Chapter XXXVII: Appendix: I (5)

[503] The visitador Medina Rico characterizes without reserve this unjustifiable action of the tribunal “sin causa, motivo, ni razon alguna, se introdujeron à inmensos procedimientos en la materia, y esto no con igualdad y justicia, sino con manifiesta pasion contra el dicho señor Obispo, su provisor, criados, allegados y afectos.” They represented to Viceroy Salvatierra “que era sospechoso en la fe y tizon ardiente del infierno y otras cosas gravisimas semejantes à las referidas.”--Medina, pp. 241, 242.

[504] Obras de Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, Tom. I, Prolegom.; T. XI, pp. 241, 289, 328, 466-7 (Madrid, 1762). The fullest account, however, of the arbitrary proceedings of the Inquisition is contained in a letter, omitted for cause from his collected works, written from Chiapa, August 10, 1647, to the Inquisitor-general Arce y Reynoso. It was printed by Puigblanch, Cadiz, 1813, and by Medina, pp. 242-60.

It is worthy of note that at this time the Jesuits were laying the foundation of their curious autocratic empire of Paraguay, by a quarrel with Bernardino de Cardenas, Bishop of Asuncion, known as _el Padre de los Indios_. To prevent his visiting their missions they drove him by force of arms from his episcopal see. The struggle lasted from 1644 to 1660, when the Holy See decided in favor of the bishop.--Coleccion de Documentos tocantes á la Persecucion contra D. Fr. Bernardino de Cardenas, Madrid, 1768.

[505] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 64.

We shall meet Archbishop Juan de Mañozca hereafter in his earlier capacity of Inquisitor of Cartagena, where he earned an infamous notoriety.

[506] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. The sentence in this case is so unusual that I give the essential portion of it in the Appendix.

[507] Medina, p. 266.

[508] Gams, Series Episcoporum, s. vv.

[509] Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan., 79.

[510] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 2.

[511] Páramo, p. 243.--Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 940, fol. 6.

[512] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

[513] See the Author’s “Chapters from the Religious History of Spain,” p. 73.

There was no little scandal, in 1768, when it was discovered that the receiver of the tribunal, Vicente de las Heras Serrano, had sold for 850 pesos to the Licentiate Juan José Azpeitia a number of the prohibited books which had been seized. No great damage to the faith could have ensued if they were all like Milton’s Paradise Lost, for the possession of which a French surgeon, Carlos Loret, was forced to abjure and was banished to Spain.--Medina, p. 434.

[514] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

A similar prohibition of the irreverent use of crosses and images is embodied in the Peruvian Edict of Faith of 1641.--Adler, The Inquisition in Peru (American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12).

[515] Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79. See “Chapters from Spain,” p. 86, for instructions to the commissioners in the performance of this duty.

[516] Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 30.

[517] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 10; Lib. 40, fol. 44.

[518] MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

[519] Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79.

[520] Note to Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 29. For further details as to this see below, under Peru.

[521] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 28, fol. 272, 276.

Obregon (_op. cit._, p. 227) relates an anecdote of this period which would seem incompatible with the existing discredited position of the Inquisition. One Ash Wednesday, when the canons of the cathedral called upon the Marquis de Croix, as customary, to present him with ashes, he kept them waiting in his antechamber, to the intense indignation of those dignified personages. They complained to the inquisitors, who summoned the viceroy to appear before them. He obeyed, but he went attended by a guard and some pieces of artillery. He was haughtily received until he took out his watch and casually remarked that he hoped the audience would be brief for, if he was not back in the street in ten minutes, the cannon would open on the building and reduce it to ruins. The dignity of the inquisitors disappeared; they promptly dismissed him and were in agony as he leisurely sauntered forth.

If such an occurrence took place it is attributable with more verisimilitude to the period of the Marquis de Croix in Mexico than to the earlier time of the Marquis de Castelfuerte in Peru, of whom a precisely similar story is told, except that he gave the tribunal an hour for consideration. In his case the summons to appear is ascribed to his rough treatment of the Franciscans, July 5, 1731, when two of them were killed in a disturbance at the execution of Dr. Joseph de Antequera.--Palma, Añales de la Inquisicion de Lima, p. 184 (Madrid, 1898).

[522] Medina, p. 338.

[523] Ibidem, pp. 339-45.

[524] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 81.

[525] Medina, pp. 358-63.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 81.

[526] Medina, pp. 365, 388.

[527] Ibidem, pp. 396, 432.

[528] Medina, pp. 387, 397-405.

[529] Obregon, _op. cit._, 2ª Serie, pp. 389, 392-3.

Lizardi’s troubles did not end with the extinction of the Inquisition. In 1822 he issued a defence of Free-Masonry which excited clerical wrath. In Puebla, a priest, after arousing the people with his sermons, headed a mob which broke into a printer’s shop, carried off the obnoxious books and made an auto de fe of them, leading to a tumult in which three men were killed and a number were wounded. About the same time Lizardi was obliged to appeal to the Córtes for protection against his public excommunication by the archiepiscopal provisor.--El Sol, pp. 122, 146, 152 (Mexico, 1822).

[530] I owe to the late General Don Vicente Riva Palacio the documents in this matter.

[531] Obregon, _op. cit._, 2ª Serie, p. 393.

[532] Note to Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 1. Cf. Lib. III, Tit. i, ley 2.

