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Chapter II: Preface: To Vol. VI (1)

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Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume:

XXI. In the final installment of Le Jeune's _Relation_ for 1633 (the first part was presented in our Vol. V.), the superior describes the coming (July 28), of the Hurons to Quebec, and the conference that was held between them and the French. The missionaries make arrangements to return with these savages, to labor in their country: but, at the last moment, complications arise from the murder of a Frenchman by up-country natives, and in consequence the Hurons refuse passage to the Fathers. Le Jeune closes with an earnest appeal for help in their work in Christianizing the denizens of the great wilderness.

XXII. This is a letter from Le Jeune to his provincial, written in the year 1634, but not bearing specific date. He describes the condition of the Quebec mission: states that at last the Huron country is open to them, and Brébeuf and others have gone thither. He, with Buteux, will go to the new settlement at Three Rivers, for which he gives his reasons at length. The narrator recites their difficulties with the hired workmen brought from France; and asks that these may be replaced by lay brothers of their own order. He mentions several of these brothers by name, describing their abilities and dispositions. The field of missionary work is widening, and the superior tells how it ought to be occupied, and how many should be assigned for each station. He requests the provincial to appoint another superior in Canada, as his duties are too heavy for him. More missionaries are asked for, and a special petition is entered for the appointment, in this connection, of his friend Benier.

Le Jeune describes the dwelling of the Jesuits at Quebec, and asks for means to fence in a tract of land for their cattle, and to erect a small house for the herders; also, to repair their buildings, injured by the English. He plans how they may provide a portion of their own food, hitherto wholly brought from France: and describes the crops they have thus far raised, with the effect of the climate on each. He deprecates the formation of too many missions, preferring to strengthen those already formed; and relates the kind help given them by the Company of New France.

In conclusion, our author rehearses the difficulties of reaching the wandering tribes; asks for a seminary for the children; expresses a desire to send some of these to France for education; and requests aid to enlarge the Quebec mission. The manuscript which has come down to us, lacks some of its final pages, but appears to be substantially complete.

XXIII. This document is Le Jeune's _Relation_ of 1634, closed at the mission house in Quebec, August 7th of that year, and sent to his provincial at Paris. The following abstract covers the first nine chapters (out of a total of thirteen), which is all we have space for in the present volume.

Le Jeune, as the superior of his order in New France, describes the good conduct and piety of the French settlers, and the wisdom and goodness of the governor, Champlain. An account is given, from hearsay, of the sudden death of Jacques Michel, a profane Huguenot, a tragedy which is thought to have been a direct punishment for his blasphemies. This is followed by a long description of the conversion and baptism of certain savages, and the happy death of some of these. A definite plan is advocated for the conversion of the natives in the neighborhood of Quebec: that the French, their protectors, should make themselves more formidable to the common enemy, the Iroquois; that the friendly natives should be systematically taught agriculture, and induced to become sedentary, and, while thus acquiring this technical education, should be aided with food; that seminaries should be established, in which Indian children, both boys and girls, can be educated at Quebec.

The superior then gives a detailed account of the religious belief, traditions, and superstitions, of the Montagnais tribe, among whom he had passed the preceding winter,--their fasts, rites, and customs. He praises their intelligence, contentment, fortitude, good nature, generosity; but condemns their filthy habits, their inveterate habit of mockery and ridicule, their fierce cruelty towards enemies, their disposition to utter slander, their deceitfulness, gluttony, intemperance, vile language, and impudent habits of begging. He enumerates the animals, birds, fishes, fruits, and roots eaten by the savages. Their numerous feasts are described, and the customs and superstitions connected therewith; also, their mode of hunting elks, beavers, and other animals, and of fishing, both by nets and harpoons. He also describes some of the fauna peculiar to Canada,--the singing marmot, the skunk, the squirrels, and the humming-bird.

We take much pleasure in announcing that arrangements have been concluded with Mr. Victor Hugo Paltsits, of the staff of Lenox Library, to furnish notes for and to revise the Bibliographical Data for our series, his services commencing with the present volume. Mr. Paltsits is one of the members of the Bibliographical Society of London, and an expert of wide repute in this important field.

We are under obligations to the Rev. Rudolph Meyer, S.J., of Rome, for valuable advice and encouragement; and to the Rev. T. O'Leary, of Edgegrove, Pa., for kindly suggestions.

R. G. T.

MADISON, WIS. April, 1897.

XXI (concluded)

LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1633

PARIS: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1634

Continued from Vol. V.

