Chapter II (2)

On the twentieth of the same month, God showed his goodness in
the conversion and Baptism of a Savage, of whom our Fathers had
almost despaired. This young man was sick, and Father Buteux [43]
went to visit him. As a great many people were going into his
cabin, he invited him to make a visit to our house, provided his
illness would permit it; he went there immediately. After some
conversation, the Father reverted to the articles of our belief,
but with little success; for, having married the daughter of one
of the greatest Charlatans of the country, he would not surrender
at the first summons. When the blessings of the future life were
urged upon him, and he was asked if he did not wish to enjoy them,
he answered that he could not believe those things. "For," said
he, "after my death my soul will have no intelligence, and hence
will not be capable of enjoying these blessings." "How dost thou
know," replied the Father, "that souls, after their departure from
this life, are without sensibility and knowledge?" "Two of our
men," he answered, "once returned, after their death, and told
this to the people of our nation." "Did those souls that returned
have any intelligence?" "No," he replied. "Thou art mistaken,"
said the Father, "for it is intelligence to know that one has not
intelligence; but let us leave these subtleties. Does it require
intelligence to be a good hunter?" The Savages will never deny
[44] this proposition, for their greatest Philosophy and Theology
is not in their heads, but in their feet. "Now is it true,"
continued the Father, "that there are souls of Savages that are
bravely hunting the souls of Beavers and of Elks? Then they must
have intelligence." To this argument, a little too forcible for a
Savage, he answered nothing, except, that as his people were not
going to Heaven, he did not wish to go there. "You people," said
he, "are sure of going up yonder. Well and good, go there, then;
each one loves his own people; for my part, I shall go and find
mine." The Father, seeing clearly that he would be obstinate,
changed the subject and asked him about his disease. "It is," he
replied, "a wicked Algonquain who has given me this disease which
sticks in my body, because I was angry at him; and his fear that
I would kill him induced him to bargain for my death with the
Manitou." "And how dost thou know that?" "I have had the Manitou
consulted, and he told me I should make haste and give presents
to the _Manitousiouekhi_,"--these are their Jugglers,--"and that
he would forestall my enemy, taking his life, and that thus I
would be cured; but [45] my misfortune is that I have nothing
more,--I have given my Porcelain and my Beavers; and, because I
cannot continue these presents, I must die." So the only use to
which these Jugglers put their art is to draw what they can from
poor sick people; and, when they have nothing more, they abandon
them. The Japanese have similar errors. They believe that, as the
poor can give nothing to the Bonzes, they cannot go to Paradise.
Christians are obliged to adore and to acknowledge the goodness
of their God. What light there is in faith, though it be a dark
lantern; and how well our belief, though it may be elevated above
the forces of nature, conforms to reason! Theologians say very
truly that it is necessary to have the _piam motionem_ in order
to consent to the propositions of our faith; the will must be
softened and must give up its natural hardness. This is done by the
gentle breathing or stirring of the Holy Spirit, which leads us
to believe. I daily see men who are convinced of this truth, that
our belief is good, that it is holy, that it conforms to reason;
and, after [46] all that, seeing no conclusions drawn from these
premises, I exclaim, "What have we done to God that he gives us
this Faith, which enters with so much difficulty into the souls of
these poor Savages!" But to return to our young man. The Fathers
had, as it were, despaired of his salvation; nevertheless, as the
conversion of a soul depends upon him who is all-powerful, they
did not cease to visit him, to impart to him, from time to time,
some fear of hell, or some hope of eternal life. At last, this
poor young map was touched all at once; this understanding full
of darkness began to see the day; and his will became supple and
obedient to the will of God, like a dutiful child to the desires of
its parents. One day, when the Fathers entered his Cabin, he made
them a present of a piece of Elk-meat which had been given him;
Father Buteux said to him, "We do not come here to receive, but to
give to thee; we are not seeking thy goods, but wish to give thee
those of Heaven; if thou wouldst believe in God, how happy thou
wouldst be!" "Yes," said he, "I wish to believe, and I wish to go
to him." He said [47] this with his hands clasped, his eyes raised
to Heaven, with an accent so devout and a manner so composed, that
the Fathers were filled with joy and astonishment, seeing that God
does more in a moment than all men can do in a hundred years; he is
indeed the God of hearts. Behold this heart of stone changed into a
heart of flesh. He listens eagerly to what he already believes; he
is full of regret at his former opposition; he cannot sufficiently
admire the goodness of him who has so gently vanquished him. The
Fathers, seeing him so well disposed, offered for him the holy
sacrifice of the Mass; and, after thorough instruction, finally
changed the savage name _Amiskoueroui_ to the name Nicolas, which
was given to him in holy Baptism. God knows how to take his time
when he pleases. At the time he was converted, when he was baptized
and when he died, certain scoffers and triflers who lived in his
Cabin, and who would have done all they could to divert him from
Christianity, had gone to the chase; they returned exactly two
hours after he died, very much astonished at what had taken place;
but _quis ut Deus_? Who can turn away the goodness of God, [48]
any more than his thunderbolts? _Non est qui se abscondat à calore
ejus._ There is no heart of bronze that will not melt when God
wishes to heat it.

Le vingt-cinquiesme, iour de la Conuersion de sainct Paul, vn ieune Sauuage fut nommé Paul, son pere luy procura dans sa maladie, ce qu'il ne prenoit pas pour soy dans la santé: tant s'en faut qu'il se monstrast fasché qu'on instruisist son fils, âgé de quinze à seize ans, qu'au contraire il l'exhortoit à prester l'oreille aux Peres, & par fois les venant visiter luy-mesme, & les ayant ouy parler des choses de l'autre vie, il racontoit par apres à ses enfans ce qu'il auoit apris, n'ayant pas assez de courage d'embrasser & professer les veritez qu'il aprouuoit en son cœur. Les respects humains font bien du mal par tout.