[533] See in Appendix the Edict of January 26, 1811. Also Obregon, 2ª Serie, p. 393.

[534] Proceso contra Dr. Pedro Mendizabal, fol. 13 (MS. _penes me_).

[535] I owe the following details to a transcript of his trial, made from the original in 1865 by Don José María Lafragua and kindly communicated to me by David Fergusson Esqr.

[536] The learned Dominican Jacques Augustin Serry’s _Historia Congregationum de Auxiliis_, issued also under the pseudonym of Augustin Leblanc, appeared in 1700 and was promptly condemned in Spain in 1701 (Index of 1707, I, 776), but is not on the Roman Index. His _Exercitationes de Christo ejusque V. Matre_ are in both Indexes. For a Jesuit opinion of the former work see Father Colonia’s _Bibliothèque Janseniste_, p. 186 (Ed. 1735).

María de Agreda was a Spanish mystic of the seventeenth century whom Spain has repeatedly, up to modern times, endeavored to get canonized.

[537] These comprehensive excommunications led to a result not particularly creditable to the Church. A writer in 1822 calls attention to the fact that, while the leading insurgents who were captured were formally reconciled before they were shot, the mass of the people, who had never paid any attention to the censures, were freely received to the sacraments without having been absolved.--El Sol, México, Feb. 27, 1822, p. 107.

[538] See Appendix. One of the insurgent proclamations shows the savage character of the warfare. It sets forth the terms and conditions of the struggle of which the following may serve as a specimen--

4. The European who resists with arms will be put to the sword.

5. When threatened with siege or battle, before commencing we will put to the sword the numerous Europeans in our hands and will then abide the fortunes of war.

6. The American who defends a European with arms will be put to the sword.

Thus was justified the execution of Hidalgo and his chiefs. Whatever sympathy we may feel for the cause, we must admit that the cruelty marking the strife was equally shared and that the fate of Maximilian was foreshadowed.

[539] In estimating the veracity of this curious tale, we must bear in mind that both Fernando VII and Pius VII were at the time prisoners of Napoleon. There was, it is true, a Spanish Regency and the Córtes of Cádiz which used the royal name, but it is inconceivable that, even if it had access to the pope, it would have taken such a precaution at a time when there was no anticipation of rebellion in the colonies.

[540] Medina, pp. 456-61.

[541] Ibidem, pp. 461, 463.

[542] Coleccion de Cédulas etc. de Fernando VII, pp. 8, 85 (Valencia, 1814).

[543] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libros 877, 890.

[544] Medina, pp. 467-9.

[545] Medina, pp. 469-70.

[546] Ibidem, pp. 479-92.

[547] The following details of the trial of Morelos are derived from a report, accompanied by the documents, made by Flores to the Suprema, November 27 and December 29, 1815. It is in the archives of Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 49, Legajo 1473.--See also Medina, pp. 513-45.

[548] The Constitution of Nov. 22, 1814, which based all government on the will of the people clearly came under the edict of August, 1808, which denounced the doctrine of popular sovereignty as manifest heresy. For the same reason the Constitution of Cádiz was heretical.

[549] See Appendix.

[550] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 559.

[551] Obregon, 2ª Serie, p. 395. Mier’s crowning offence was a book with the suggestive title “Informe y Pedimento Fiscal presentado por los Locos ante el Supremo Tribunal de la Razon humana.”--Archivo histórico nacional de Madrid, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 100.

He escaped to the United States and returned to Mexico in 1822, when he was imprisoned by Dávila, Governor of the castle of San Juan de Ulua, but was speedily released.--El Sol, p. 117 (Mexico, 1822).

[552] Medina, p. 505.

[553] Archivo hist. nacional de Madrid, Inquisicion, Legajo 6462, Cuaderno 1, fol. 68; Cuaderno 2, fol. 2.

[554] Defensa del Editor de la Obra titulada los Misterios de la Inquisicion, México, 1850.

[555] J. T. Medina, El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en las Islas Filipinas, pp. 16, 28-9 (Santiago de Chile, 1899).

[556] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 17-28, 30-1, 36-8, 141-51.

[557] Instruccion que han de guardar los Comisarios, n. 16, 17, 18, 30.

[558] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 178-9, 181-2.

[559] Ibidem, pp. 38-9.

[560] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 42-3.

We have seen above (p. 243) that, in the list of cases of solicitation pending before the Mexican tribunal in the years 1622-3-4, there were seven from Manila. Of these, as we chance to learn from other documents, three, Fray Domingo Fernández, Fray Melchor de Manzano and Fray Martin de la Anunciacion, were all denounced, by different women, on March 31, 1622, to Fray Miguel de San Jacinto, commissioner for the province of New Segovia. As that day was the Thursday after Easter, this was probably the result of confessing to a rigid confessor who refused absolution until denunciation should be made. Another one was Padre Pedro Ramírez, S. J., denounced to the Manila commissioner, Fray Domingo González, Aug. 16, 1622.

The comparative infrequency of Jesuit culprits may perhaps be partially explained by a remarkable precaution adopted by the Society. A deposition under oath, Jan. 20, 1625, made in the Philippines by Padre Baltasar de Silva, states that experienced and trustworthy women, whom they called syndics, were employed to confess to Jesuits and tempt them to a certain point. The result was reported to the rector and if one was found to respond to the advances, he was transferred to some other place before he reached the point of himself soliciting. The Order looked with aversion on the requirement of denunciation to the Inquisition and took this method of averting it. In Manila, about 1605, one of these syndics was Doña Mariana Garvi, who was succeeded by Doña María Marmolejo.--MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

[561] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 48-50.

