heretic lands without his licence, the podestà and captain of the city prevented it, for which they were praised by the Signoria and similarly the rettore of Bergamo was rebuked for permitting it.--Cecchetti, La República di Venezia e la Corte di Roma, I, 23 (Venezia, 1874).

Fra Paolo tells us that in 1595 Clement VII issued a decree forbidding any Italian to visit a place where there was not a Catholic church and pastor, without a licence from the inquisitors. The result of this was that traders returning from heretic lands were watched, reports were sent to Rome and they were publicly cited to appear there. The transalpine countries took offence at this and then the public citations were made at the residence of the parties. Venice sought to diminish the evil effect of this on commerce by forbidding public citations in such cases.--Sarpi, Historia dell’ Inquisizione, p. 77 (Serravalle, 1638).

Simply trading with heretics, sending to or receiving from them merchandise, money or letters constituted fautorship of heresy and subjected the trader to the jurisdiction of the Inquisition.--Masini, Sacro Arsenale overo Prattica dell’ Officio della S. Inquisizione, Roma, 1639, p. 16.

[257] MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S. VI, 29.--Le Bret, Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte, Sechste Theil, 101 (Frankfurt, 1777).

During the 18th century the powers of the Inquisition were greatly limited by the civil authorities. In Tuscany we learn, in 1746, that in Florence and Siena no arrest or imprisonment could be made by it without the assent of the Government.--Consulta fatta dalla Real Camera di S. Chiara, in Napoli (MS. _penes me_).

[258] The tribunal of the Canaries was reckoned among those of Castile and most of the new material in my possession concerning it has been embodied in the “History of the Inquisition of Spain.” Its insular position, however, and the consequent attraction of foreign merchants and sea-faring men, rendered its career somewhat peculiar, and it has seemed worth while to devote a chapter to it, based on two works--

Historia de la Inquisicion en las Islas Canarias, por Agustin Millares, 4 vols., Las Palmas de Gran-Canaria, 1874.

Catalogue of a Collection of Original Manuscripts formerly belonging to the Holy Office of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands and now in the possession of the Marquis of Bute. By W. De Gray Birch, LL.D., 2 vols., Edinburgh and London, 1903.

[259] Birch, I, 5, 7-8.

[260] Millares, I, 95-6--Birch, I, 160-7, 173.

[261] Birch, I, 6.--Millares, I, 71.

[262] Birch, I, 1, 67.

[263] Millares, I, 79.

[264] Millares, I, 75.

[265] Birch, I, 91, 92-4. In the record concerning Juan de Xeres, the year is omitted, but as Wednesday fell on June 4 in 1511, 1516, 1533 and 1539, the probable date is 1516.

[266] Birch, I, 1-5.

[267] Millares, I, 82.

[268] Birch, I, 15-33.

[269] Birch, I, 33.

[270] Ibidem, 34-64.

[271] Millares, I, 87-92.

[272] Ibidem, 96-100.

[273] Ibidem, 103-7.--Birch, I, 90.

[274] Millares, I, 109-10.

[275] Ibidem, I, 125.

[276] Ibidem, I, 115-18.

[277] Birch, II, 1018-26.

[278] Millares, II, 7-20.

[279] Ibidem, pp. 15, 21-22.

[280] Murga, Constituciones sinodales del Obispado de la Gran Canaria, fol. 333 (Madrid, 1634).

[281] Birch, I, 159-60.

[282] Millares, II, 23-30.

[283] Birch, I, 133-53.

[284] Millares, II, 43-44, 47, 51.

[285] Ibidem, pp. 57-61.

[286] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Expedientes de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. III, Cuad. 3.

[287] Ibidem, fol. 10, 13.

[288] Millares, II, 105-6. The subsequent case of Aventrot and his nephew Jan Cote is alluded to in my History of the Inquisition of Spain, I, 300; II, 348; III, 102.

[289] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Exp. de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. I, fol. 844, 849, 872.

[290] Ibidem, fol. 406, 407, 411, 417-22.

[291] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Exp. de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. I, fol. 568, 1115-19.

[292] Birch, I, 297-300.