On the twenty-fifth, the day of saint Paul's Conversion, a young
Savage was named Paul. His father secured for him in his sickness
what he did not take for himself in health. So far was he from
showing anger at the instruction given his son, a boy of fifteen
or sixteen, that on the contrary, he urged him to listen to the
Fathers; and having sometimes visited them himself, and having
heard them speak of the realities of the other life, he related
afterwards to his children what he had learned, not having enough
courage to embrace and profess the truths that he approved in his
heart. Fear of the world does a great deal of harm everywhere.

Le vingt-huictiesme & vingt-neufiesme, deux sœurs ont esté enrollées au Catalogue des enfans de Dieu. La plus petite, âgée de deux ans, chante maintenant ses grandeurs parmy les Chœurs des Anges. L'aisnée l'a suiuie quelque temps apres, elle auoit enuiron seize ans, quand elle prit vne nouuelle naissance en Iesus-Christ, [49] estant tombée malade, il ne fut pas difficile de luy persuader qu'elle se fist Chrestienne. Il semble qu'elle auoit déja la foy deuant que les Peres luy parlassent; son frere frequentoit en nostre Maison, instruisant nos Peres en sa langue, & comme on luy parloit souuent de nos Mysteres, il racontoit à sa sœur ce qu'il auoit appris. Il estoit plus heureux iettãt cette semence sacrée, que les Peres mesmes: car on n'a point remarqué qu'elle ait encore germé en son ame, & elle a porté des fleurs & des fruicts dans le cœur de sa sœur: laquelle interrogée en sa maladie, si elle ne vouloit pas estre baptisée, répondit, qu'elle en auoit vn grand desir. Les Peres la voulans instruire, trouuerent qu'elle en sçauoit assez pour receuoir le sainct Baptesme, ce qui les étonna & consola: Elle fut donc nommée Ieanne, receuant auec ce nom si grande abondance de grace, qu'il sembloit que le Fils de Dieu prist vn plaisir particulier en cette nouuelle Espouse. Le Pere Buteux la voyant sur son depart pour s'en aller dans les bois auec sa mere, & les autres Sauuages, luy dit, Adieu ma fille, souuenez vous que vous estes maintenant [50] amie de Dieu, & que si vous mourez, il vous menera dans sa maison, remplie de tout bon-heur. Adieu mon Pere, repartit-elle, ie ne vous verray plus; mais il importe peu que ie meure, puisque ie dois aller en si bon lieu. Elle dit cela auec vn tel sentiment de pieté, que les larmes en vindrent aux yeux des deux Peres, rauis de voir vne petite Barbare, parler en Ange de Paradis. Mais que vous pourrions nous donner, Ieanne, puis que vous nous quittez pour vn si long-temps? luy dirent-ils. Si vous auez du raisin donnez m'en vn peu, ce sera la derniere fois que vous me soulagerez en ma maladie, car ie m'en vais mourir dans les bois: mais ie croy que i'iray au Ciel; à vostre auis, mon Pere? Oüy ma fille, vous y irez, si vous perseuerez en la foy. Asseurez vouz, dit-elle, que ie croy en Dieu, & que i'y croiray toute ma vie. Ils luy donnerent tout le raisin qu'ils auoient de reste, qui n'estoit pas grande chose, le peu qu'on leur auoit enuoyé, ayant déja esté distribué à beaucoup d'autres malades. Quand on vint à lier cette pauure fille auec sa petite sœur, toutes deux nouuellement baptisées, sur leurs longues traisnes, pour les mener [51] dans ces grandes forests, il sembloit aux Peres qu'on leur arrachast le cœur: car ces pauures gens n'auoient autres viures qu'vn peu de pain qu'ils leur donnerent; leur disner & leur souper estoit en la prouidence de Dieu, leurs hostelleries la neige & les arbres, & vn peu d'écorce. Vn grand Nordoüest, qui est le vent le plus froid de ces Contrées, souffloit sur ces pauures malades, & cependant ils s'en alloient tous aussi contens, comme s'ils eussent deu entrer dans vne terre de promission. O que ie me voulois de mal, m'écrit le Pere qui m'a enuoyé ces memoires, voyant ce beau spectacle! ces gens me condamnoient de pusillanimité, ne iettant pas si fortement ma confiance en Dieu, qu'ils la iettent en leurs arcs & en leurs fleches, & ne faisant par vertu, ce que ces Barbares font par nature.