Le 4. on tint encore vn conseil: i'y assistay auec le P. Brebeuf, car on deuoit parler de l'embarquement de nos Peres. Le sieur de Chãplain fit ses presens, qui correspondoyent en valeur à ceux que les Hurons luy auoyent faict. Receuoir des presens des Sauuages, c'est s'engager à rendre le reciproque. On parla de plusieurs choses en ce conseil, entr'autres les Hurons demanderent l'eslargissemēt du prisonnier Sauuage qui [293 i.e., 193] a tué nouuellement vn François, cõme i'ay remarqué cy dessus. Le sieur de Champlain fit merueille sur ce poinct, pour faire voir aux Hurons qu'il n'estoit pas à propos de le mettre en liberté; & qu'ayant tué vn Frãçois qui ne luy auoit fait aucun tort, il meritoit la mort. Les Hurons furent satisfaits des raisons qu'on leur apporta. On parla encore de l'amitié contractée entr'eux & les François, & que nos Peres allans en leur païs confirmeroyent puissamment cette amitié. Les Hurons estoient les plus contens du monde: ceux qui deuoyent embarquer & conduire nos Peres auoyent desia receu le loyer de leur peine future, nous leur auions mis entre les mains leurs paquets ou leur petit bagage: nous estions allé coucher au Magasin le Pere de Nouë & moy auec nos trois Peres, pour les voir monter le lendemain de grand [194] matin dans leurs petits canots, & leur dire le dernier adieu, quand tout à coup nostre ioye fut changée en tristesse. Sur les dix ou onze heures du soir vn Sauuage borgne de la nation de l'Isle grandement allié de la nation du prisonnier s'en alla crier par les cabannes de tous les Sauuages qu'on se donnast bien garde d'ẽbarquer aucun Francois, & que les parens du prisonnier estoyent aux aguets sur la riuiere pour tuer les Frãçois s'ils les pouuoyent attrapper au passage. Le Dimanche precedent ceux de la nation de ce prisonnier auoyent tenu conseil auec les capitaines des Montagnaits, des Sauuages de l'isle, & des Hurons, pour voir comme ils pourroyent impetrer la grace de ce prisonnier. Les Hurons furent suppliez de la demander: estans esconduits ce Sauuage de l'Isle allié de la nation de l'homicide fit ce [195] cri public par les cabanes, qu'on n'ẽbarquast aucun Francois si on ne le vouloit mettre en danger euident de sa vie. Ayant ouy ce cry, & le Pere Brebeuf qui l'escoutoit m'ayant interpreté ce qu'il vouloit dire, ie m'en allay auec le Pere de Nouë au fort, pour en donner aduis au Sieur de Champlain. Nous estions couchez dans le magasin des François, à l'entour duquel estoyēt cabanez les Sauuages. Le Fort nous fut ouuert, & apres auoir declaré le subiet de nostre venue pendant la nuict, nous retournasmes d'où nous estiõs partis: nous trouuâmes en chemin les Capitaines des Sauuages en conseil, ausquels le Truchement, selon que le Sieur de Champlain luy auoit commandé, declara qu'on leur vouloit parler encor vne fois deuant leur depart. Le lendemain au point du iour vn Sauuage alla faire vne autre criée par les [196] cabanes, disant qu'on ne partiroit point encore ce iour là, & que la ieunesse se tint en paix, & que ceux qui n'auoyent pas traitté toutes leurs marchandises, la traittassent. Sur les huict ou neuf heures du matïn, le sieur de Champlain assembla de rechef les Capitaines des Hurons, le Sauuvage de l'Isle qui auoit faict ce cri publicq, & le Capitaine des Montagnaits. Il demanda à ce Sauuage pourquoy il auoit fait cette deffence: il repartit que tout le païs estoit en alarme, & qu'il s'alloit perdre si on embarquoit des François pour les conduire aux Hurons, car les parents du prisonnier ne manqueroiēt d'en tuer quelqu'vn, & que là dessus la guerre seroit declarée. Que les Hurons mesmes seroient de la partie, car voulans defendre les François, on s'en prendroit à eux; & qu'ainsi tout le païs seroit perdu. Qu'il n'auoit [197] point fait de defence, mais donné aduis de la meschante volonté qu'auoient les parents de l'homicide: que si on deliuroit le prisonnier que tous ces troubles tomberoient d'eux mesme, & que la riuiere & tout le païs seroit libre. On demanda aux Hurons s'ils ne persistoient pas dans la volonté de nous conduire en leur païs, ils respondirent que la riuiere n'estoit pas à eux, & qu'on prit garde auec ces autres nations s'ils pourroient passer en asseurance: que pour eux ils ne demandoient pas mieux que d'embarquer des François. Ie remarquay la prudence de ces Sauuages, car ils tesmoignerent tellement l'affectiõ qu'ils nous portoient qu'ils ne vouloient point choquer les nations par lesquelles ils doiuent passer venans à Kebec: l'vn d'eux s'addressant à ce Sauuage de l'Isle luy dit, preste l'oreille maintenant, ne dy [198] point quand nous serons là hault en ton pays, que nous n'auons point parlé pour le prisonnier, nous auons fait ce que nous auons peu: mais que veux tu que nous disions aux raisons du sieur de Champlain? Les François nous sont amis à tous, s'il ne tenoit qu'à nous nous les embarquerions. Il faut confesser que les Hurons monstroient grande inclination de mener nos Peres. Le sieur de Champlain voyant ce changement si subit fit tout ce qu'il peut, & nous donna liberté de proposer toutes les raisõs que no⁹ pourriõs pour faire en sorte que nos peres se peussent mettre en chemin: il apporta des raisons tres-fortes, & tres-pertinentes. Il se seruit de menaces. Il leur proposa la paix & la guerre, bref on ne pouuoit rien souhaitter dauãtage. A tout cela ce Sauuage repartit qu'on ne pouuoit pas tenir la ieunesse, & qu'il [199] dõnoit aduis de leur mauuais dessein, & qu'on attendit pour cette année, qu'ils dechargeroient leur cholere contre les Hiroquois leurs ennemis; & qu'à lors la riuiere seroit libre. Ne vous en prenés point à nous, disoit il, s'il arriue quelque mal-heur: car nous n'y scaurions donner ordre. Là dessus pour gagner ce Sauuage ie demande la grace du prisonnier ayant au prealable conuenu auec le sieur de Champlain, lequel me repartit qu'il y alloit de sa vie, & que nostre grand Roy luy demanderoit conte de cet homme qu'on auoit tué: ie le prie donc de sursoir l'execution de sa mort iusques à ce qu'on eut parlé au Roy pour sçauoir sa volõté. Et là dessus poursuiuant ma pointe, ie m'addresse aux Sauuages, leur faisant paroistre l'affection que nous auions pour eux. Que nous ne poursuiuions iamais la mort de personne: [200] que nous taschions de mettre la paix par tout. Le Sieur de Champlain adioustoit des merueilles de son costé, disant que nous parlions à Dieu, que nous estions aimez de ceux qui nous cognoissoyẽt, qu'il n'en vouloit poĩt d'autres tesmoins que les Hurons mesmes qui nous auoyent tant cheris: que nous allions pour leur enseigner de grandes choses. Les Hurons repartirent que cela alloit bien, & que nous auions proposé vn bon expediẽt de retarder la mort de ce Sauuage iusques à ce que nous eussions des nouuelles de nostre grand Roy. Ie presse donc ce Sauuage de l'Isle, sçauoir mon si les parents de ce prisonnier sçachans que nous plaidions pour luy, ne nous laisseroient pas passer s'ils nous rencontroyent? Que veux tu que ie te die? respondit-il, ils sont enragez: si le prisonnier ne sort il n'y a point d'asseurance. Ils ne pardonneront [201] à personne. Là dessus le Truchement repartit: S'ils font les diables, nous les ferons aussi. En vn mot le Sieur de Champlain les intimida, & leur dict qu'ils se donnassent garde eux-mesmes: & si vn Sauuage estoit apperceu auec des armes, qu'il donneroit permission à ses gens de le tirer & de le mettre à mort, & qu'ils l'auoyent menacé luy-mesme à cause qu'il va seul: mais que d'orenauant il ne marcheroit plus en enfant, mais en soldat. Ie suis amy de tous, vous estes mes amis, disoit-il aux Hurons, ie vous cheris, i'ay mis ma vie pour vous, ie la mettray encore: ie vous protegeray, mais ie suis ennemy des meschans.