[293] Millares, II, 72-4.

[294] Millares, II, 80-94.

[295] Ibidem, III, 9-10.

[296] Millares, III, 12-24.

[297] Ibidem, 163-4. The figures of Millares are drawn from the official list of _Quemados_. In 1526 there are 8; in 1587, 1; in 1614, 1; in 1615, 1.

[298] Millares, III, 26-31. The total relaxations in effigy amount to 107, as follows (Ibidem, III, 164-8):

1 in 1513 17 in 1557 16 in 1576 23 in 1591 7 “ 1530 3 “ 1569 30 “ 1581 3 “ 1608 2 “ 1534 1 “ 1574 3 “ 1587 1 “ 1659.

[299] Birch, II, 695.

[300] Birch, I, 383-4.

[301] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. III, Cuad. 3, fol. 20.

[302] Birch, II, 1007.

[303] Millares, III, 153-7; IV, 19-20.

The exportation of wine from the Canaries to the Indies was an old subject of complaint in the home country. In 1573 the Córtes represented that its profits had caused the abandonment of sugar culture, which had formerly supplied the Spanish sugar market, greatly enhancing its price and deteriorating its quality, while at the same time the flourishing wine-trade was being ruined. In reply to this Philip II only promised to look into the matter and evidently nothing was done at the time.--Córtes de Madrid del año de setenta y tres, Peticion 76 (Alcala, 1575).

[304] Millares, III, 85.

[305] Ibidem, 93-5.

[306] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. III, Cuad. 3, fol. 2, 8, 10.

[307] Birch, II, 534-6, 547, 548, 580, 626, 634, 646-61.

[308] Birch, I, 207.

[309] Millares, II, 102.

[310] Birch, I, 416-20.

[311] Ibidem, II, 726-8, 735, 750-72, 813, 832.

[312] Millares, II, 47-54, 112.

[313] Birch, II, 682.

[314] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. III, Cuad. 3, fol. 6, 16.

[315] Millares, III, 117-23, 125-37.

[316] Birch, I, 198.

[317] Millares, II, 37-9.

[318] Birch, I, 214-17.

[319] Millares, II, 98, 102.

[320] Birch, II, 512-17, 870, 931-5, 939, 973.

[321] Ibidem, 890-2.

[322] Birch, I, 482-4.

[323] Ibidem, II, 992-3.

[324] Ibidem, 819, 826.

[325] Millares, II, 152-62.

[326] Birch, I, 347, 350-2.

[327] Birch, II, 1018-26.

[328] Ibidem, I, 303-4, 377.

[329] Birch, I, 374-9; II, 1048-9.

[330] Millares, II, 148-50.

[331] Ibidem, 141-7.

[332] Coleccion de Tratados de Paz; Phelipe III, pp. 161-2, 198, 465.

[333] Birch, II, 1054.

[334] Birch, I, 414-16.

[335] Ibidem, II, 1069-70.

[336] Birch, II, 1065-70.

[337] Birch, II, 1055-63.

[338] Birch, II, 542, 555, 557.

[339] Millares, III, 83-4, 157.

[340] Birch, II, 592, 825-6.

[341] Ibidem, 1070.

[342] Millares, IV, 19-20.

[343] Birch, II, 948.

[344] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. III, Cuad. 3, fol. 20.

[345] Birch, II, 563-66.

[346] Ibidem, 640-2, 705.

[347] Ibidem, p. 716, 847-8.

[348] Birch II, 940-7.

[349] Millares, IV, 33-6.

[350] Ibidem, pp. 36-7.

[351] Millares, IV, 39, 42-44.

[352] Ibidem, I, 79-80.

[353] Millares, I, 130; II, 166.

[354] Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. III, Cuad. 3, fol. 1.--Millares, II, 167-76.

[355] Millares, II, 32-36.

[356] Ibidem, II, 104.

[357] Ibidem, III, 25, 42-3.

[358] Ibidem, I, 125-6.

[359] Millares, III, 51-7.

[360] Millares, III, 58-68.

[361] Birch, II, 597-601.

[362] Millares, III, 69-70.

[363] Ibidem, 73-5.