On the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth, two sisters were enrolled
in the Catalogue of the children of God. The smaller, about
two years old, now sings his greatness among the Choirs of the
Angels. The elder followed her, a short time afterward. She was
about sixteen years old when she received a new birth in Jesus
Christ; [49] having fallen sick, it was not hard to persuade her
to become a Christian. It seems that she had already possessed
the faith, before the Fathers talked with her; her brother was
in the habit of visiting our House to instruct our Fathers in his
language; and, as they often spoke to him of our Mysteries, he
related to his sister what he had learned. He was happier than
the Fathers themselves in scattering this sacred seed; although
it has not been observed to have as yet germinated in his soul,
it has borne flowers and fruit in the heart of his sister. When
she was asked during her sickness if she did not wish to be
baptized, she answered that she greatly desired it. The Fathers,
intending to instruct her, found that she knew enough to receive
holy Baptism, which surprised and consoled them. So she was called
Jeanne, receiving with this name so great an abundance of grace,
that it seemed as if the Son of God took particular pleasure in
this new Spouse. Father Buteux, seeing her at her departure to go
into the woods with her mother and the other Savages, said to her,
"Farewell, my daughter; remember that you are now [50] a friend of
God, and that if you die he will take you to his house, filled with
all blessings." "Farewell, my Father," she replied, "I shall see
you no more; but it matters little if I die, since I am to go to
such a good place." She said this with so deep a sense of piety,
that tears came to the eyes of the two Fathers, who were carried
away at seeing a little Barbarian speak like an Angel of Paradise.
"But what can we give you, Jeanne, since you are going to leave us
for so long a time?" they said to her. "If you have any raisins,
give me a few; this will be the last time you will relieve me in
my sickness, for I am going to die in the woods. But I believe
that I will go to Heaven. Do you think so, my Father?" "Yes, my
daughter, you will go there, if you continue in the faith." "Be
assured," she said, "that I believe in God, and that I will believe
in him all my life." They gave her all the raisins they had left,
which were not many,--the few that had been sent them having
already been distributed to many other invalids. When they came to
tie this poor girl with her little sister, both newly baptized,
upon the long sledges, to take them [51] into these great forests,
it seemed to the Fathers like tearing out their hearts; for these
poor people had no other food than a little bread that they gave
them; their dinner and supper depended upon the providence of God,
their hostelries were the snow and trees, and a little bark. A
strong Northwester, the coldest wind of these Countries, blew upon
these poor invalids, and yet they went away as contented as if
they were about to enter a promised land. "Oh, how disgusted I was
with myself," writes the Father who sent me these memoirs, "when I
saw this beautiful sight! These people condemned me of cowardice,
for not placing my confidence in God as strongly as they do theirs
in their bows and arrows, and in not doing from virtue what these
Barbarians do from nature."

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL VIII

XXV

See Vol. VII., for particulars of this document.

XXVI

As with its predecessor for 1635, the _Relation_ of 1636 (Paris, 1637), although for the convenience of bibliographers styled Le Jeune's, is a composite. The first half, closing with p. 272, is the annual report of Le Jeune, as superior, dated August 28, 1636; the second half, separately paged, is a special report on the Huron mission, by Brébeuf, dated Ihonatiria, July 16, 1636.

For the text of the document, we have had recourse to the Lamoignon copy of the original Cramoisy edition in the Lenox Library, which is there designated as "H. 65," because described in Harrisse's _Notes_, no. 65.

_Collation_ (H. 65). Title, with verso blank; "Extraict du Privilege du Roy" (dated Paris, Dec. 22, 1636), p. (1); "Approbation" by the provincial (dated Paris, Dec. 15, 1636), p. (1); "Table des Chapitres," pp. (4); Le Jeune's _Relation_ (11 chaps.), pp. 1-272; Brébeuf's Huron _Relation_, (in two parts, 4 and 9 chaps. respectively), pp. 1-223; verso of last leaf blank.

There are two copies in the Lenox Library, in which we have discovered a number of textual variations which have never been noted before. For the sake of convenience we shall designate these as Lamoignon and Bancroft, the names of former owners whose individual impress they bear. Our reprint, as previously stated, is from the Lamoignon copy. The Quebec reprint (vol. 1, 1858) follows a copy with the text corresponding with the Bancroft variations. All the differences which we have discovered occur in the Huron _Rel ation_, and the references are to the pagination of that part. We give the principal ones below.

LAMOIGNON.

P. 85, last line ends with "s'il ne leur fust"
The last four lines of p. 85 are spaced freely to make up for the
elision of "arriué."
P. 146, l. 2, reads: "d'où ils tirent"
P. 146, l. 22, reads: "alliance. Si leurs champs"
P. 146, l. 23, reads: "les occupe ils sont"
P. 158, l. 9, reads: "cõtre"
P. 158, l. 10, reads: "les tourmentẽt: le"
P. 158, l. 13, reads: "que ces pauures miserables chanteront"
P. 158, l. 18, reads "s'ils estoiẽt vaillãs hommes, ils leur arrachẽt"
P. 159, last line ends with "quelque Peuple auec qui ils"

BANCROFT.

P. 85, last line ends with: "s'il ne leur fust arriué"
P. 146, l. 2, reads: "dont ils tirent"
P. 146, l. 22, reads: "alliances, si leurs champs"
P. 146, l. 23, reads: "les occupe; ils sont"
P. 158, l. 9, reads: "contre"
P. 158, l. 10, reads: "les tourmentent"
P. 158, l. 13, reads: "que ce pauure miserable chantera"
P. 158, l. 18, reads: "s'il estoit vaillant homme, ils luy arrachent"
P. 159, last line ends with: "quelques Peuples auec lesquels ils"

There is still another edition of this _Relation_ in which the matter was reset entirely, and in which the text-page is much larger than in the one described above. Pilling (_Bibliography of the Iroquoian Languages_, p. 18) describes the British Museum copy, and the following collation is based on his very careful account of it.

_Collation_ (H. 66). Title, with verso blank, 1 leaf; "Table des Chapitres," pp. (2); Le Jeune's _Relation_, pp. 1-199; Brébeuf's Huron _Relation_, pp. 1-164.

Copies of H. 65 may be found in the following libraries: Lenox (two variations), Harvard, Library of Parliament (Ottawa), Brown (private), Archives of St. Mary's College (Montreal), and the British Museum. The Barlow copy (1889), no. 1276, sold for $17.50. Priced by Harrassowitz (1882), no. 23, at 125 marks. Copies of H. 66 are in the British Museum, and in the Bibliothèque Nationale (imperfect). We know of no example in America.

NOTES TO VOL. VIII

(_Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text._)

1 (p. 9).--Concerning the increase of French colonists at this time, see vol. vii., _note_ 8.