On the 4th, another council was held; I was present with Father
Brebeuf, because the embarkation of our Fathers was to be talked
over. Sieur de Champlain made his presents, which corresponded in
value to those that the Hurons had made him. To accept presents
from the Savages is to bind oneself to return an equivalent. A
great many things were spoken of in this council; among others, the
Hurons asked for the liberation of the Savage prisoner who [293
i.e., 193] had recently killed a Frenchman, as I stated above.
Sieur de Champlain sought earnestly to make the Hurons understand
that it was not right to restore him to liberty; and that, having
killed a Frenchman who had done him no harm, he deserved death.
The Hurons were satisfied with the reason given them. They spoke
also of the friendship contracted between them and the French,
saying that it would be greatly strengthened by the Fathers going
into their country. The Hurons were the happiest people in the
world. Those who were to embark and to carry the Fathers in their
canoes had already received pay for their future trouble; we
had placed in their hands the parcels or little baggage of the
Fathers. We had gone to the Storehouse to sleep, Father de Nouë
and I, with our three Fathers, that we might see them off early
the next [194] morning in their little canoes, and might say to
them our last farewell, when all at once our joy was changed into
sadness. At about ten or eleven o'clock that night, a one-eyed
Savage, belonging to the Island tribe, closely allied to the tribe
of the prisoner, went among the cabins of all the Savages crying
out that they should be careful not to take any Frenchmen in their
canoes, and that the relatives of the prisoner were on the watch
along the river to kill the Frenchmen, if they could catch them
during the passage. On the previous Sunday some Savages of the
same tribe as the prisoner had held a council with the captains
of the Montagnaits, of the island Savages, and of the Hurons, to
determine how they might secure the pardon of this prisoner. The
Hurons were besought to ask it. They refused, and this Island
Savage, whose tribe was allied to the tribe of the murderer, raised
this [195] general cry among the cabins, warning every one not
to give passage to a Frenchman, unless they wished to place him
in evident danger of his life. Having heard the cry, and Father
Brebeuf, who was listening, having interpreted its meaning to
me, I went with Father de Nouë to the fort to give information
of the same to Sieur de Champlain. We had been sleeping in the
storehouse of the French, around which the Savages were encamped.
The Fort was opened to us; and, after having made known the
object of our night visit, we returned to the place whence we had
departed. Upon the way we found the Captains of the Savages in
council, to whom the Interpreter, according to the order of Sieur
de Champlain, declared that he desired to talk to them once more
before their departure. The next morning, at daybreak, a Savage
passed through the [196] camp proclaiming that they were not to
depart that day; and that the young men should keep the peace,
and that those who had not sold all their merchandise should sell
it. About eight or nine in the morning, sieur de Champlain again
assembled the Captains of the Hurons, the Island Savages who had
made this outcry, and the Captain of the Montagnaits. He asked the
Savage why he had aroused that opposition; he answered that
the whole country was in a state of alarm, and that it would be
lost if the French were embarked to be taken to the Hurons, for
the relatives of the prisoner would not fail to kill some of the
party and that thereupon war would be declared; that the Hurons
even would be dragged into it; for, if they defended the French,
they would be attacked, and that thus the whole country would be
lost; that he had [197] not aroused any opposition, but had merely
made known the wicked designs of the murderer's relatives; that,
if the prisoner were released, these troubles would immediately
be ended, and that the river and the whole country would be free.
The Hurons were asked if they still adhered to their wish to take
us to their country. They answered that the river was not theirs,
and that great caution must be observed in regard to those other
tribes, if they were to pass by in security. As far as they were
concerned, they asked nothing better than to furnish passage to
the French. I observed the discretion of these Savages, for they
gave evidence of their affection for us, in such manner as not to
offend the tribes through which they must pass in coming to Kebec.
One of them, addressing the Island Savage, said: "Now listen; when
[198] we shall be up there in thy country, do not say that we have
not spoken in behalf of the prisoner; we have done all that we
could, but what answer wouldst thou have us make to the reasons
given by sieur de Champlain? The French are the friends of all of
us; if it depended only upon us, we should embark them." It must
be confessed that the Hurons showed a strong inclination to take
our Fathers with them. Sieur de Champlain, seeing this so sudden
change, did all in his power, and gave us liberty to advance all
the reasons we could, to the end that our fathers might be set on
their way. He urged very strong and very pertinent reasons; he used
threats; he proposed peace and war; in short nothing more could be
desired. But to all this the Savage answered that they could not
restrain their young men; that he [199] had given warning of their
wicked intentions, and that the French ought to postpone their
departure for this year; that they would vent their anger upon the
Hiroquois, their enemies, and then the river would be free. "Do
not blame us," said he, "if misfortune overtakes you; for we could
not restore order." Thereupon, in order to win over this Savage,
I asked for the pardon of the prisoner, having previously agreed
upon this with sieur de Champlain, who replied to me that it was a
matter of life and death with him, and that our great King would
ask him to give an account of the man who had been killed. I begged
him to suspend the execution of the death sentence, until the King
might be spoken to, and his will learned. And thereupon, following
my point, I addressed the Savages, representing our affection for
them; saying that we had never sought the death of any one; [200]
that we everywhere tried to promote peace. Sieur de Champlain did
admirably on his part, saying that we talked to God; that we were
loved by all who knew us, that he wanted no other witnesses of this
than the Hurons themselves, who had cherished us so dearly; that
we were going to teach them great things. The Hurons answered that
it was very well, that we had proposed a good expedient; that of
postponing the death of this Savage until we should have news from
our great King. I then importuned the Island Savage, asking him
whether the prisoner's kindred, if they knew that we were pleading
for him, would not allow us to pass if they encountered us. "What
dost thou wish me to say?" he answered, "they are furious. If the
prisoner is not liberated, there is no safety; they will pardon
[201] no one." Thereupon the Interpreter replied: "If they act
the part of devils, so will we." In a word, Sieur de Champlain
intimidated them, saying they must look out for themselves; that if
a Savage was seen with arms, he would give permission to his men to
fire upon him and kill him; that they [the savages] had threatened
him himself, because he went about alone; but hereafter he would
not go around like a child, but like a soldier. "I am a friend to
all, you are my friends," said he to the Hurons; "I love you; I
have risked my life for you, I will risk if again; I will protect
you; but I am the enemy of evil-doers."