[364] Millares, IV, 18-19.

[365] For details see History of the Inquisition of Spain, I, 348.

[366] Millares, IV, 23-29.

[367] Ibidem, p. 70.

[368] Millares, IV, 87, 97-100.

[369] Millares, IV, 105-6.

[370] Ibidem, pp. 106-9, 114-17.

[371] Alex. PP. VI Bull _Inter cætera_, 4 Maii, 1493 (Bullar. Rom. I, 454).--Mariana, Hist. de España, T. IX, Append., p. xxvi (Ed. 1796).--Recopilacion de las Leyes de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. i, ley 2.

[372] Recop., Lib. I, Tit. i, ley 5; Lib. II, Tit. ii, ley 8.

[373] Torquemada, De la Monarquía Indiana, Lib. XVIII, cap. 8.

[374] Cron. Glassberger, ann. 1500 (Analecta Franciscana, Tom. II).

[375] Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, Lib. III, cap. 5, 14 (Coleccion de Documentos, LXIV, 372, 422).

[376] Las Casas, _op. cit._, Lib. II, cap. 54 (Col. de Doc., LXV, 275; LXVI, 165, 180).

[377] Torquemada, _ubi sup._

[378] Ibidem.

[379] Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 148.

[380] Torquemada, _op. cit._, Lib. XV, cap. 1, 10.--Col. de Doc., Tom. XXVI, p. 286.

See also a letter of the Franciscan Custodian Fray Angel de Valencia, to Charles V, May 8, 1552. If the description of his brother frailes by Fray Pedro Duran, in a letter to Philip II, Feb. 2, 1583, be not exaggerated, there was not much gained in restricting episcopal appointments to the regular Orders.--J. T. Medina, Historia de la Inquisicion en Mexico, pp. 11, 12 (Santiago de Chile, 1905).

[381] Mendieta, Hist. eccles. Indiana, p. 549 (Mexico, 1870).

[382] Amador de los Rios, Hist. de los Judíos, III, 378.

[383] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 71.

See also a letter from Alonzo de Zuazo to Chièvres, written from Hispañola, January 29, 1519, urging that immigrants be invited from all nations, except Moors and Jews and the reconciled New Christians with their children and grandchildren, who were prohibited by the royal ordinance.--Col. de Documentos, T. II, p. 371.

[384] Lorenzana, Concilios Provinciales de Mejico, p. 32 (Mexico, 1769).

[385] Recop. de las Indias, Lib. VII, Tit. v, ley 29.

[386] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 106, 107.

[387] Ibidem, Lib. 9, fol. 37.--Llorente (Añales, II, 91) states that Ximenes, May 7, 1516, appointed Juan Quevedo, Bishop of Cuba, as delegate inquisitor-general of the Indies, with power to appoint judges and other officials, but I can find no trace of such action and, if the appointment was made, it was ineffective. The first see erected in Cuba was that of Santiago, in 1522 (Gams, p. 146), and there could have been none as early as 1516, as the first expedition to the island under Diego Velázquez did not occur until 1511. Hefele (Der Cardinal Ximenes, p. 497) makes Ximenes appoint Alessandro Geraldino, Bishop of San Domingo and his colleague of la Vega inquisitors-general but, as we have seen, Geraldino was not appointed as bishop until 1522, four years after the death of Ximenes.

[388] Remesal, Historia de la Provincia de S. Vicente de Chyapa y Guatemala, Lib. II, cap. iii.--Obregon, Mexico viejo, 1ª Serie, pp. 179-80; 2ª Serie, p. 390 (Mexico, 1891-5).

[389] Obregon, México viejo, 2ª Serie, p. 333.

It would seem that the sanbenitos were not hung in the cathedral until 1667, after pressure from the Suprema to compel the inquisitors to perform the work, which must have been considerable if they had to be compiled from the records. The number then hung amounted to 404.--Medina, Historia de la Inquisicion de México, p. 317.

[390] Puja, Provisiones, Cédulas, Instrumentos de su Magestad etc., fol. 97 (Mexico, 1563).

[391] Coleccion de Documentos, LXX, 535.--Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern. Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 9.