[562] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 53-4.

[563] Ibidem, pp. 33-4.

[564] El Museo Mexicano, 1843, p 361.

[565] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 59-66.

[566] Fray Juan de la Concepcion, Historia general de Philipinas, T. IX, pp. 202-4.

[567] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 151-4.

[568] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 141-51.

[569] Ibidem, pp. 161-3.

[570] Juan de la Concepcion, XIV, 81-107.--Buzeta, Diccionario de las Islas Filipinas, I, 395 (Madrid, 1850).

[571] MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hisp. 79.

[572] Juan de la Concepcion, V, 276, 278. Puigblanch (La Inquisicion sin Mascara, Cádiz, 1811, p. 402) is in error in attributing the persecution of Archbishop Guerrero to the Inquisition and has misapprehended Palafox’s allusion to it. In both cases it was the Jesuits acting through _jueces conservadores_, who, by a monstrous abuse, assumed to exercise full papal powers, but in Mexico the Inquisition was with them and in Manila it was against them.

The ecclesiastics had full revenge on Governor Corcuera when, in 1644, he was succeeded by Diego Fajardo. In fortifying Manila against an expected attack by the Dutch, his lines ran through an Augustinian convent. He offered the frailes another house, but they refused to move and he tore down the building about their ears. When out of office they prosecuted him and obtained a verdict of 25,000 pesos. He must have been a rarely honest governor, for he was unable to pay it and they kept him in harsh gaol for five years. On his liberation, Philip IV appointed him Governor of the Canaries.--Concepcion, VI, 185-93.

[573] Medina, _op. cit._, p. 46.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 154.

[574] Juan de la Concepcion, VI, 316.

[575] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 84-6.

[576] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 87-130.--MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 209, 249. It is perhaps worth remarking that Juan de la Concepcion makes no allusion to this episode, so prominent in the history of the Colony and so little creditable to his Augustinian Order.

[577] Medina, _op. cit._, pp. 156-7.

[578] MS., _penes me_.

[579] Medina, Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata, pp. 43-7.

Thanks to the researches of native scholars there is ample material for the history of the South American Inquisition. The most prominent of these gentlemen is Don José Toribio Medina who has gathered a wealth of documents in the Spanish archives on which are based the works to which I am principally indebted. These are:

“Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Lima (1569-1820).” 2 vols., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1887.

“Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en Chile.” 2 vols., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1890.

“El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata.” 1 vol., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1900.

“Historia del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Cartagena de las Indias.” 1 vol., 12mo, Santiago de Chile, 1899.

Don Ricardo Palma of Lima has contributed a useful compendium--“Añales de la Inquisicion de Lima,” Lima, 1863. Third edition, Madrid, 1897.

Don Vicuña Mackenna has given some exceedingly curious details of the procedure of the tribunal in his “Francisco Moyen ó lo que fué la Inquisicion en América,” Valparaiso, 1868, of which an English translation by Dr. James W. Duffy appeared in London in 1869.

Various relations of autos de fe have been reprinted in the “Documentos Literarios del Perú,” Tomo VII, Lima, 1876.

Unfortunately, the main source of information, the records of the tribunal itself, are no longer available. They were preserved almost intact, at the suppression in 1820, and were lodged in the Archivo nacional, in the convent of San Agustin, but were dispersed in 1881 when Lima was occupied by the Chilian army. Before this event, through the kindness of Doctor Paz-Soldan, I procured copies of some interesting documents, referred to in the following pages under the old numbers. The Spanish archives have also furnished me some material.

[580] Medina, Inquisicion de Lima, II, 469-73.

[581] Ibidem, I, 26; La Plata, I, 16-18.

[582] Concil. Limens. Provin. I, Act. II, cap. 1; Act. V, cap. 1 (Haroldus, Lima Limata, pp. 5, 42).

[583] Medina, La Plata, 19.

[584] Medina, La Plata, pp. 21-41, 85-111.

Another distinguished conquistador, Felipe de Cáceres, was prosecuted by Pedro Fernández de la Torre, Bishop of la Plata, who carried him to Spain, about 1580, but died on the passage and Cáceres was delivered to the tribunal of Seville.--Ibidem, p. 116.

[585] Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exped^{te} 5270.

[586] Medina, Lima, I, 173-177, 179-80.--Archivo nacional de Lima, _ubi sup._

[587] Medina, Lima, II, 424.

[588] Medina, Lima, I, 2-4.

[589] Medina, Lima, I, 6-18.--See also Elkan N. Adler, The Inquisicion in Peru (Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12), who prints a translation of the special instructions of the Suprema.

[590] Medina, Lima, I, 29-31.

[591] Medina, Lima, I, 49-55.

[592] Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exped^{te} 5270.--Palma, Añales, 8-11.--Medina, Lima, I, 6.

[593] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 23.

[594] Archivo de Simancas, _loc. cit._

[595] Medina, Lima, I, 5.--Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Exp^{te} 5289.

[596] Archivo de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exp^{te} 5270.--Medina, Lima, I, 301-18.

[597] Medina, La Plata, p. 57.--Archivo de Lima, _ubi sup._

[598] Medina, Chile, I, 363, 365.--Archivo nacional de Lima, _ubi sup._

[599] Medina, Lima, I, 172; II, 58.--Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Exp^{te} 5287; Protocolo 223, Exp^{te} 5270.