On dira que le Capitaine de la nation de ce meurtrier se deburoit saisir de ceux qui ont mauuaise volonté contre les François. il est vray, mais i'ay desia remarqué cy dessus que ces [202] Sauuages n'ont aucune police, & que leur Capitaine n'a point cette authorité. Ce qu'il peut faire, c'est de prier ces meschans de se diuertir de leurs desseins, voire mesme il est arriué autrefois que les Sauuages craignans plus les Europeans qu'ils ne les craignent maintenant, si quelqu'vn de leurs hommes auoit quelque volonté de tuer vn François, soit qu'il eut songé qu'il le debuoit faire, ou autrement, les autres le flattoyent, & luy faisoyent des presens de peur qu'il n'executast son mauuais dessein, & qu'il ne perdist par ce moyen tout le païs. Maintenant c'est beaucoup qu'ils aduertissent les François qu'ils se tiennent sur leurs gardes, comme ils ont fait n'a pas long temps, disans qu'il y auoit quelques ieunes hommes qui espioient dans les bois s'ils trouueroient quelque François à l'escart pour l'assommer, & ainsi on [203] n'est point en asseurance parmy ces peuples; disons neantmoins, _Qui habitat in adiutorio Altissimi, in protectione Dei cœli commorabitur._

It will be said that the Captain of the tribe of the murderer ought
to have seized all those who had wicked designs against the French.
It is true; but I have already remarked above that these [202]
Savages have no system of government, and that their Captain has
no such authority. What he can do, is to ask these wicked people
to give up their designs. Indeed, it has happened before, when
the Savages feared the Europeans more than they do now, if one of
their men wanted to kill a Frenchman, either having dreamed that
he was to do it, or from other cause, the others flattered him
and made him presents, fearing that he would carry out his wicked
intentions, and in this way they might lose the whole country. Now
it is a great deal if they warn the French to be on their guard,
as they did not long ago, saying that there were some young men who
were prowling about in the woods to kill any Frenchman that they
might find by himself; and thus we [203] are not safe among these
people. Let us say, however: _Qui habitat in adjutorio Altissimi,
in protectione Dei cœli commorabitur._

Mais concluons ce conseil. Le Pere Brebeuf voyãt que sō voyage estoit rompu, & que ce seroit temerité de l'entreprendre non pour la crainte de la mort, car ie ne les vy iamais, si resolus luy, & ses deux cõpagnons le Pere Daniel, & le Pere Dauost, qu'alors qu'on parla qu'ils pourroient laisser la vie au chemin qu'ils entreprenoient pour la gloire de nostre Seigneur: mais comme ils engageoient les François à vne guerre contre ces peuples au cas qu'on les mit à mort, nous iugeasmes auec l'aduis du sieur de Champlain que la conseruation de la paix entre ces nations estoit preferable à la consolation qu'ils auroient de mourir en telle occasion. Le Pere Brebeuf voyant [204] donc ce passage fermé pour cette année, apostropha les Hurons, & leur dit: Vous estes nos freres, nous voulions aller en vostre païs pour viure & mourir auec vous: mais puisque la riuiere est bouchée, nous attendrons à l'année qui vient que tout sera paisible. C'est vous qui ferés la plus grande perte, car maintenant que ie commence à vous pouuoir parler sans truchement, ie voulois vous enseigner le chemin du ciel, & vous découurir les grandes richesses de l'autre vie; mais ce mal-heur vous priue de tous ces biens. Ils repartirent qu'ils en estoient bien marris, & qu'vne année seroit bien-tost passée.

But to the conclusion of this council. Father Brebeuf seeing
that his journey was broken up, and that it would be foolhardy
to undertake it,--not through fear of death, because I never saw
them more resolute, both he and his two companions, Father Daniel
and Father Davost, than when they were told that they might lose
their lives on the road which they were about to take for the glory
of our Lord: but as they would involve the French in war against
these people, in case they were killed,--we agreed with sieur de
Champlain, that the preservation of peace among these tribes was
preferable to the consolation they would experience in dying on
such an occasion. Now Father Brebeuf, seeing [204] the way closed
for that year, addressed the Hurons, saying: "You are our brothers,
we wish to go to your country to live and die with you; but, as
the river is closed, we shall wait until the coming year, when all
will be peaceable. It is you who will sustain the greater loss;
because now, as I am beginning to be able to talk to you without an
interpreter, I wish to teach you the way to heaven, and to reveal
to you the great riches of the other life; but this misfortune
deprives you of all these blessings." They replied that they were
very sorry, and that a year would very soon pass away.