2 (p. 13).--_Pemptegoüs_: one of numerous variants of the name Penobscot (often mentioned by Lescarbot and Biard as Pentegoët). Specific reference is here made to the peninsula of Matchebiguatus (contracted later to Bagaduce), the site of the present Castine, at the mouth of Penobscot River (see vol. ii., _note_ 6). It was visited by Champlain in 1604, and by John Smith, twelve years later. From that time, it was more or less frequented by English fishing vessels; and, in 1630, the Plymouth Company established here a post for traffic with the Indians. It is this trading station to which Le Jeune refers; in 1635, it was taken for the French by Charles d'Aulnay de Charnisay, a lieutenant of the Commander de Razilly.

The family of Razilly (Razilli or Rasilly), of Touraine, was one of rank, ability, and renown. Early in the seventeenth century it was represented mainly by three brothers--François, who in 1612 undertook, with Daniel de la Touche de la Ravardière, to found a French colony at Maranham, in Brazil; Claude, seigneur de Launay, who also went to Maranham--this colony being destroyed by the Portuguese in 1615; and Isaac, a chevalier of Malta, and commander of the isle Bouchard. All of these men held positions of honor and responsibility in the court, the army, or the navy. François served later as field marshal in the army, and was also sent as ambassador to Savoy. Guérin says that Claude and Isaac became two of the most skillful and renowned seamen of their age; they were commanders of squadrons, and even admirals, in many important naval contests. A memoir relating to "colonies, in view of the increase in the maritime power of France," was presented (1626) by Isaac de Razilly to Richelieu, to which Guérin ascribes much influence in securing the formation of the Company of New France, in the following year.

Isaac was one of the Hundred Associates, and after 1628 was their naval commander. In the spring of 1629, the company, hearing that Kirk's expedition was about to set out from England, prepared a fleet, loaded with supplies for the suffering colonists at Quebec. Orders were given that some of the vessels should sail directly from Dieppe or La Rochelle for Canada, leaving the rest to go later, under Razilly. These orders were neglected, so that, instead of reaching Quebec by the end of May, and thus affording timely aid to Champlain, the ships waited for Razilly--whose commission for Canada was, however, revoked upon the conclusion of the peace of Susa (April 24, 1629), and he was instead sent to Morocco. The vessels finally set sail from La Rochelle, but were delayed by bad weather, thus failing to reach Quebec before its capture by Kirk. The ship commanded by De Caen was taken by the English; that belonging to the Jesuits was wrecked off Canso (see vol. iv., doc. xix.); and those under Desdames and Joubert made their way back to France. In the spring of 1630, another expedition was fitted out by the Company of New France, under Razilly's command, for the recapture of Canada; but it was not despatched thither, owing to the promise of Charles I. to restore Quebec to France--an agreement that was, however, not carried into effect until 1632, because of Louis's delay in paying the dowry that he had promised with Henrietta Maria, Charles's queen. Finally, in that year, De Caen was sent to occupy Quebec for his king. At the same time, Razilly was commissioned to "put the Company of New France in possession of Port Royal"--for which purpose he was given an armed ship named "Espérance en Dieu," and the sum of 10,000 livres; he was also to take with him three Capuchin missionaries. The document authorizing this enterprise was signed by Richelieu March 27, 1632, two days before the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye. Razilly's formal commission to receive Port Royal from the English bears date of May 10 in the same year. These documents are given by Margry, in _MSS. rel. Nouv. France_, vol. i., pp. 85, 110.

Razilly was appointed governor of Acadia, D'Aulnay and Charles de la Tour being his lieutenants; he also obtained from the Company of New France (May 29, 1632) a concession at St. Croix river and bay, 12 by 20 leagues in extent. He established his seat of government at La Hêve. In January, 1635, was formed an association--headed by Isaac and Claude de Razilly, and Cardinal Richelieu--to colonize Port Royal and La Hêve. Isaac de Razilly died in November of that year, and was succeeded by D'Aulnay as governor of Acadia. Claude de Razilly inherited his brother's estates, which, with his own interests in Acadia, he subsequently transferred to D'Aulnay. Harrisse says (_Notes_, p. 57): "He seems to have died in poverty, about the year 1666--at least, we have reason to suppose this, from the petition in verse addressed to the king in 1667, by his sister Marie, a celebrated poetess known as 'Calliope' [1621-1704] to whom Louis XIV. granted a pension of 2,000 livres, in consideration of the straitened circumstances to which she had been reduced by her brother's losses (Titon du Tillet, _Parnasse François_, Paris, 1732, fol., p. 487)."

Concerning the Razillys, see Guérin's _Navig. Français_, pp. 313-338; Harrisse's _Notes_, pp. 53-57; and Moreau's _Histoire de l'Acadie Françoise_ (Paris, 1873), pp. 112-117, 129-144.

3 (p. 13).--Quebec, like the other Canadian provinces, possesses great mineral wealth. Magnetic and hematite iron ores are abundant; and a rich vein of chromic iron has recently been found and worked, at Coleraine. A considerable quantity of copper is also mined in Quebec; gold to the amount of $260,905 was produced during the years 1877-94; and in 1894, this province yielded 101,318 ounces of silver. Among its other important mineral productions are asbestos, phosphates, petroleum, and building-stones.

Pierre Boucher (governor of Three Rivers in 1653-58 and 1662-67) thus mentions the mineral products of Canada, in his _Histoire véritable et natvrelle de la Novvelle France_, (Paris, 1664), chap. i.: "Springs of salt water have been discovered, from which excellent salt can be obtained; and there are others, which yield minerals. There is one in the Iroquois Country, which produces a thick liquid, resembling oil, and which is used in place of oil for many purposes. There are also many mines, according to report; I am certain that there are mines of iron and copper in many places. Various reliable persons have assured me that there is a great abundance of lead, and that not far from us; but, as it is along the road by which our Enemies pass, no one has yet dared to go thither to make its discovery."