[392] Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 4.

[393] Obregon, _loc. cit._

[394] Obregon, _loc. cit._--Schäfer, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Spanischen Protestantismus, II, 373.

[395] Obregon, _op. cit._, 2ª Serie, p. 61.

[396] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 35-6.

[397] Solorzani _op. cit._, Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 38.

[398] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 79, 123.

[399] Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 1.--Cf. Simancæ de Catholicis Institutionibus, Tit. XXXVIII, n. 12.

[400] Relazioni Venete, Serie I, Tom. VI, p. 462.

[401] This and the following details of the installation of the Mexican Inquisition I owe to a series of documents, copies of which were kindly furnished to me by the late General Don Vicente Riva Palacio.

Doctor Moya de Contreras was an old and experienced hand. In 1541 he was appointed inquisitor of Saragossa.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 117.

[402] Torquemada, Lib. XIX, cap. 29. For almost all the early inquisitors of Mexico the tribunal was the stepping-stone to the episcopate. Bonilla, who went, in 1571, as fiscal, became inquisitor in 1573 and Archbishop of Mexico in 1592. Alonso Granero, who went as inquisitor in 1574, became Bishop of Charcas the same year. Santos García was inquisitor in 1576 and Bishop of Jalisco in 1597. Alonso de Peralta, who was inquisitor in 1594, was made Archbishop of La Plata in 1609, and Lobo Guerrero, who was inquisitor in 1593, became Archbishop of Santafé in 1598.

It illustrates the character of the men occupying these positions that when Granero left Mexico for his bishopric he went by land and in Nicaragua he assumed still to be inquisitor, condemning people and fining them to defray his travelling expenses. An unlucky notary named Rodrigo de Evora wrote some satiric couplets about him, whereupon he was thrown in prison with chains on hands and feet, tortured till he was crippled with dislocated joints and then exposed in a public auto and condemned to 300 lashes and six years of galleys. The scourging was administered with excessive severity and Evora had to beg his way to Mexico to appeal to the tribunal there. He evidently was stripped of his property and among other things of four cases of Chinese ware, which Granero appropriated to his own use.--Medina, _op. cit._, 76-78.

[403] Medina, _op. cit._, p. 22.

[404] See Appendix.

[405] Mr. Elkan N. Adler has printed a translation of these special instructions furnished to Peru. Unquestionably the same provisions must have been established in Mexico.--Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12.

The inquisitors were empowered to call in the judges of the Royal Audiencia as consultors in the _consulta de fe_.--Ibidem.

[406] Medina, _op. cit._, p. 30.

[407] Llorente, Hist. crít., cap. xix, art. ii. n. 18.

[408] Medina, _op. cit._, p. 31.

[409] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 36-43.--Obregon, _op. cit._, 2ª Serie, 84-90, 335-7.--Páramo de Orig. Officii S. Inquisit., p. 241. The “Cornelius the Irishman” of Miles Phillips’s narrative was not burnt until the auto of March 6, 1575. He was one of Hawkins’s men, who had married in Guatemala.--Medina, p. 51.

[410] Obregon, p. 391. In the great auto of December 8, 1596, the sentence to relaxation of Manuel Díaz states that he is to be taken on horseback to the market-place of San Ipolito where, in the place provided for it, he is to be garroted and burnt.--Proceso contra Manuel Díaz, fol. 154 (I owe to the kindness of General Riva Palacio several of the original trials connected with this auto).

[411] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 49-55.

[412] Torquemada, Lib. XIX, cap. 30.--Obregon, pp. 338-52.--Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 91-115, 123-36.

[413] Páramo, pp. 241-2.--Proceso contra Manuel Díaz, fol. 71 (MS. _penes me_).--Obregon, p. 344. The fourth sister of Carvajal was burnt for relapse in the auto of 1601 and a fifth was reconciled (Medina, pp. 131-133).

An incident of Carvajal’s trial illustrates the dread excited by the pitiless Peralta, who richly earned his archbishopric. After prolonged torture and confession, Carvajal endeavored to commit suicide and then asked for Lobo Guerrero to be sent for, to whom he explained that he had begged that Peralta should not be present “because the mere sight of him made his flesh creep, such was the terror with which his rigor inspired him.”--Adler, Trial of Jorje de Almeida (Publications of Am. Jewish Hist. Soc., IV, 42).