A l'issuë de cette assemblée nous nous en allasmes par les cabanes retirer le petit bagage de nos Peres que nous auions desia mis entre les mains des Sauuages pour le porter en leur [205] païs. Ces pauures gens estoient bien faschez de cet accident, & quelques-vns du village de la Rochelle dirent au Pere que s'il vouloit venir, qu'ils l'embarqueroyent, & qu'ils esperoyent le pouuoir faire passer: mais c'estoit se mettre luy & eux & les François en danger. Voila donc l'esperãce d'entrer aux Hurons perdue pour cette année. Ie prie Dieu qu'il nous ouure la porte l'an prochain. Voicy deux raisons plus fortes que deux grosses serrures qui semblent l'auoir fermée pour vn long temps.

Upon the dispersion of this assembly, we went through the cabins,
to get the little baggage of our Fathers that we had already placed
in the hands of the Savages to be carried to their [205] country.
These poor people regretted this unfortunate affair very much; and
some of those of the village of la Rochelle said to the Father
that, if he wished to go with them, they would carry him, and they
hoped to give him a peaceful passage. But that would be placing
himself and them and the French in danger. Thus the hope of going
into the Huron country is lost for this year. I pray God to open
the door for us next year. Below are two reasons, stronger than two
great locks, which seem to have closed it to us for a long time.

La premiere est tirée de l'interest des Sauuages de l'Isle, des Algōquaĩs, & des autres nations qui sont entre Kebec & les Hurons. Ces peuples voudroyent bien que les Hurons ne descendissent point aux Frãçois pour traitter leurs pelleteries, afin de remporter tout le gain de la traitte, desirans eux-mesmes aller recueillir les [206] marchandises des peuples circonuoisins pour les apporter aux François: c'est pourquoy ils ne sont pas bien aises que nous allions aux Hurons, s'imaginans qu'on les sollicite de descendre, & que les François estans auec eux, on ne sçauroit si aisémẽt leur fermer le passage. La seconde raison est tirée de la crainte des Hurons: ils voyent que les François ne veulent point receuoir de presẽs pour la mort de leurs hommes quand on en a tué quelqu'vn: ils craignent que leur ieunesse ne fasse quelque mauuais coup, car ils seroient obligez d'amener vif ou mort celuy qui auroit cõmis quelque meurtre, ou bien de rompre auec les François. Cela les tient en ceruelle, d'ailleurs, le sieur de Champlain leur tesmoignant qu'il n'y a point de vraye amitié si on ne s'entreuisite les vns les autres: ils desirẽt grandemẽt, du moins en apparẽce, de nous auoir [207] en leur païs. Dieu a placé des limites dans les temps, qu'on ne scauroit outrepasser: quand le moment sera arriué auquel il a deliberé de donner secours à ces nations, il n'y a digue ny barriere qui puisse resister à sa puissance.

The first is found in the interests of the Island Savages, the
Algonquains, and the other tribes which are between Kebec and the
Hurons. These people, in order to monopolize the profit of the
trade, prefer that the Hurons should not go down the river to trade
their peltries with the French, desiring themselves to collect the
[206] merchandise of the neighboring tribes and carry it to the
French; that is why they do not like to see us go to the Hurons,
thinking that we would urge them to descend the river, and that,
the French being with them, it would not be easy to bar their
passage. The second reason may be found in the fear of the Hurons,
who see that the French will not accept presents as a compensation
for the murder of one of their countrymen; they fear that their
young men may do some reckless deed, for they would have to give
up, alive or dead, any one who might have committed murder, or else
break with the French. This makes them uneasy. Aside from this, as
sieur de Champlain has told them that there is no true friendship
unless visits are interchanged, they are very desirous, at least in
appearance, to have us [207] in their country. God has set limits
to time, which man cannot pass. When the moment shall have come
which he has fixed for giving succor to these tribes, there will be
neither dike nor barrier that can resist his power.

Au reste cõme ie ne cognois point les secrets ressorts de sa prouidence, ie n'ay peu encor iusques à present m'attrister de ce retardement de nos Peres. Autant que nous pouuons coniecturer par les apparences humaines il y auoit esperance d'vne grande moisson: mais ayant fait tout ce que nous auons peu pour enuoier des ouuriers à cette recolte, nous croyons que le maistre du champ n'a pas voulu qu'on y mist encore la faucille: si ce coup est vn coup de sa bõté, qui void au delà de nos pensées qu'il soit beny pour vn iamais: si c'est vn coup de sa iustice qui ait voulu [208] chastier si rigoureusement nos offenses, qu'il foit encor beny au delà des temps. Nous detestons la cause de ce chastiment, & adorons la main qui nous frape, auec vne tres-grande confiance que celuy qui a tiré la lumiere des tenebres, tirera du bien de ce malheur. Nos Peres ne ferõt point icy oisifs. Le Pere Brebeuf leur fera leçon tous les iours soirs & matins de la langue des Hurons. Ie me sens moy-mesme fort porté d'aller à cette eschole, afin que si V. Reuer. me veut enuoyer l'an qui vient auec eux i'aye desia quelque auance: ie n'ay encor rien cõclud d'asseuré sur ce point: i'y veux pẽser pl⁹ à loisir deuãt Dieu.

However, as the secret resources of his providence are hidden from
me, I have not been able, up to the present time, to look with
regret upon this delay of our Fathers. As far as we are able to
foresee with our human vision, there are hopes of a great harvest;
but, having done all that was in our power to send laborers to this
field, we believe that the master thereof does not wish the sickle
to be yet used upon it. If this blow is a blow from the kindness
of him who sees beyond our thoughts, may he be forever blessed. If
it is a stroke of his justice for the [208] severe chastisement
of our offences, still be he blessed beyond all time. We hate the
cause of this chastisement, and adore the hand that strikes us,
very confident that he who drew light out of darkness will draw
good from this misfortune. Our Fathers will not be idle here.
Father Brebeuf will teach them every day, evening and morning, the
language of the Hurons. I myself feel very much inclined to go to
this school, in order that, if Your Reverence should wish to send
me with them next year, I may already have made some progress; I
have decided nothing certain yet upon this point; I wish to think
about it more at my leisure before God.

