Chapter XLVIII (12)

[61] "Having now done what we could," said they, "we ask you in view of the whole case whether you ought longer to take advantage of our weakness and press on us an enterprise that we have rejected from the first? Whether you ought to persist in a scheme which nourishes an unreasonable and un-Christian prejudice--which persuades legislatures to continue their unjust enactments against us in all their rigor--which exposes us to the persecution of the proud and profligate--which cuts us off from employment, and straitens our means of subsistence--which afflicts us with the feeling that our condition is unstable--and prevents us from making efforts for our improvement, or for the advancement of our own usefullness and benefits and with our families."--Cornish and Wright, "The Colonization Scheme Considered," 8.

[62] Stebbins, "Facts and Opinions Touching the Real Origin, Character and Influence of the American Colonization Society," 208.

[63] _The African Repository_, XXVI, 294.

[64] Douglass, "Life and Times of Frederick Douglass," 260.

[65] Crummell thought so well of it that he went to Africa for this purpose. See _The African Repository_, XXX, 125.

[66] Ibid., LXIII, 273.

[67] Niles' Register, LVI, 165 and 180.

[68] _The African Repository_, XXIII, 374.

[69] Ibid., XXIV, 243.

[70] Mr. Washington had been active in securing the assistance of a few men of superior ability and high ideals and finally entered into negotiations with the authorities for a tract of land in Mexico on which he proposed to colonize the free Negroes of the United States, but the war in that country prevented the execution of the plan. He was compelled finally to abandon the plan of a separate state in America, but gave all his time, voice and pen and means to the cause of emigration to Liberia. See _New York Tribune_, ----, and _The African Repository_, XXVII, 259.

[71] Anthony Bowen, who was at that time a messenger in the Patent Office at Washington, D.C., was the uncle of Nathaniel Bowen. See _The African Repository_, XXVIII, 164.

[72] _The African Repository_, XXI, 285.

[73] _The Cincinnati Gazette_, July 14, 1841.

[74] Stebbins, "Facts and Opinions Touching the Real Origin, Character and Influence of the American Colonization Society," 200-201.

[75] _The Baltimore Sun_, July 27, 28 and 29, 1852.

[76] Stebbins, "Facts and Opinions, etc.," 200-201.

[77] Cromwell, "The Negro in American History," 42.

[78] _The North Star_, 1853.

[79] Letter of Bishop Holly in Cromwell's "Negro in American History," 43-44.

[80] Ibid., 44.

[81] _The African Repository_, XXIV, 261.

[82] Letter of Bishop Holly in Cromwell's "The Negro in American History," 44.

[83] _The Liberator_, 1833.

[84] _The African Repository_, XXIII, 117.

[85] United States Census, 1850 and 1860.

DOCUMENTS

TRANSPLANTING FREE NEGROES TO OHIO FROM 1815 TO 1858[1]

Brown county was one of the first parts of Ohio to be invaded by free Negroes. In the "Historical Collections of Ohio" Howe says:

"In the county (Brown) there are two large settlements of colored
persons, numbering about 500 each. One of these is 3 miles north of
Georgetown; the other is in the NE. part of the county, about 16
miles distant. They emigrated from Virginia, in the year 1818, and
were originally the slaves of Samuel Gist, who manumitted and settled
them here, upon two large surveys of land. Their situation,
unfortunately, is not prosperous."--Howe, Historical Collections of
Ohio, 71.

Referring to these settlements some years later another historian said:

"The colored settlement in Eagle Township was made in 1818, by a
number of the former slaves of Samuel Gist, a wealthy banker,
resident of London, England, and an extensive land-owner and
slaveholder in the United States.

"It is not known that Gist ever visited his plantation here, or that
he ever saw a single slave that cultivated his lands, but all was
left to the management of resident agents appointed by him. These
lands lay in the counties of Hanover, Amherst, Goslin (Goochland),
and Henrico, Va., and included some of the first plantations in the
'Old Dominion.'

"In 1808 desiring to make ample provision for the future of those who
had so abundantly filled his coffers by their servitude, Gist made a
will, the intent of which was certainly benevolent, but which has been
most wretchedly executed. This document of fifty-eight closely written
pages is a study within itself. It begins thus: This is the last will
and testament of me Samuel Gist, of Gower street, in the Parish of St.
Giles, in the city of London, of the county of Middlesex, England.

"After bequeathing various valuable estates, large sums of money to
his only daughter, he designated what property and sums of money
shall fall to the numerous persons who have been in his employ, and
most explicitly does he provide for his slaves in Virginia, who
numbered nearly one thousand souls!