[600] The prosecution, about 1580, of Fray Andres Vélez, Provincial of San Domingo, shows that the islands were subject to the Lima tribunal.--Archivo de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exp^{te} 5270.

[601] Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exp^{te} 5270.

[602] Archivo nacional de Lima, _ubi sup._--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 23.

[603] Medina, Lima, I, 204-223; La Plata, 62-3, 113.

[604] Medina, Lima, I, 261; La Plata, 113-15.

[605] Medina, La Plata, p. 116.

[606] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 45, fol. 210.

[607] Medina, La Plata, pp. 200-7.

[608] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 20, fol. 46.

[609] Ibidem, fol. 66.

[610] Medina, La Plata, pp. 207-8. I give the date as printed but think it probable that a typographical error has converted 1630 to 1636.

[611] Medina, La Plata, pp. 209-14; Lima, I, 331.

[612] Medina, La Plata, pp. 215-24; Lima, I, 332.

[613] Medina, Lima, I, 2. Vicuña Mackenna asserts (Francisco Moyen, p. 112) that Philip granted the tribunal a dotation which produced an annual revenue of 32,817 pesos, 3-1/2 reales, but this is a self-evident error, probably based on the king’s assertion to Urban VIII that he spent 32,000 ducats a year on the three tribunals of Mexico, Lima and Cartagena.

[614] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 20, 21, 54, 91.--Medina, Lima, I, 187.--Archivo nacional de Lima, _ubi sup._

[615] Archivo nacional de Lima, _ubi sup._--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 30.

[616] Archivo nacional de Lima, _ubi sup._--Medina, Lima, I, 202.

[617] Medina, Lima, I, 47-9, 188-95, 200, 304.

[618] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 34, 35, 36, 54.--Recop. Lib. I, Tit. xix, ll. 10, 11, 12.--Solorzani de Indiar. Gubernat., Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 11.

[619] In the chapter of Santiago de Chile, one of the canons, Francisco Navarro, soon after the arrival of the royal order suppressing a prebend, withdrew to the convent of San Francisco. It was claimed that his retirement vacated the benefice; the matter was referred to the king who decided, by a decree of August 31, 1635, that this was the case. The canons adopted the favorite device of obeying without executing and were supported by the Audiencia, much to the disgust of the Dean, Tomas de Santiago, who was commissioner of the Inquisition. Meanwhile another of the canons, Gerónimo Salvatierra, died and the question was finally settled by a royal order of April 6, 1638, pronouncing the vacated prebend to be that of Salvatierra.

Commissioner Santiago had become violently inimical to some of the canons in the course of this dispute and undertook to gratify his revenge, when Manuel Bautista Pérez of Lima was burnt and his property was confiscated. One of his debtors to the amount of 2000 pesos was a prominent merchant of Santiago, Pedro Martínez Gago, whose property was seized by Santiago; some of the canons were indebted to him for trifling amounts and Santiago persecuted them. The quarrel assumed portentous dimensions through the violence of his proceedings and liberal use of excommunication, when a new bishop Fray Gaspar de Villaroel, made his appearance, and undertook to reduce Santiago to submission. In this he disregarded all the immunities of the Inquisition and, being supported by the civil power and the judiciary, he vindicated his episcopal supremacy by arresting the contumacious commissioner and imprisoning him in chains. Santiago boldly strove to make head against the united secular and ecclesiastical power of the province, but was finally forced to submit. Villaroel does not seem to have suffered for his audacity. In 1651 he was transferred to the see of Arequipa and in 1658 he became Archbishop of la Plata. When he died there, in 1665, his whole fortune was found to consist of six reales.--Mackenna, La Revista de Buenos Aires, Mayo, 1870, p. 102.

[620] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 46.

[621] Ibidem, fol. 54.

[622] Archivo de Simancas Inq., Libro 21, fol. 72.

[623] Medina, Lima, II, 165-66.

[624] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 36, fol. 74.

[625] Archivo de Simancas Inquisicion, Libro 21, fol. 261.

[626] Medina, Lima, II, 48, 167.

[627] Ibidem, 166.

[628] Medina, Lima, II, 167.

[629] Ibidem, 251.

A statement of expenses for 1681 shows:

Salaries of fourteen officials pesos 23,528.0
Yearly remittance to the Suprema 9,926.3
“ “ to its Secretary 496.2
“ “ to two other secretaries and two clerks at 275 1,100.0
-------
11,522.5
Maintenance of poor prisoners 850.0
Extraordinary expenses 2,800.0
Expenses of the cámara del secreto 250.0
---------
38,950.5
Spent in seven years on the houses of inquisitors 7,000.0

In giving this Medina (pp. 252-3) calls attention to the fact that in this enumeration are not included the salaries of a number of other officials mentioned by the receiver, as follows:

A third secretary 1000 Notario del juzgado 1400 Contador 200 Juez de los bienes confiscados 1000 Advocate of prisoners 200 Steward 300 Solicitador 100 Barber 100 ---- 4300

There is significance in the annual payments to the secretaries of the Suprema whose good will might at any moment be useful.

[630] MSS. of White Library, Cornell University, n. 616, fol. 65.

[631] Medina, Chile, II, 396; Lima, II, 315-19, 326, 331, 352-3.--Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 225, Exp^{te} 5278.--Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 490.