Pour retourner à nos Hurons, Louys Amantacha voyant que nous n'alliõs point en son païs, & qu'il s'ẽ deuoit aller le lendemain au poinct du iour, il s'en vint coucher en nôtre petite maison pour se confesser & [209] cõmunier encore vne fois auant son depart; ce qu'il fit, nous donnãt vne grande consolation, & le iour suiuãt 6. Aoust tous les Hurons trousserent bagage; & en moins de riẽ enleuerẽt leurs maisons & leurs richesses, & les emporterẽt auec eux pour s'en seruir pendant le chemin d'enuiron 300 lieuës qu'on conte de Kebec en leur païs. I'entretins quelque tẽps Louys Amãtacha, ie le sonday le mieux qu'il me fut possible; car les Sauuages sont assez complaisans & dissimulez: ie ne trouuay rien que de bon en luy, c'est l'vn des bõs esprits que i'aye veu parmy ces peuples V. R. me permettra s'il luy plaist, de le recommãder à ses prieres & à celles de tous nos Peres & Freres de sa prouince; car si vne fois l'esprit de Dieu s'empare de cete ame, ce sera vn puissant secours pour ceux qui porteront les bonnes nouuelles de l'Euãgile en ces contrées, & [210] au contraire comme il a frequēté les Anglois, s'il se porte au mal il gastera tout: mais nous auõs pl⁹ sujet d'esperer le biē, que de craindre le mal. Il semble d'ailleurs que Dieu vueille ouurir les tresors de sa misericorde à ces pauures Barbares qui nous souhaittent, du moins à ce qu'il semble auec affection. Ie voy vn grand desir en nos Peres de deuorer toutes ces difficultez qui se rencontrent dãs l'estude de ces langues, & vous diriez quasi que Dieu les a arrestez pour les acquerir icy plus cõmodement, afin qu'ils puissēt à mesme temps mettre le feu en diuers endroits des Hurons quand sa Maiesté leur y donnera entrée. Ie ne crains qu'vne chose en ce dilayement, que l'Ancienne Frãce ne se lasse de secourir la Nouuelle voiãt que la moisson tarde tant à meurir: mais qu'ō se souuienne que les potirõs naissent en vne nuict, & qu'il faut [111 i.e., 211] des années pour meurir les fruicts de la palme. On a esté 38 ans à ce que i'ay ouy dire, auant que de rien faire au Brasil. Combien a on attendu aux portes de la Chine? Dieu vueille qu'õ y soit biē entré de l'heure que ie parle. Ceux qui courent, & qui s'eschauffent si fort se lassent bien souuent plus qu'ils n'auancent. Ie ne dy pas cecy pour reietter bien loing la conuersion des Sauuages. Si nos Peres fussent entrés cette année aux Hurõs ie m'attendois de rescrire à V. R. l'an prochain que, _receperat Samaria verbum Dei_, que ces barbares auoient receu la foy; ce fera quãd il plaira à celuy duquel dépẽd ce grãd ouurage: car à mõ aduis les hõmes y peuuent bien peu, quoy qu'ils n'y doiuent espargner ny leurs trauaux, ny leur sãg, ny leur vie. ô qui verroit dans l'vne des grandes ruës de Paris ce que ie voyois il y a trois iours aupres du grand fleuue S. [212] Laurẽs, cinq ou six cens Hurõs vestus à la Sauuage, les vns de peaux d'ours, les autres de peaux de castor, & d'autres de peau d'Eslan, tous hõmes bien faits, d'vne riche taille, hauts, puissans, d'vne bõne paste, d'vn corps biẽfourny; qui les verroit dy ie demãdans secours, & proferans les parolles que disoit ce Macedonien à sainct Paul, _Transiens in Macedoniam adiuua nos_: Venés, secourés nous, apportés en nostre païs le flambeau qui n'y a iamais esclairé! ô que ce spectacle donneroit de cõpassion à ceux qui ont tant soit peu d'amour de celuy qui a verse tout sõ sang pour ces ames qui se perdent tous les iours faute que personne ne le recueille pour leur appliquer.