4 (p. 15).--In regard to the Canadian policy of the Hundred Associates, see vol. iv., _notes_ 21, 38; and vol. vii., _note_ 18. Cf. Faillon (_Col. Fr._, pp. 343-352); he complains that the company, although at first making some efforts to bring over colonists, soon evaded the obligations imposed by their charter, and sent to Canada few besides their own fur-trade employees; that they cleared no land, and only sent provisions to the colony; that they made concessions (as to Giffard, Bourdon, and many others) obliging those to whom lands were given to assume the company's duties of clearing lands, and sending and supporting colonists--which acts should at the same time inure to the benefit of the Associates, and be credited to their account, as if performed by them.

5 (p. 17).--Concerning Duplessis-Bochard, see vol. v., _note_ 34.

6 (p. 19).--Le Jeune states, in the _Relation_ for 1634 (vol. vii. of this series, p. 229), that this fort was built on St. Croix Island (see vol. ii., _note_ 66). The island was afterwards known by the name of the fort. Ferland (_Cours d'Histoire_, vol. i., p. 260, _note_) thus cites Faucher: "The little island below Richelieu, where now is a light-house, is precisely the same where was formerly situated a fort, to intercept passage in time of war. The channel adjacent to the island has been measured, and its greatest width is seven arpents; vessels generally pass at a distance of three or four arpents from the island. In all the river, there is no place more suitable for the erection of a fort. At low tide, no water remains in the channel."

7 (p. 19).--_Metaberoutin_: the Three Rivers (St. Maurice); see vol. ii., _note_ 52.

8 (p. 45).--Pierre Pijart was born at Paris, May 17, 1608, and, soon after attaining his majority, became a Jesuit novice. His studies were successively pursued at Paris, La Flèche, and Caen; and, in July, 1635, he came to Canada. He was at once assigned to the Huron mission, where he remained five years. In November, 1640, he went with Garnier to open the Mission of the Holy Apostles among the Tionnontates or Tobacco Nation. This tribe, however, refused to listen to them; and within a year they were obliged to abandon this mission for a time. Pijart was employed at the Ste. Marie residence for some three years. In September, 1645, he was located at Three Rivers, being mentioned by Lalemant, in the _Journal des Jésuites_ (Quebec, 1871), p. 5, as "procureur des Hurons." In August, 1650, he returned to France.

9 (p. 47).--Pierre Feauté, a lay brother in the Jesuit order, came to Canada in the summer of 1635; occasional mention of him in _Journ. des Jésu._ shows that he was employed in the Jesuit residence of Notre-Dame des Anges in 1636, and, later, at Quebec. In November, 1651, he made a voyage to France, whither he seems to have finally returned in October, 1657.

Rochemonteix (_Jésuites_, vol. i., p. 212) cites _Catalogus Provinciæ Franciæ_ to show that Brother Pierre le Tellier was, toward 1665, in charge of the _petite école_, or primary department, of the college of Quebec.

10 (p. 47).--Claude Quentin came to Canada in July, 1635, and was assigned soon afterwards to the residence of Three Rivers, with Buteux, where he remained two years. In the summer of 1638, he was sent to the station at Miscou, returning some time later to Quebec, on account of ill-health. In the autumn of 1641, he was appointed procuror of the Canadian missions, occupying this position about six years--during which time he made several journeys between Canada and France, apparently making a final return to the latter country Oct. 21, 1647.

11 (p. 47).--François Joseph le Mercier was born at Paris, Oct. 4, 1604, and, at the age of eighteen, entered the Jesuit novitiate. In 1635, he came to Canada, and labored in the Huron mission until its destruction; he was at Ossossané in 1641-42, and at Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye in 1644. In June, 1656, he went, with other Jesuits, on the mission to the Onondagas, returning to Quebec the following year. He remained on the St. Lawrence during the rest of his labors in Canada, being superior of the missions in that province from August, 1653, until 1658, and again from 1665 to 1670. In November, 1659, he was assigned to a mission at Côte de Beaupré, where he labored nearly a year, being declared vicar of Quebec in October, 1660. Sommervogel says that Le Mercier returned to France in 1673, and was then sent to Martinique as superior of that mission, where he remained until his death, June 12, 1690.

Le Mercier, as superior, wrote various _Relations_ of the Canadian missions, which will appear in later volumes of this series. The Hurons named him Chaüosé; the Iroquois, Teharonhiagannra.

12 (p. 49).--_Echom_ (correctly spelled Echon): see vol. v., _note_ 44.

13 (p. 55).--_Anguien river:_ named for the eldest son of the prince of Condé, whose titular designation was duke of Anguien, or Enghien, from the city of that name in Hainault, near Brussels. The nobleman thus referred to (also mentioned in _Relation_ for 1636, chap. i.) was later known as "the great Condé;" in 1642, he married a niece of Richelieu. The last scion of the house of Condé who bore this name was the unfortunate Louis Antoine, duke of Enghien, court-martialed and shot at Vincennes, March 21, 1804, by order of Napoleon Bonaparte.

The Anguien River cannot well be identified; the name does not appear on maps of that time.

14 (p. 59).--_Petite Nation:_ see vol. v., _note_ 56.