A salutary regulation required each viceroy, at the expiration of his term, to draw up an account of his experience and of the condition of affairs for the benefit of his successor. These, so far as recovered, were printed at Lima in 1859, under the title of _Memorias de los Vireyes_.

[632] Medina, Lima, II, 382-3.

[633] Mackenna, p. 116.--Medina, Lima, II, 392.--Memorias de los Vireyes, VI, 51.

[634] Medina, Lima, I, 44, 47, 204, 223.

[635] Medina, Lima, I, 223-47, 251. After Villar’s term was ended, in 1590, the inquisitors prosecuted his secretary, Juan Bello, because, when some one insisted on having certain papers, Bello exclaimed impatiently that he could not have them even if God wished it, and also because he had said that he would rather have to do with demons than with the frailes.--Ibidem, p. 258.

[636] Ibidem, p. 217.

[637] Medina, Lima, I, 262, 264, 274, 277-80, 282.

[638] Medina, Lima, I, 283-6.

[639] Ibidem, pp. 327-8.

[640] Medina, Lima, I, 301, 313-17.

[641] Ibidem, pp. 317-18.

[642] Medina, Lima, I, 301-3.

[643] Ibidem, I, 329, 348.

[644] Ibidem, II, 5.

[645] Medina, Lima, II, 14-15.

[646] Ibidem, p. 16, 76-8.

[647] Medina, Lima, II, 253; Cartagena, pp. 343-44.

[648] Medina, Lima, II, 212-14.

[649] Ibidem, pp. 283, 285.

[650] Medina, Lima, II, 311-14, 317.--Joseph Bermudez de la Torre y Solier, Triunfos del S. Oficio Peruano, Lima, 1737.--Palma, p. 107.

[651] Medina, Lima, II, 318-19.

[652] Medina, Lima, II, 319.

[653] Medina, Lima, II, 320-22.

[654] Ibidem, pp. 322-26.

[655] Medina, Lima, II, 326-8, 331, 353-6.--Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 69-72, 490-91.--Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 225, Exp^{tes} 5276, 5278.

It is to the credit of Arenaza that, in the earthquake of 1746, which ruined the buildings of the Inquisition, the prisoners were rescued by his efforts, he himself sustaining injury and one of his servants being killed.--Medina, II, 331.

[656] Medina, Lima, II, 384-6, 398.

W. B. Stevenson, Secretary to Lord Cochrane, who was brought before the tribunal in 1813, shortly before the decree of suppression was received, gives a vivid description of Zalduegui--“I knew the inquisitors--but how changed from what at other times I had seen them! The pursy swarthy Abarca, in the centre, scarcely half filling his chair of state--the fat monster Zalduegui on his left, his corpulent paunch being oppressed by the arms of his chair, and blowing through his nostrils like an over-fed porpoise--the fiscal, Sobrino, on his right, knitting his black eye-brows and striving to produce in his unmeaning face the semblance of wisdom.”--Twenty Years’ Residence in South America, I, 264 (London, 1825).

[657] Hoyo, Relacion del auto de fe de 20 Dic. de 1694 (Lima, 1695).

[658] Medina, Lima, II, 183-5.

[659] Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 2.

[660] Medina, Lima, I, 181.

[661] Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Exp^{te} 5287 (see Appendix).

[662] Medina, Lima, I, 263, 285-6, 290-2.

[663] Medina, Lima, II, 444.

[664] Ibidem, 444, 449.

[665] Medina, Lima, II, 454.

[666] Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 487.

[667] Bibl. nacional de Madrid, Seccion de MSS., R, 102, fol. 169.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 27, fol. 90, 106.--Memorias de los Vireyes, III, 85.

[668] Nueva Recopilacion, Lib. I, Tit. x, ley 10, n. 5.

[669] Bibl. nacional de Madrid, MSS., R, 102.--MSS. of Archivo nacional de Lima, Legajo 225, Expediente 5278.--Memorias de los Vireyes del Perú, III, 86-93.

[670] Memorias de los Vireyes, III, 94-100.

[671] Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 73-6, 300.

[672] Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 300-2; V, 50.

[673] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 39, Legajo 52.--Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 225, Exped^{te} 5278.

[674] For the large part played in South American sorcery by coca see Granada, _Reseña de antiguas y modernas Supersticiones del Río de la Plata_, pp. 26, 30, 201, 208-9, 498, 501, 578 (Montevideo, 1896).

[675] Medina, Lima, II. 35-41, 357.

[676] Medina, La Plata, pp. 129-37; Lima, I, 311; II, 45, 225, 273.

[677] Medina, Lima, I, 139, 147, 188-95; La Plata, 122.--Palma, Añales, p. 51.

[678] Medina, La Plata, pp. 122-5.

[679] Ibidem, pp. 125-6.

[680] Medina, Lima, I, 313; II, 474-8.

[681] Medina, La Plata, p. 266; Lima, II, 307, 381.

[682] Medina, Lima, I, 57-117.

[683] Ibidem, II, 34-5.

[684] Ibidem, pp. 27, 28, 30.

[685] Hoyo, Relacion del Auto de Fe de 20 Diz. 1694, fol. 54 (Lima, 1695).

[686] Hoyo, Relacion, fol. 2, 3, 34, 36, 38, 39, 43, 44, 45, 48.--Medina, Lima, II 258.