The complaints against Peralta accumulated until the Suprema was compelled to formulate a process against him in which the _sumaria_ contained thirty-two charges, not only of arbitrary cruelty but of prostitution of his office for illicit gain (Medina, p. 216); but this, as we have seen, did not prevent his promotion to the archiepiscopate of La Plata.

[414] Obregon, p. 391.

[415] Las Casas, Hist. de las Indias, Lib. III, cap. 99 (Col. de Docum., T. LXV, p. 365).

[416] Lorenzana, Concilios provin. de Mexico, pp. 18, 33.

[417] Ibidem, p. 82.

[418] Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 17; Lib. VI, Tit. i, ley 35.--Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 27, 30.

This fresh papal grant was evidently called for by the action of the Council of Trent, in 1563 (Sess. XXIV, De Reform., cap. 6) which admitted that bishops had only power to absolve for secret heresy, while even this was denied them by the bulls _In Cœna Domini_ of Pius V and his successors.

[419] Bancroft, History of Mexico, III, 747, 750.--Las Casas, Hist. de las Indias, Lib. II, cap. 1; Lib. III, cap. 8 (Col. de Doc., Tom. LXIV, 7, 386).

[420] The Dominican Thomas Gage when, about the year 1630, he was serving as a missionary priest at Mixco in Guatemala, discovered, after considerable trouble, an idol in a cave, secretly worshipped by the leading Indians of the vicinage. After relating his adventures in the search, he proceeds “I writ to the President of Guatemala informing him of what I had don and to the Bishop (as an Inquisitor to whom such cases of Idolatry did belong) to be informed of him what course I should take with the Indians, who were but in part as yet discovered unto me and those only by the relation of one Indian. From both I received great thanks for my pains in searching the mountains and finding the Idol and for my zeal in burning of it. And as touching the Indian Idolators their counsel unto me was that I should further enquire after the rest and discover as many as I could and endeavor to convert them to the knowledge of the true God by fair and sweet means, showing pity unto them for their great blindness and promising them upon their repentance pardon from the Inquisition, which considering them to be but new plants useth not such rigor with them, which it useth with Spaniards if they fall into such horrible sins.”--Gage’s New Survey of the West Indies, pp. 397-8 (London, 1677).

For a considerable time the Indians seem to have escaped persecution, but at length the bishops--or at least some of them--formed Inquisitions for them and conducted these in inquisitorial fashion. In 1690 the Bishop of Oaxaca, having discovered organized idolatry in eleven pueblos of the Sierra de Xuquil, held an auto in which the culprits were reconciled and penanced, twenty-six of the principal ones being condemned to perpetual prison, for which he constructed an appropriate building. Possibly the fact that persecution was unprofitable may explain the infrequency of these proceedings. The first Indian auto in the city of Mexico seems to have been held December 23, 1731, which was followed occasionally by others--bigamy, superstitions and idolatry being the common offences. In 1769 the Archbishop of Mexico published an Edict of Faith requiring denunciations of Indian practices to his _Tribunal de Fe_. This excited the indignation of the Inquisitors who vainly demanded its suppression and then appealed to the Suprema, probably with no better success.--Medina, pp. 371-8.

[421] Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 26.

[422] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 24; Libro 926, fol. 169.

[423] Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 13.

[424] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1157, fol. 66.

[425] Ibidem, Libro 40, fol. 31.

[426] Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 14. In 1626, however, Philip IV ordered them to be compelled to pay the _alcavala_ or commutation of the tax of ten per cent. on all transactions like other subjects and, in the Concordia of 1633, the exemption from royal taxes and imposts was wholly withdrawn.--Ibidem, Lib. I, Tit. xix, leyes 15; 30, § 5.

[427] MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79, Leg. 1, fol. 1.

[428] Recop., Lib. VI, Tit. xii, ley 42.

[429] Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, leyes 10, 11, 12.--Solorzani de Ind. Gubern., Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 11.