To return to our Hurons: Louys Amantacha, seeing that we were not
going to his country, and that he was to leave us next morning at
daybreak, came to sleep in our little house, in order to confess
and [209] to receive holy communion once more before his departure.
This he did, causing us great consolation; and on the following
day, August 6th, all the Hurons packed their baggage, and in less
than no time took away their houses and their riches, and carried
them off, to use them on the road of about 300 leagues, which is
the distance reckoned to be between Kebec and their country. I
talked for some time with Louys Amantacha, and sounded him as well
as I could; for the Savages are quite artful and dissimulating. I
found nothing but good in him; he is one of the admirable character
that I have seen among these people. Your Reverence will permit
me if you please, to recommend him to your prayers and to those
of all our Fathers and Brothers in your province; for, if once
the spirit of God takes possession of this soul, he will be a
powerful reinforcement for those who will carry the good news of
the Gospel into these countries; and, [210] on the contrary, as
he has associated with the English, if he be inclined to evil, he
will ruin everything; but we have more reason to hope for good
than to fear evil. Besides, it seems that God desires to open the
treasures of his mercy to these poor Barbarians, who look upon
us with affection; at least, judging from appearances. I see a
great desire among our Fathers to overcome all the difficulties
which are encountered in the study of these languages; and you
might almost say that God has detained them that they may learn
them more conveniently here, and may, at the same time, kindle
the fire in a number of places among the Hurons, when his Majesty
shall have opened to them the way. I only fear one thing in
this delay; that Old France may fail to give New [France] the
necessary aid, seeing that the harvest is so slow in ripening.
But let it be remembered that mushrooms spring up in a night,
while it requires [111 i.e. 211] years to ripen the fruits of
the palm. It was 38 years, as I have heard, before anything was
accomplished in Brazil. How long have they been waiting at the
gates of China? May it be God's will that they have been received
there at the hour when I write. Those who run and become greatly
heated often weary themselves more than they advance. I do not say
this to defer for a long time the conversion of the Savages. If our
Fathers had gone among the Hurons this year, I expected to write
to Your Reverence next year that _receperat Samaria verbum Dei_;
that these barbarians had received the faith. That will be when it
shall please him upon whom all of this great work depends; for,
in my opinion, men can accomplish but very little here, although
they should spare neither their labor, nor their blood, nor their
lives. Oh, whoever would see in one of the great streets of Paris
what I saw three days ago near the great river St. [212] Lawrence,
five or six hundred Hurons in their Savage costumes,--some in
bear skins, others in beaver, and others in Elk skins, all well
made men of splendid figures, tall, powerful, good-natured, and
able-bodied,--whoever would see them, I say, asking help and
uttering the word of that Macedonian to saint Paul: _Transiens in
Macedoniam adjuva nos_; "Come, help us, bring into our country the
torch which has never yet illuminated it!" Oh, what compassion this
spectacle would excite in these people, however little love they
have for him who shed his blood for these souls that are being
lost every day, because no one gathers it up to apply it to their
salvation.

Mais il est tantost temps de m'auiser que ie n'escry plus vne lettre, mais vn liure, tant ie suis long: ce n'estoit pas mõ dessein de tãt escrire, les feuillets se sont multipliés insensiblemẽt, [213] & m'ont mis en tel point qu'il fault que i'enuoie ce brouillard pour ne pouuoir tirer & mettre au net ce que ie croirois debuoir estre presenté à V.R. I'escriray vne autre fois plus precisemẽt & plus asseuremẽt. On se fie beaucoup en ces premiers cõmẽcemens, cõme i'ay dit, au rapport de ceux qu'on croid auoir prattiqué les Sauuages. _Plus valet oculatus testis quàm decem auriti._ I'ay remarqué qu'apres auoir veu quelque action commune à deux ou trois Sauuages, on l'attribue incontinent à toute la Nation: L'argument qui se fait du denombremẽt des parties est fautif s'il ne les comprẽd toutes ou la plus grande partie. Aioustés qu'il y a quantité de peuples en ces contrées qui conuiennent en plusieurs choses, & differẽt en beaucoup d'autres; si bien quãd on dit que les Sauuages ont coustume de faire quelque action, cela peut estre vray [214] d'vne nation, & non pas de l'autre: Le temps est le pere de la verité.

But it is about time for me to reflect that I am no longer writing
a letter, but a book, I have made it so long. It was not my
intention to write so much; the pages have insensibly multiplied
[213] and I am so situated that I must send this scrawl, as I
am unable to rewrite it and to make a clean copy of it, such as
I think ought to be presented to Your Reverence. I shall write
another time more accurately, and with more assurance. In these
beginnings, as I have said, much confidence is given to the reports
of those who are believed to have had experience among the Savages.
_Plus valet oculatus testis quàm decem auriti._ I have observed
that, after having seen two or three Savages do the same thing,
it is at once reported to be a custom of the whole Tribe. The
argument drawn from the enumeration of parts is faulty, if it does
not comprehend all or the greater part. Add to this that there are
many tribes in these countries who agree in a number of things,
and differ in many others; so that, when it is said that certain
practices are common to the Savages, it may be true [214] of one
tribe and not true of another. Time is the Father of truth.

C'est assez pour cette année: mille & mille actions de graces des soins & de la charité de V.R. en nôtre endroit & à l'endroit de tant de pauures peuples qu'elle oblige nous saisãt icy subsister; car quoy que nous faisiõs peu, si est ce que i'espere que nous donnerõs commencement à ceux qui viendrõt apres nous, & qui feront beaucoup. Nous sõmes tous en bonne santé par la grace de nost. Seigneur, & suppliõs V.R. d'vn mesme cœur de nous enuoier des personnes capables d'apprẽdre les langues. C'est ce que ie voy maintenant de plus necessaire pour le biẽ des ames en ces pays. Pour la terre, ie luy en enuoie des fruicts, ce sont des espics de formẽt, de seigle & d'orge, que nous auõs semé pres de nôtre maisonnette. Nous ramassâmes l'an passé quelques touffes de segle que [215] nous trouuions çà & la parmy des pois: ie contay en quelques vnes 60 épics, en d'autres 80, en d'autres 112. Nous battismes ces glannes, & en tirâmes vn peu de seigle, qui nous paiera biẽ cette année la peine qu'il nous donna de le glãner l'an passé. Le peu de fourmẽt que nous auons semé deuant les neiges est fort beau, celuy qu'on a semé au printemps ne meurira point, car c'est du bled d'hyuer: il faudroit auoir du bled marsais & du bled sans barbe, on dit qu'il est meilleur. L'orge est plus beau qu'en Frãce: & ie ne doute point que si le pays estoit découuert qu'on ne rencõtrast des vallées tres fertiles. Les bois sont maligns, ils nourrissent les froids engendrent les petites gelées produisent quantité de vermines, cõme des sauterelles, des vers, des pucerõs qui mangent notamment le iardinage: nous nous éloignerons d'eux petit à [216] petit sãs toutefois bouger d'vne place. Ie r'entre en discours contre ma pensée, quittons tout pour nous recõmander aux prieres, & Saincts Sacrifices de V.R. & de toute sa prouince. Ie croy que cette missiõ est biẽ auãt dãs son cœur, & que ces pauures Sauuages y ont bõne place: celuy là y est aussi auec eux qui est en verité

D. V. R.

Tres-obligé & tres-obeissant seruiteur selon Dieu

PAVL LE IEVNE.