15 (p. 61).--Jean de Quen was born at Amiens in May, 1603, and became a Jesuit novice Sept. 13, 1620, at Rouen. His studies were pursued at Paris; and he afterwards became a teacher in the colleges at Amiens (1630-31), and Eu (1632-35). Coming to Canada in the summer of 1635, he was employed for several years at Quebec--at the college, and at Notre-Dame de Récouvrance. In 1640, he was at Sillery, of which mission he was the head from 1641 to 1649. During this time, he also made evangelizing journeys to neighboring tribes: and, at times, labored in the Ste. Croix mission at Tadoussac, and at Three Rivers. In June, 1651, he went on a mission to the Oumaniwek tribe, and apparently spent the ensuing two years in labors with this and other tribes on the upper Saguenay, with his headquarters at Tadoussac. To him is ascribed the honor of having, while engaged in this work, discovered Lake St. John. In 1655-56, he was superior of the missions of New France, and seems to have remained at Quebec until his death, which occurred Oct. 1, 1659, occasioned by a contagious fever brought on a French vessel, whose sick and dying sailors De Quen was nursing at the hospital.

In August, 1878, the demolition of the old Jesuit College at Quebec brought to light the remains of De Quen, Du Peron, and Jean Liégeois. For detailed accounts of this discovery and its attendant circumstances, with valuable historical information regarding this and other buildings in that city, see Faucher de Saint-Maurice's _Relation des fouilles dans le Collège des Jésuites_ (Quebec, 1879); also Rochemonteix's _Jésuites_, vol. i., pp. 225-227, 456-465.

16 (p. 61).--Concerning these Turkish pirates, and others, see vol. iv., _note_ 29.

17 (p. 65).--André Richard (here written Antoine, apparently by some error), born Nov. 23, 1600 (or 1599), became a Jesuit, Sept. 26, 1621, at Paris. A student successively at Paris, La Flèche, and Rouen, he was a teacher at Amiens (1624-26), Orleans (1626-28), Caen (1629-30), and Nevers (1631-33). In February, 1634, he departed for Canada, and, with Perrault, was stationed at Cape Breton, replacing Daniel and Davost. Richard remained at this mission about six years, being then sent to Miscou as a co-worker with Jean d'Olbeau, who had gone there in the preceding year; the latter fell ill with scurvy in December, 1642, and, afflicted with paralysis resulting therefrom, he was obliged to leave for France in the following summer--dying, however, while on the voyage, through an accidental explosion of powder, which destroyed the ship.

In 1646, Richard was joined by De Lyonne; and he remained on the coast of Gaspe--during most of the time, at Miscou--until 1661, making voyages to France in 1658 and 1659. According to Dionne ("Miscou," in _Canada-Français_, July, 1889), he spent the year 1661-62 at Chedabouctou in Acadia, after which he went back to France. Returning to Canada in 1666, he became superior of the Jesuit residence at Three Rivers; he is said to have died in 1696.

18 (p. 65).--Charles Turgis was born at Rouen, Oct. 14, 1606, and became a Jesuit as soon as he attained his majority. He studied at La Fléche and Clermont, and was a teacher in the former college during two years. In 1635, he arrived in Canada, and was sent to Miscou with Du Marché, to minister to the French (then 23 in number) residing at that post. The climate of Miscou, although now salubrious, seems to have been, at that early time, full of danger to Europeans; the island was repeatedly swept by the scurvy, which was usually fatal. The missionaries soon became its victims; Du Marché was compelled to return to France, and Turgis, although more robust, and longer resisting the disease, was laid low by it in March, 1637, dying on May 4. An account of his illness and death is given in the _Relation_ for that year, which says of him: "He was equally regretted by the French and by the Savages, who honored and tenderly loved him."

19 (p. 65).--Charles du Marché was assigned to the Miscou station at the same time as Turgis (1635), the missionary residence being named St. Charles. Within a year of their arrival, Du Marché was attacked by the prevalent scourge of that region--the _mal du terre_, or scurvy--and was compelled to return to Quebec. Here he remained a few months, being employed at the chapel as confessor; in August, 1636, he was aiding Buteux at Three Rivers; later, he returned to France.

20 (p. 67).--Concerning Jean Liégeois, see vol. vii., _note_ 7.

Gilbert Burel, a lay brother, had come to Canada with the first Jesuit missionaries (1625), and again, with Le Jeune, in 1632. The latter mentions him in 1626 (see vol. iv., p. 183); but his name does not occur in the _Relations_, excepting in this passage in our text.

21 (p. 69).--_Sonontoerrhonons_, also variously written Entouhonorons (Champlain), Sonnontouans, Tsonnontouans: the westernmost and also the largest of the five Iroquois tribes or cantons; by early Dutch writers called Sennecas or Sinnekens, by the English Senecas, and among themselves Nun-dá-wa-o-nó (Morgan) or Nan-do-wah-gaah (Marshall). The latter writer says that the name Sonnontouan is derived from the Seneca words _onondah_, "hill," and _go waah_, "great,"--"the people of the great hill," alluding to Boughton Hill, where was located their principal village, Ga-o-sa-eh-ga-aah (or Gandagaro); and that "Seneca" is a corruption of Nan-do-wah-gaah.--See his pamphlet, _First visit of De la Salle to the Senecas_ [Buffalo, 1874], p. 44.

Beauchamp, in his "Origin and Early life of the N. Y. Iroquois," _Transactions of Oneida Hist. Society_, 1887-89, (Oneida, N. Y., 1889), p. 124, derives the Senecas "from the Eries, perhaps within historic times. That the Senecas differed from the other Iroquois, in religious observances, totems and clans, habits of life, and other things, is very clear." He also writes, in a recent letter: "The Senecas always had two great villages, and were probably at first a minor confederacy--the two branches being clearly distinguished in all historic times, and even now. Among the leading founders of the League they had two great chiefs where the others had but one, in every account. In the last half of the seventeenth century, the two great Seneca towns, "held by their two branches, were at Mendon, and at Boughton Hill, Victor. In 1660, the easternmost Seneca village was 20 miles west of Geneva, and all were comprised within a very few miles." Their villages are shown on J.S. Clark's map of "Seneca Castles and Mission Sites," in Hawley's "Early Chapters in Seneca History," _Cayuga Co. Hist. Collections_, No. 3, (Auburn, N. Y., 1884); see also his note identifying their sites, pp. 25, 26. This paper is a careful and minute account of the Jesuit missions among the Senecas (1656-84), with valuable annotations by both Hawley and Clark. The chief Seneca villages in recent times were near the sites of the present Geneva, Canandaigua, Lima, and Avon.