[687] Hoyo, fol. 16, 27, 28, 40, 42.

[688] Ibidem, fol. 17, 18, 39.

[689] Palma, p. 67.

[690] Hoyo, fol. 8, 9, 11, 49-50.

[691] Hoyo, fol. 50-1.

[692] Ibidem, fol. 51-3.

[693] Medina, Lima, II, 262.

[694] Medina Lima, II, 262, 264.--Index Prohib. et Expurg., 1747, I, 124. The title of Sartolo’s book was “Vida admirable y muerte prodigioso de Nicolás de Ayllon y con nombre mas que curioso Nicolás de Dios, natural de Clayo en las Indias del Perú.” Madrid, 1684.

[695] Medina, Lima, II, 241.

[696] Medina, Chile, II, 276-356, 450.--Bermudez de la Torre, Triunfos del Santo Oficio Peruano, Lima, 1737.

[697] Medina, Chile, II, 388-91, 442-8.

[698] Medina, Chile, II, 450-61.

[699] Medina, Lima, I, 150-6, 257.

[700] Ibidem, II, 29, 287, 310, 375.

[701] Archivo nacional de Lima.

[702] Medina, Chile, I, 363.

[703] Medina, Lima, I, 157; Chile, I, 359.

[704] Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Exp^{te} 5287.

[705] Medina, La Plata, pp. 117-19.

[706] Medina, Lima, I, 296-8.

[707] Medina, Chile, I, 371-80.

[708] Medina, Chile, I, 381; Lima, I, 305-7.

[709] Medina, Chile, I, 385-90.

The question as to the ownership of confiscations made on heretic prisoners was a nice one. When some Englishmen were captured in Vallano the tribunal laid claim to the gold that was taken with them. How the dispute was settled does not appear.--Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exp^{te} 5270.

[710] Medina, Lima, II, 33; Chile I, 366, 369.

[711] Recop., Lib. VII, Tit. v, ley 29.

[712] Medina, Lima, I, 29.

[713] Ibidem, p. 157.--Palma, Añales, p. 21.

[714] Medina, Lima, I, 297.--Palma, p. 49.

[715] Medina, Lima, I, 305, 307-10.

[716] Ibidem, I, 321-23.

[717] Medina, Lima, I, 337-9. It must be borne in mind in all these cases that “reconciliation” to the Church entailed confiscation and was usually accompanied with other penalties more or less severe according to the record of the culprit and the readiness with which he had confessed and recanted as indicative of the sincerity of his conversion. There might be prison and sanbenito for a term or for life, scourging or the galleys.

[718] Ibidem, p. 341, 347.

[719] Palma, Añales, p. 31.

[720] Medina, La Plata, 155-61.

[721] Ibidem, 164-66.

[722] Medina, Lima, II, 27-31.

[723] Pablo de Santa María was originally the Rabbi Selemoh Ha-Levi, one of the most learned of Jewish doctors. Converted in 1390, he rose to be regent of Spain in the minority of Juan II, papal legate _a latere_ and bishop successively of Cartagena and Búrgos. His book was regarded as convincing and was repeatedly printed. Two editions appeared in Strassburg about 1471 and my copy is of Búrgos, 1591.

[724] Medina, La Plata, pp. 172-97; Lima, II, 146.--See also a paper by George Alexander Kohut in Publications of the Am. Jewish Historical Society, XI, 163 (1903).

[725] Medina, Lima, II, 47-168, 176. Medina prints the Relation of the auto by Fernando Montesinos. A brief abstract of it is given by Pellicer, _Avisos históricos_, under date of Feb. 7, 1640 (Valladares, Semanario erúdito, XXXI, 129).

[726] Medina, Lima, II, 169, 175, 177-8.--Palma, Añales, p. 41.

[727] Palma, Añales, pp. 38-9.

[728] Medina, Lima, II, 189-90.

[729] Medina, Lima, II, 276-80.

[730] Bermudez de la Torre, Triunfos del Santo Oficio Peruano, fol. 59-60, 154-55, 178.--Palma, Añales, pp. 105-6.--Medina, Lima, II, 312.

[731] Medina, Lima, II, 336, 341-52.

[732] Ibidem, p. 378.

[733] Palma, Añales, pp. 14-19.

[734] Bermudez de la Torre, Triunfos, pp. 136-57, 172-78.

[735] Palma, Añales, p. 139.

[736] Barnuevo de Peralta, Relacion del Auto de 1733, Lima, 1733.

[737] Bermudez de la Torre, Triunfos, fol. 146, 152.

[738] Mackenna, Francisco Moyen, _passim._--Palma, Añales, pp. 129-32.--Medina, Lima, II, 374.

[739] Medina, Lima, I, 5, 172, 330; II, 368.

[740] Medina, Lima, II, 249.

[741] Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 472.

[742] Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 225, Exp^{te} 5278.

[743] Memorias de los Vireyes, V, 85.

[744] Medina, La Plata, II, 256.

[745] Stevenson, Twenty Years in South America, I, 269.

[746] Palma, Añales, p. 176, 210.

[747] Stevenson, Twenty Years in South America, I, 261-67.

[748] Stevenson, _op. cit._, I, 267-74.--Medina, Lima, II, 398.

[749] Medina, Lima, II, 400.

[750] Palma, Añales, p. 211.

[751] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1473.

[752] Ibidem, Libro 559.

[753] Palma, Añales, p. 213.