[430] Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, leyes 24, 25. In the earlier period of the colonial Inquisition, the inquisitors sometimes, as we have seen, held prebends in addition to their salaries, but this privilege was subsequently withdrawn, at the instance of the Council of Indies, on account of the poverty of the churches.--Solorzani, _op. cit._, Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 78.

[431] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 54, 128, 139.

The canonries fell in gradually. October 24, 1636, the Suprema reports that up to that time, only those of Mexico, Puebla, Oaxaca and Guatemala, had become available, the aggregate revenues of which did not amount to the royal subvention. The tribunal had reported, January 23d, that a vacancy had occurred in the cathedral of Guadalajara and the king is urged to lose no time in ordering its suppression.--Ibidem, Lib. 21, fol. 67.

About the middle of the century the tribunal enjoyed canonries in Mexico, Puebla, Oaxaca, Chiapa, Yucatan, Guatemala, Mechoacan, Guadalajara and Manila. In Mexico the sees of Guadiana, Honduras and Nicaragua, and in the Philippines those of Cebu, Cagayan and Nueva Segovia were too poor, some of them not even having prebendaries, and the bishops were supported by the treasury.--Medina, p. 209.

[432] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

[433] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 44.--Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 30, § 1.

[434] Medina, p. 209.

[435] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 85, 139. In these papers the Suprema had the hardihood to assert that the prebends were suppressed in order to enable the tribunals to meet expenses over and above the royal subvention for salaries, although all the documents show that the object was to relieve the treasury.

[436] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 91, 103.

[437] J. T. Medina, La Inquisicion en Cartagena de Indias, p. 310 (Santiago de Chile, 1899).

[438] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 78.

[439] Archivo de Simancas, Libro 40, fol. 57.

[440] Ibidem, fol. 74.

The Contratacion could furnish only the records of silver passing through it, which were always liable to seizure by the king. The great remittances of 1646 and 1648 were cautiously made in bills of exchange, and this was probably the rule.

[441] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 77.

[442] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 85, 139.

The letter-book of the tribunal from 1642 to 1649 is largely filled with minute instructions as to the sequestrations which accompanied arrests and the management of the property seized. Though called sequestration this was really confiscation for, without awaiting the conviction of the accused, the assets were converted into money as rapidly as possible, by auctions in which of course much was sacrificed. The proceedings were most arbitrary. In a letter of October 21, 1645, the commissioner at Vera Cruz is instructed as to some cocoa belonging to prisoners, either on hand or expected to arrive. Trains of pack-mules were to be seized, no matter under what engagements they might be, to hurry the goods to Mexico and no other cocoa was to be allowed to come, so that this might bring a better price. A few weeks earlier, on September 25th, orders were sent for the arrest of Captain Fernando Moreno of Miaguatlan (Oaxaca), who was claimed to be a debtor to the fisc. He was to be seized suddenly and hurried off, heavily ironed, to Mexico, while his property was taken possession of. He was engaged in large transactions of making advances to Indians for cotton yarn and cochineal and minute instructions were given as to gathering in the product of these advances, which would be an affair of time. All this work had to be gratuitous. When on one occasion a familiar and a notary charged for their labor, they were compelled to refund and were told that the honor of serving the Inquisition was sufficient payment.--MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

[443] Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 150, p. 224.

[444] Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 40, fol. 218, 328.

[445] Archivo de Simancas, fol. 85, 139. In 1631 the _vara_, or wand of office of alguazil, was sold in Castile and, in 1634, the Suprema sought to extend this to the Colonies, under pretext of applying it to the repairs of the Castle of Triana, the home of the tribunal of Seville. The Council of Indies stoutly resisted it and a consulta of November 16, 1638, shows that the struggle was still going on (Ibidem, Libro 21, fol. 162). The Suprema finally won, but of course it absorbed the proceeds and the castle was repaired by means of the levy known as the _Fabrica de Sevilla_, which continued to be collected in the nineteenth century.

It is probable that the amount attributed to the sale of _varas_ is largely exaggerated. In 1652 there came a remittance from Mexico of 2298 pesos, of which 1711 were the proceeds of sales and 587 for the _media añata_--a tax of half of the first year’s salary of those appointed to office (Ibidem, Lib. 40, fol. 295).