22 (p. 71).--This chief, La Perdrix, is mentioned also in the _Relation_ for 1634. In regard to the Island tribe, see vol. v., _note_ 57.

23 (p. 71).--_Attiguenongha_ (Atignenongach, Attigneenongnahac, Attiniatoenten): this and the Attignaouantan, or Bear Nation, (see vol. v., _note_ 17), were not only the most important, but the oldest of the Huron tribes, "having received into their country, and adopted, the others" (_Relation_ for 1639, chap. i.), and being able to trace their tribal history for two centuries back. This tribe was the southernmost of the Huron clans; one of its most important towns was Teanaustayé, located in what is now Medonté township. Here was situated the Jesuit mission of St. Joseph, destroyed by the Iroquois in 1649.

24 (p. 71).--_Arendarhonons_, Ahrendarrhonons, or Renarhonons (Sagard, who also calls them "nation de la Roche"): the easternmost tribe of Hurons, located west of the Severn River. They were the first of the Hurons to engage in trade with the French, and regarded themselves as the special allies of the latter. It was with this tribe that Champlain spent the winter of 1615-16 (see vol. v., _note_ 52), at their village of Cahiagué, where, later, was established the Jesuit mission of St. Jean Baptiste.

25 (p. 75).--The Ottawa and St. Lawrence Rivers have many and often dangerous rapids; but both rivers are now rendered navigable by canals around the rapids. The Chaudière Falls above Ottawa, and the Lachine Rapids above Montreal, are the most noted of these obstructions. In the St. Lawrence River are 30 miles of rapids. The elevation between Lake Ontario and tidewater is 240 feet.

The name "Rivière des Prairies" was at first applied to the Ottawa River (see vol. ii., _note_ 53); but it is now restricted to the channel that separates Isle Jésus from the island of Montreal.

26 (p. 81).--Simon Baron was one of the Jesuit donnés. Sulte says (_Can.-Français_, vol. ii., p. 53): "He had lived at Chibou, Cape Breton Island, about 1631, and had there acquired some surgical knowledge. In 1634, he was in the service of the Jesuits, and accompanied the missionaries to the Huron country, whence he returned in 1637. He is mentioned at Three Rivers in 1637, 1658, and 1664." During the epidemic of 1637, Baron acquired renown through his facility in handling the lancet.

27 (p. 85).--Concerning La Rochelle, see vol. v., _note_ 60.

28 (p. 91).--For location of Toanché, see vol. v., _note_ 61.

29 (p. 99).--Jean Nicolet, a native of Cherbourg, France, came to Quebec in 1618, probably at the age of about 20 years. Like Marsolet, Brulé, and others, he was sent by Champlain to live among the Indians, that he might acquire a knowledge of the country, of the natives, and of their language. For this purpose, Nicolet went (1620) to the Algonkins of Allumettes Island, where he remained two years; while among this tribe, he accompanied a large body of their warriors to the Iroquois country, in order to arrange a treaty of peace--an enterprise successfully accomplished. He then spent some nine years among the Nipissings, during which time he wrote an account of these savages, their customs, etc., as Le Jeune informs us in the _Relation_ for 1636.

Upon the recovery of Canada by the French, Nicolet returned to Quebec, probably early in 1633. In June, 1634, Champlain sent him on an exploring expedition westward--partly in the hope of finding the "sea of China" which was at that time supposed to lie not far west of the regions of America then known, and thereby discovering the long-looked-for short passage to Asia; partly to become acquainted with the savage tribes lying beyond the "Mer douce" (Lake Huron), and to extend the French trade for peltries. Upon this trip (accompanying Brébeuf as far as Allumettes Island), Nicolet went to his old abode, Lake Nipissing. Thence, with a bark canoe, and an escort of seven Hurons, he voyaged by French River into Lake Huron, and northward to St. Mary's Straits and Mackinac; and thence by Lake Michigan, Green Bay, and the Fox River, as far as a village of the Mascoutins, probably in what is now Green Lake county, Wisconsin. He was thus the first white man who, so far as is recorded, had entered this region. From the Mascoutin village, he journeyed southward to what is now Northern Illinois,--afterwards returning to Canada by the same route on which he had set out; he reached Quebec early in the autumn of 1635. This notable voyage was generally supposed to have occurred in 1639, until Sulte advanced the theory, in _Mélanges d'Histoire et de Littérature_ (Ottawa, 1876), pp. 426, 436, that it must have been in 1634-35--a theory apparently verified by Butterfield, in his painstaking _Discovery of the Northwest by Jean Nicolet_ (Cincinnati, 1881).

Nicolet, after his return to Canada, resumed his employment (begun in 1633) as clerk and interpreter at Three Rivers. Oct. 7, 1637, he married Marguerite (then aged eleven years), second daughter of Guillaume Couillard. Probably about this time, he obtained, jointly with his brother-in-law, Le Tardif (see vol. v., _note_ 49), the estate of Belleborne (so named from the brook of Belleborne, which traverses the "plains of Abraham"). In 1641, the Iroquois having attacked the Algonkins in the near vicinity of Three Rivers, Nicolet, with the Jesuit Ragueneau, attempted, but with little success, to turn aside the hostile savages.

Nicolet died Oct. 29, 1642, being drowned at Sillery; he left but one child, Marguerite, who in 1656 married Jean Baptiste le Gardeur.