[754] Archivo nacional de Lima, Inventarios Originales, No. 1.

It may be of interest to put on record the personnel of the tribunal and the salaries at the moment of extinction:

Pesos. Reales. Mrs.
Inquisidor mas antiguo Cristóval de Ortegon 4962 9 30
Inquisidor Anselmo Pérez de la Canal (at 3/4 of salary
as ordered by Suprema) 3722 3 14
Do. fiscal José Mariano de Larrea (Do.--but with
148 additional as Juez de los bienes) 3870 3 6
Jubilado Dean Pedro Zalduegui (at 1/4 salary) 1240 6 16
“ Inquisidor José Ruiz Sobrino (Do.) 1240 6 16
Secretario del Secreto Manuel de Arizcurrunaga 1700
Do. Fran^{co} de Echavarria Momediano 1700
Do. Ramon del Valle 1700
Do. Carlos Delgado (at 1/2 salary) 850
Do. Jubilado Pablo de la Torre (Do.) 850
Secretario de Secuestros Jacinto Jimeno 1000
Receptor-general Carlos Lizon, 1900, together with 250 for
collecting rents 2150
Contador Ildefonso Gereda 500
Abogado del Fisco Manuel de la Fuente y Chaves 350
Procurador del Fisco Mariano González 300
Alcaide de Carceles J. Baut. de Barnechea 900
Nuncio A. D. Eustaquio 830
Portero de Camara Manuel Leon 500
Ministro de vara Teodoro Marino 50
--------------------
28,417 5 14
====================

In addition Teodoro Marino is ordered to receive 33 pesos 2-1/2 reales for four months’ service as portero at the rate of 100 pesos per annum. Also there is a salary of forty reales per month as sweeper, divided between Fray Manuel Bahamonde and Fray Manuel Tinoco, who are each to receive five pesos for the months of July and August. The peso, or piece of eight reales, is the Spanish dollar.

[755] Medina, Lima, II, 466-7.

[756] José Manuel Groot, Historia eclesiastica y civil de Nueva Granada, I, 1, 7, 98 (Bogotá, 1869-71).

[757] J. A. García y García, Relaciones de los Vireyes del Nuevo Reyno de Granada, pp. xvi-xix (New York, 1869).

[758] Groot, I, 84, 504.

[759] J. T. Medina, Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Cartagena de las Indias, pp. 19-23, 430 (Santiago de Chile, 1899).

[760] Ibidem, pp. 27, 29.

[761] Ibidem, p. 423.

[762] Medina, pp. 37-41.

[763] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 45, fol. 182.

[764] Medina, p. 434.

[765] Medina, p. 46.

[766] Medina, p. 433.

[767] Ibidem, pp. 155, 163.

[768] MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc, 17.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 60, fol. 352; Lib. 61, fol. 524, 534.

It does not seem that the tribunal of Cartagena had any part in a curious attempt to introduce the Inquisition into Louisiana, which was ceded to Spain by the Treaty of Paris in 1762. The disaffected colonists drove out their new masters in 1768, but were subdued the next year by O’Reilly. In 1772 the Governor, Don Luis de Unzaga, in a report to the Bishop of Havana, said “It is not the practice here to force any one to submit to the Church, and the process of excommunication is held in utter abomination.” This toleration continued and, in 1789, the Governor Estevan Miró was surprised to receive from Fray Antonio de Sedella--one of a band of Spanish Capuchins who had been sent to New Orleans in 1772--a communication stating that, in a letter of December 5th, he had received from the proper authority a commission as commissioner of the Inquisition, with instructions to perform his duties with the utmost zeal and fidelity; that, having made his investigations with the greatest secrecy and precaution, he notified the governor that, in execution of his instructions, he might soon, at some late hour of the night, deem it necessary to require some guards to assist him in his operations. That same night, April 29th, he was aroused from sleep to find at his door an officer with a file of grenadiers, when he thanked them and said that he had no use for them that night. To his astonishment he was told that he was under arrest; he was hurried on board a vessel which sailed the next day for Cádiz, and the Inquisition was nipped in the bud. Miró seems to have been called upon for an explanation, for in a despatch of June 3d he declared that he shuddered when he read Sedella’s note. He had been ordered to foster immigration from the United States, under pledge of no molestation on account of religion, and the mere name of the Inquisition in New Orleans would not only check immigration but would be capable of driving away those who had come, and, in spite of his action with Sedella, he dreaded the most fatal consequences from the mere suspicion of the causes of his dismissal. His justification seems to have been accepted, for the attempt was abandoned.--Gayarré, History of Louisiana. The Spanish Domination, pp. 56, 69, 269-71 (New York, 1854).--Fortier, History of Louisiana, II, 62, 140, 327.

It may be assumed that the motive of commissioning Sedella was rather political than religious. The uprising in France was calling for active measures by the Inquisition in Spain to keep out revolutionary principles; Louisiana was French and its loyalty to Spain was doubtful, so that the Inquisition would be useful both as a source of information and an instrument of repression.

[769] Medina, pp. 42-50, 76.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 23.

[770] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 51.

[771] Medina, pp. 82-96.

[772] Medina, pp. 100-1.

[773] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 30, fol. 180.

[774] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 30, fol. 178.

[775] Medina, pp. 211-19, 225-6.

[776] Medina, pp. 118-19.

[777] Ibidem, pp. 158-9.