[446] Obregon, _op. cit._, 1ª Serie, p. 188.

[447] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 28, fol. 276.

[448] Medina, pp. 213, 348, 379, 405.

[449] Archivo de Simancas, Libro, 435, 2º.

[450] Obregon, _op. cit._, 2º Serie, pp. 352-55. From 1601 to 1646 the only sanbenitos were--

1603. A Fleming relaxed for Calvinism, one Judaizer reconciled and one relaxed in effigy and two mulattos reconciled for heresy.

1605. An Irishman reconciled for Lutheranism and a Portuguese for Judaism. There were however 36 penitents in this auto of whom 21 were negroes and mulattos for blasphemy. When in 1605 the general pardon for Judaizers descended from Portuguese reached Mexico, there was only one to be liberated.--Medina, pp. 143, 146.

1606. A mulatto relaxed for administering sacraments without ordination. There was however another person guilty of the same offence, a married priest and a blasphemer.--Medina, p. 145.

1621. A German reconciled for Lutheranism.

1625. Three Judaizers reconciled.

1626 One Judaizer relaxed in effigy.

1630. Three Judaizers reconciled.

1635. Four Judaizers reconciled, one relaxed in person and four in effigy. This is evidently incomplete. Medina, p. 165, reports that in this auto there were twelve Judaizers reconciled and five effigies of the dead relaxed.

1636. One Judaizer relaxed in effigy.

[451] Medina, pp. 146-50.

[452] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. The cases reported consisted of

Judaism 22 Solicitation 12 Sorcery 8 Bigamy 4 Personating priesthood 4 Illuminism 2 Miscellaneous 11

[453] Medina, p. 168.

[454] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

[455] Medina, p. 169.

[456]

Solicitation in the confessional 14 Sorcery and divination 112 Consulting diviners 13 Judaism (besides 11 in Pernambuco) 41 Disregard of disabilities of descendants 8 Bigamy 4 Abuse of Inquisition by culprits 2 Remaining under excommunication for a year 4 Revealing confessions 1 Heretical blasphemy 6 Incest 1 Neglect of observances 5 Mental Prayer better than Oral 1 A little girl for breaking an arm of an image of Christ 1 A boy of 6, for making crosses on the ground, stamping on them and saying that he was a heretic 1 Priest saying 4 masses in one day 1 Personating official of Inquisition 1 Celebrating mass without ordination 2 Impeding the Inquisition 7 Insults to images 6 Concubinage better than marriage 3 Irregular fasting 1 Propositions 12 Various suspicious acts 1 Marriage better than Religious Life 1 Criticizing the Inquisition 1 Denying a debt due to the confiscated estate of a culprit 1 Marriage in Orders 1 For being the grandson of a man relaxed in Portugal 1

(MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.).

Nearly all the accusations of sorcery are of Indians, negroes or mulattos. A note states that the testifications against Indians are not indexed because the Inquisition has not jurisdiction over them.

[457] The plant named Peyote had intoxicating and narcotic properties causing pipe-dreams and visions. It was largely used by diviners and was strictly prohibited by the Inquisition.

[458] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 812; Cuenca, fol. 2.

[459] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

[460] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

[461] Carta de 27 Nov. 1643 (MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.). These prisoners were all reconciled in the subsequent autos except three who died in prison and were relaxed in effigy.

For the individual offences of these inquisitors and their subordinates in cruelty, rapacity, embezzlement and licentiousness, as reported by the _visitador_ Medina Rico, see Medina, pp. 261-2.

[462] Medina, pp. 239.

[463] Medina, pp. 181, 182.

[464] Medina, p. 183.--El Museo Mexicano, Mexico, 1843, pp. 537 sqq. Reprinted also, with some abbreviation as an appendix to a translation of Féréal’s _Mystères de la Inquisition_, Mexico, 1850.

[465] My copy of this scarce tract unfortunately lacks the title page, which I am thus unable to give. It was printed in Mexico in 1649.