This is enough for this year; I offer thousands and thousands
of thanks for the interest and charity of Your Reverence in our
behalf, and in behalf of the many poor people whom you bless by
keeping us here; for, although we do but little, yet I hope that
we shall make a beginning for those who are to come after us and
who will do a great deal. We are all in good health, by the grace
of our Lord; and we beseech Your Reverence, with one heart, to
send us persons capable of learning the languages. It is what
I now believe to be most necessary for the welfare of the souls
in this country. As to the soil, I send you some of its fruits:
they are heads of wheat, of rye, and of barley, that we planted
near our little house. We gathered last year a few wisps of rye
that [215] we found here and there among the peas; I counted in
some of them 60 kernels, in others 80, in others 112. We threshed
these gleanings and took from them a little rye, which will this
year pay us very well for the trouble that we had in gleaning it
last year. The little wheat which we sowed before the snows is
very beautiful: that which was sown in the spring will not ripen,
because it is winter wheat. We must have some March wheat, and some
that is beardless, for these are said to be the best. The barley
is finer than in France: and I have no doubt that, if this country
were cleared, very fertile valleys would be found. The woods are
troublesome; they retain the cold, engender the slight frosts,
and produce great quantities of vermin, such as grasshoppers,
worms, and insects, which are especially destructive in our
garden; we shall rid ourselves of them, little by [216] little,
without, however, leaving the place. I resumed this discourse
unintentionally; let us cut it short, to recommend ourselves to the
prayers and to the Holy Sacrifices of Your Reverence and of your
whole province. I believe that this mission is cherished by you,
and that these poor Savages occupy a good place in your heart. He
also is there with them who is, in truth,

Of Your Reverence,

The greatly obliged and very obedient servant, in God,

PAUL LE JEUNE.

Extraict du Priuilege du Roy.

PAR Grace & Priuilege du Roy il est permis à Sebastien Cramoisy, marchand Libraire Iuré en l'Vniuersité de Paris d'imprimer ou faire imprimer vn liure intitulé _Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouuelle France en l'année mil six cens trente trois, Enuoyée au R.P. Barthelemy Iaquinot Prouincial de la Compagnie de Iesus en la prouince de France, Par le Pere Paul le Ieune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebek_: & cependant le temps & espace de cinq années cōsecutiues. Auec defenses à tous Libraires & Imprimeurs d'imprimer ou faire imprimer ledit liure souz pretexte de desguisement, ou changement qu'ils y pourroient faire, à peine de confiscation, & de l'amende portée par ledit Priuilege. Donné à Sainct Germain en Laye le 10 Decembre, mil six cens trente trois.

Par le Roy en son conseil.

Poicteuin.

Extract from the Royal License.

BY Grace and License of the King, permission is granted to
Sebastien Cramoisy, Bookseller under Oath, of the University of
Paris, to print or to have printed a book entitled: _Relation de
ce qui s'est passé en la Nouvelle France en l'année mil six cens
trente trois, Envoyée au R.P. Barthelemy Jaquinot Provincial de la
Compagnie de Jesus en la province de France, Par le Pere Paul le
Jeune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebek_:
and this during the time and space of five consecutive years.
Prohibiting all Booksellers and Printers from printing or having
printed the said book, under any pretext of disguise or change that
they may make in it, on penalty of confiscation and of the fine
provided by the said License. Given at Sainct Germain en Laye, on
the 10th of December, one thousand six hundred and thirty-three.

By the King in council.

Poictevin.

XXII

LETTRE DU LE JEUNE

au R. P. Provincial à Paris

QUEBEC: 1634

SOURCE: Reprinted from Carayon's _Première Mission_, pp. 122-156.

[122] Lettre du P. Paul le Jeune, au R. P. Provincial de France à Paris.

(_Copiée sur l'autographe conservé aux archives du Jésus à Rome._)

QUÉBEC, 1634.

MON REVEREND PERE,

Pax Christi.

Les larmes qui me tombent des yeux à la veuë des lettres de V. R. arrestent ma plume; je suis dur comme bronze, et cependant son affection m'a tellement amoly, que la joye me fait pleurer et me fait donner mille benedictions à Dieu. O quel cœur! quel amour! quelle volonté elle a pour nous! je ne sçay comme y correspondre, sinon de luy dire _ecce me_, me voilà tout entier entre ses mains et pour le Canada et pour la France et pour tout le monde, _ad majorem Dei gloriam_. Je me voy si foible à tout, et Dieu si puissant pour tout, qu'il me semble qu'il n'y a plus rien à désirer ny à refuire. On m'escrit que V. R. a donné pour les pauvres Canadiens jusques à l'image de son oratoire. M. de Lauson[I.] [123] dit que son affection n'a point de limites, et qu'il mettra la mission en tel estat, qu'on sera contraint de procurer la continuation d'un si grand bien. Tout le monde confesse que Dieu est pour nous, puisque le cœur des supérieurs, qui est entre ses mains, est tout à nous. Le moyen d'estre insensible à tant de biens, et d'avoir le cœur et les yeux secs, dans une pluie de tant de bénédictions! Mais entrons en affaire; je n'épargneray ny l'encre ni le papier, puisque V. R. supporte avec tant d'amour mes longueurs et mes simplicités. Après l'avoir remerciée de tout mon cœur du secours qu'il luy a plu nous envoyer, comme aussy des vivres et des rafraîchissements, je luy descriray tout l'estat de cette mission.

[122] Letter from Father Paul le Jeune, to the Reverend Father
Provincial of France, at Paris.

(_Copied from the autograph preserved in the archives of the Gesù,
at Rome._)

QUEBEC, 1634.

MY REVEREND FATHER,

The peace of Christ be with you.

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The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 6: Quebec, 1633-1634Chapter II: Preface: To Vol. VI (1)

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