[778] Ibidem, pp. 175-94.

[779] Medina, pp. 222-7.

[780] Groot, II, 473. This is not strictly correct. After an interval of many years, Inquisitor Valera published the edict in Lent, 1684, when it brought in denunciations which doubled the number of cases in hand (Medina, p. 308). Probably this was the last until the nineteenth century.

[781] Medina, pp. 346-51, 364.--Groot, I, 331-6.

[782] Medina, pp. 369-70.

[783] Medina, pp. 358, 371.

[784] Medina, pp. 359-61.

[785] Ibidem, pp. 374-6.

[786] Ibidem, p. 378.

[787] Medina, pp. 379-80, 390.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 25, fol. 52.

[788] Medina, pp. 380-6.

[789] Ibidem, pp. 387-9. During the suppression of the Inquisition, it was reprinted and largely circulated, forming the subject of a severe edict in 1814 (Ibid., p. 390).

[790] Ibidem, p. 390.--Suplemento al Indice Expurgatorio, p. 10 (Madrid, 1805).--Index Pii PP. VII, p. 53 (Romæ, 1819).

[791] Medina, pp. 74-8, 80.

[792] Medina, pp. 129-31.

[793] Ibidem, p. 134.

[794] Medina, pp. 135-45.

[795] Ibidem, pp. 103, 154-55.

[796] Ibidem, p. 112.

[797] Medina, pp. 146-9, 160.

[798] Ibidem, pp. 152-3.

[799] Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Inquisicion, Leg. 621, fol. 26.

[800] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 59.

[801] Medina, pp. 201-3,--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 177, 299.

[802] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 51; Lib. 21, fol. 8.--Medina, pp. 204, 207.

[803] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 82, 88, 196.

[804] Medina, pp. 233-7.

[805] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 270.--Medina, pp. 238-9.

[806] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 122.

[807] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 130.

[808] Medina, pp. 239-45, 247-8, 257.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 130, 270.

[809] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 164, 175.

[810] Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 61, fol. 251.

[811] Medina, pp. 249-50.

[812] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 31; Lib. 61, fol. 251.

[813] Medina, pp. 260-1.

[814] Ibidem, pp. 250-59.

[815] Medina, pp. 261-3.

[816] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, fol. 251.

[817] Medina, pp. 263-5.

[818] Medina, pp. 280-88.

[819] Medina, pp. 297-301.

[820] Medina, pp. 302-5.

[821] Of this quarrel we have two accounts. That of Sr. Medina (pp. 311-24), drawn from the records of the Inquisition, is naturally favorable to Valera. The other side is given by Groot (I, 286-306; II, 584) from a MS. relation. I have endeavored to elicit the truth from the conflicting statements.

[822] MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.--Medina, p. 324.

[823] Cuaderno de Cumplimientos, fol. 62 (MSS. of White Library, Cornell University).

[824] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 352.

[825] MSS. of the Library of the Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

[826] Medina, pp. 365-7.

[827] Ibidem, p. 368.

[828] Ibidem, pp. 372-6.

[829] Medina, p. 157.

[830] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 59.

[831] Medina, p. 230.

[832] Ibidem, p. 231.

[833] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 36, fol. 74.--Medina, pp. 262, 265-66.

[834] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 112, 120.

[835] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 122, 132.

[836] Ibidem, fol. 139, 54.

[837] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 155, 151.

[838] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 116.

[839] Medina, pp. 367, 400.

[840] Groot, II, 230.

[841] Ibidem, pp. 226, 232.

[842] Ibidem, pp. 230-1.

[843] Medina, pp. 398-407.

[844] Medina, pp. 408-12.--Groot, II, 473.

[845] Groot, II, 472-3.

[846] Medina, pp. 414-16.

[847] Groot, III, 124, 142-3, 151.

[848] Ibidem, pp. 143-44.

[849] MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc, 17.

[850] Relaciones de los Vireyes del Nuevo Reino de Granada, pp. 26-8, 41-3, 67, 95, 97.

[851] Ibidem, pp. 112-14.

[852] Noticias secretas de America, pp. 489-536, 382-3 (Londres, 1826).

Juan and Ulloa were distinguished men of science, _Tenientes Generales_ of the Navy and members of the British Royal Society and of the Royal Academies of Paris, Berlin and Stockholm. Their report was so damaging as to the defenceless condition of the ports that it was jealously kept secret until, after the independence of the colonies had rendered this unimportant, a copy was procured by Don David Barry and printed in London. From casual allusions by the authors, they seem to have been good Catholics and punctual in religious observance.

[853] I give the reference to the numbers in the archives prior to their dispersion in 1881.

Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:

be litte doubt=> be little doubt {pg 23}

the twefth century=> the twelfth century {pg 49}

Staaten-und Kirchengeschicte=> Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte {pg 108; FN 197}

de-details=> details {pg 166}

so conspicious of its services=> so conspicuous of its services {pg 214}

trials shoud be completed=> trials should be completed {pg 270}

certain ebullitious of blasphemy=> certain ebullitions of blasphemy {pg 321}

annoyauce and always=> annoyance and always {pg 389}

urge that instructions he sent=> urge that instructions be sent {pg 484}

large expenditures were making=> large expenditures were made {pg 503}

Ullos, Juan de, case of, 393=> Ulloa, Juan de, case of, 393 {pg 563}

of the the hated Portuguese=> of the hated Portuguese {pg 433}