[466] In addition to those who appeared in the auto there were two women condemned to relaxation, Isabel Núñez and Leonor Vaz who, the night before in the prison, sought audience with the inquisitors, professed conversion, and were withdrawn. They were reconciled in church, April 21, with irremissible perpetual prison and sanbenito.

Besides the summary in the text, the list of sanbenitos for this year includes the names of Francisco López de Aponte, relaxed in person for atheism and Sebastian Alvares for obstinacy in various errors (Obregon, p. 372), but they are not in the official relation and, as they occur again in 1659 (p. 381), there is obviously an erroneous duplication.

[467] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 38, fol. 96, 101.

[468] When, in 1654, Medina Rico came as visitador, he found 1200 cases pending in suits against the fisc of the tribunal.--Medina, p. 212.

[469] Medina, pp. 271-311.

[470] Proceso contra Joseph Bruñon de Vertiz (MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.).

I have considered this curious case at greater length in “Chapters from the Religious History of Spain,” pp. 362-73.

[471] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 189.

[472] Obregon, _op. cit._, 2ª Serie, pp. 380-4.

[473] Medina, pp. 328, 330.

[474] In the auto of 1601 the priest Juan Plata appeared as a penitent and was suspended from orders for connivance in pretended revelations of a nun of the Puebla convent of St. Catherine of Siena. He was also a _solicitante_, having seduced her in the confessional, but this was studiously omitted from the sentence read.--Medina, _op. cit._, p. 125.

[475] Oviedo y Valdés, Las Quinquagenas de la Nobleza de España, I, 383 (Madrid, 1880).--Concil. Mexican. I, ann. 1555, cap. lvii.--Mendieta, Hist. eccles. Indiana, Lib. IV, cap. xlv.

[476] Medina, p. 54.

[477] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

[478] “Que es delito muy reiterado en estas partes y muchos confesores hacen poquisimo caso dél.”--Medina, p. 162.

[479] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

[480] Medina, p. 320.

In 1664 the tribunal asked to have its jurisdiction extended over unnatural crime and bestiality, which it described as exceedingly prevalent, especially in the Religious Orders, but the Suprema refused.--Ibidem, p. 321.

It was beyond the power of the Suprema to accede to this without a special papal delegation. In Spain this had been granted to the tribunals of the Kingdoms of Aragon, but not to those of Castile.

[481] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

[482] Ibidem.

[483] Biblioteca nacional de Madrid, Seccion de MSS., X, 157, fol. 240 (see Appendix).--Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.

[484] These cases are derived from the Munich MS., last cited, entitled “Extractos de Causas [de] Familiares y Ministros que no son Oficiales que ay en la Camara del Secreto de la Inquisicion de Mexico en este presente año de 1716.”

[485] E. N. Adler, The Inquisition in Peru (Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12).

[486] J. T. Medina, Hist. de la Inquisicion de Cartagena p. 437. See, also, p. 278. Cf. Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 61, fol. 251.--MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc 17.

[487] MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.

[488] Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 16.

[489] Medina, p. 315.

[490] Solorzano, _loc. cit._, n. 61.

[491] This prohibition was removed in the Concordia of 1633.

[492] Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 29.

The vexatious petty tyranny in which the tribunal indulged is illustrated by the case of a law-student, Diego de Porras Villerías, about 1600, who was fined in 100 pesos and banished for a year because he refused to honor a requisition for two cartloads of lime for the prison which it was constructing.--Medina, p. 137.

[493] Solorzani _op. cit._, Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 60.--MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 1, 60, 66 _sqq._

[494] Solorzano, _loc. cit._, n. 63-73.

[495] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 17, fol. 1.

[496] Munich, MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79.

[497] Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 30.

[498] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 199.

[499] Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79.

[500] Medina, p. 323. Possibly this may explain his treasonable project of transferring the northern provinces of Mexico to France.

[501] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 362.

[502] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 946, fol. 282, 360, 400.--Por el Tribunal del S. Officio de Mexico sobre el Impedimiento que a puesto D. D. Matheo Sagade Bugueiro, Arzobispo de la dicha Ciudad (communicated by D. Fergusson Esqr.).