Full accounts of Nicolet and of his discoveries are given in Butterfield's monograph, and by Sulte, _ut supra_; also in Jouan's "Jean Nicolet," and Butterfield's bibliography of the subject, _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, vol. xi., pp. 1-25. Cf. also Sulte's "Notes on Jean Nicolet," _Id._, vol. viii., pp. 188-194. Nicolet river and lake, in Wolfe county, Que., are named for this noted explorer; the river had been, until about 1640, known as the St. Jean.

30 (p. 103).--_Le Borgne_: this name, meaning "the one-eyed," was applied by the French, during many years, to the Algonkin chief at the head of the Island tribe (see vol. v., _note_ 57), whose native name was Tessouehat (or Tessoueatch).

Champlain mentions that, in June, 1603, he met at Tadoussac an Algonkin sagamore named Besouat; Laverdière (_Champlain_, p. 76) thinks this is simply an error for Tesouat. Just ten years later, Champlain visited Tessouat at Allumettes Island, and speaks of the latter as "a good old Captain."

Again, in 1629, he mentions Le Borgne (apparently the successor of the first-named) as "a good Savage and a man of intelligence" (Laverdière's ed., p. 1198). It was this man who is mentioned in our text as alarming the Hurons by reports of Champlain's intended vengeance for Brulé's murder; he died in August, 1635. In the spring of that year, he had gone (as Brébeuf tells us) with an Algonkin embassy to the Huron country, to ask the latter tribes to unite with them in an attack upon the Iroquois, which proposal was declined by the Hurons.

A third Le Borgne was Tessouehat (called by the Hurons Andesson or Ondesson), characterized by the missionaries as "unusually arrogant and malicious" (_Relation_ for 1641). Much to their surprise, he came down to Montreal in March, 1643, for Christian instruction, and was baptized under the name of Paul. In the _Relation_ for that year, Vimont says of this chief: "As soon as he became a Christian, God gave him the gentleness and meekness of a little child;" and the missionaries were greatly delighted and edified by his piety.

In May, 1646, a chief of this name took part in a council held at Three Rivers with an embassy from the Iroquois; but, as he invoked the sun to be a witness of the negotiations, he must have been a heathen, and therefore a successor to the preceding chief. This same man was rebuked by a converted Indian at Sillery for not being a Christian; but his pious death, after an illness of two years, is recorded in the _Relation_ for 1654. He, too, like his predecessor, was renowned as much for his arrogance as for his eloquence.

31 (p. 105).--_Oënrio_ (Ouenrio, or Wenrio): the site of this village, which was located in a populous Huron neighborhood, has not been identified beyond question. Du Creux's map places it near the head of an inlet--evidently the one now known as Dault's Bay, on the west side of Tiny township; and he associates it with the mission of St. Charles. There are remains which correspond very nearly to this position; though some have supposed that Oënrio was nearer Penetanguishene Bay, where the remains of another village have been found. As it contained part of the Hurons from Toanché, it may be assumed that it was not far from Thunder Bay.--A.F. HUNTER.

32 (p. 111).--_Sagamité_: see vol. v., _note_ 28.

33 (p. 115).--_Mer douce_: see vol. i., _note_ 54.

34 (p. 115).--Brébeuf here gives the Huron names of the other tribes composing the great Huron-Iroquois family. Concerning the _Khionontaterrhonons_ (Tobacco Nation), see vol. v., _note_ 18.

_Atiouandaronks_ (Attiwandarons, Atiraguenrek, or Atirhangenrets): called by the French "Nation Neutre," because they were at peace with both the Hurons and the Iroquois, between whom they lived. Harris thus endeavors to account for this neutrality, in his paper, "The Flint-Workers," _Publications of Buffalo Historical Society_, vol. iv. (Buffalo, 1896), p. 239: "There is but one solution of this problem, and that is to be found in the immense quantities of flint along the east end of Lake Erie. Without flint arrow and spear heads, the Iroquois could not cope with the Hurons, nor the Hurons with the Iroquois; and, as the Neutrals controlled the chert beds, neither nation could afford to make the Neutrals its enemy."

Eastward of the Neutrals, lay the territories of the Five Nations, or Iroquois League. Clark's map of this region, showing locations of the several tribes and of their villages, is given in Hawley's _Early Chapters of Cayuga History_, 1656-84 (Auburn, N. Y., 1879); Morgan (_Iroq. League_) also gives a map, showing locations in recent times. For historical sketch of the tribes included in the League, see Beauchamp's _Origin of N. Y. Iroquois_ (cited in _note_ 21, _ante_) pp. 119-142; he says: "The Huron-Iroquois family thus seems to have been the last wave of the migratory tribes advancing from the west and northwest, and had not reached the sea 300 years ago, except a few individuals on the St. Lawrence. The Tuscaroras might also be excepted.... Almost parallel with these [the Algonquins], but a little later as a whole, the Huron-Iroquois, finding the southern regions occupied, advanced along the north, through Michigan, Canada, and Ohio, pressing toward the sea, but generally prevented from reaching it by the Algonquins. This is very nearly the tradition of the Delawares, who represent the Iroquois as moving from the west in a line parallel with their own migrations, but a little in the rear. The Huron-Iroquois occupied temporarily the solitudes of Canada and New York, as well as Michigan and Northern Ohio, gathering strength within their narrow limits, until they could force a passage south along the Susquehanna. There the Andastis stopped and grew strong. The Eries passed along the south shore of their lake, the Hurons and Neutrals on the north. The Tuscaroras reached North Carolina, and all the southern Iroquois may have had temporary homes in New York at an early day." For estimates of the military strength of the respective tribes, in 1660 and 1677, see Parkman's _Jesuits_, p. 297.