"Relative to them the will provides that at his death his 'slaves in
Virginia shall be free.' That his lands shall be sold and comfortable
homes in a free State be purchased for them with the proceeds. That
the revenue from his plantations the last year of his life be applied
in building school houses and churches for their accommodation. That
all money coming to him in Virginia be set aside for the employment
of ministers and teachers to instruct them. That 'care be taken to
make them as comfortable and happy as possible.'

"In 1815 Samuel Gist died, and Wickham of Richmond, Va. (in
conjunction with his father-in-law, Page), who had been appointed
Gist's agent, proceeded to execute his will. Accordingly through
parties in Hillsboro, Ohio, 1,112 acres of land near Georgetown, and
1,200 acres west of Fincastle, in Eagle Township, were purchased for
homes for these slaves. These lands were covered with thickets of
undergrowth and sloughs of stagnant water and were almost valueless
at that time for any purpose other than pasturage. Here in June,
1818, came nearly 900 persons, a part of whom located on the
Georgetown lands, the remainder on the Fincastle purchase. Their
'comfortable homes' lay in the wild region about them; the education
they received was in the stern school of adversity. As a matter of
course, they did not prosper. Some who were able returned to
Virginia. Others built rude huts and began clearing away the forest.
What little money they had was soon spent. Scheming white men planned
to get their personal property. They became involved in numerous law
suits among themselves, and so from various causes they were reduced
almost to pauperism. In later years their lands have been sold, so
that at present but few families remain as relics of this once large
settlement. Among the first families that settled in this township
were the following, most of whom had families:

"Jacob Cumberland, George Cumberland, Samuel Hudson, Gabriel York,
James Gist, Gabriel Johnson, Joseph Locust, James Cluff, ---- Davis,
Sol Garrison, ---- Pearsons, ---- Williams, Glascow Ellis, and Tom
Fox. 'Old Sam Hudson,' as he was familiarly known, was an odd
character, and many anecdotes are yet related of him. At one time he
was sent to the State Prison at Columbus for making unlawful use of
another man's horse, and so it happened that a white man named Demitt
accompanied him for a like offense. Upon being interrogated as to his
occupation, Sam answered, 'Preacher ob de Gospel!' Turning to Demitt,
the officer asked, 'What's your occupation?' 'I clerk for Sam,' was
the shrewd reply.

"Richmond Cumberland ('Blind Dick'), Meredith Cumberland, Taylor
Davis, Moses Cumberland, Ephraim Johnson, and Winston Cumberland were
also born in Virginia."--History of Brown County, Ohio (edition
1883), p. 592.

During these years according to the letter below another group of Negroes found their way into Jefferson County, Ohio.

_Dear Sir:_

Every body with whom I have talked about this colony of Negroes,
referred me to Judge Mansfield as one knowing more about it than
anybody else. He, therefore, is my chief informer. In 1825 a colony
of slaves was sent up from Charles City County, Virginia, to
Smithfield, in Jefferson County, Ohio, about twenty miles southwest
of Steubenville. They were the slaves of Thomas Beaufort of the
Virginia County above named. So far as I could learn not all of
Beaufort's slaves were sent to Smithfield. Another colony I was told
was located at Stillwater in Harrison County, Ohio, but I have not
yet been in that community. How the slaves traveled from Virginia to
Smithfield could not be told. The number sent up is not known--about
thirty or forty families, they said. They were a tribe, as it were,
Nattie Beaufort being the patriarch. They were sent in charge of a
man named McIntyre, an overseer, who supposedly had been sent to see
to the locating of the slaves on a tract of land which the master had
bought for them through Benjamin Ladd, a Quaker of the Smithfield
community. McIntyre returned to Virginia after a few days stay. He
was never in the community again, nor was any other representative of
the Beaufort's so far as anybody knows. The land was bought in Wayne
Township--about 200 acres, about five miles out from Smithfield. It
is quite rolling, of stiff clay character. There are fine farms all
about it and coal fields not far away. It was bought of Thomas
Mansfield whose son, a prominent lawyer in Steubenville, still owns
land contiguous to the Beaufort tract, and owns now a part of what
his father sold the slaves.

According to Judge Mansfield the tract of land was laid out in
five-acre plots. A cabin was built on each and a family placed in
each cabin. The families were the married sons and daughters of
Nathaniel Beaufort who had been his master's "nigger driver," was the
way one of his granddaughters put it. The whole colony was under
Nathaniel Beaufort's control as long as he lived, during which time
it prospered. Two of the original colony, both women, are still
living and own their little tracts, one residing on her property and
the other in the infirmary. The descendants of the first settlers
owned most of the land but some of it has been lost. Whether they had
any teams and money to start with it is not known to Judge Mansfield,
but he thought that they did not. Both men and women had to "work
out" much of the time for means to go upon, the girls toiling as
servants in the community for twenty-five to fifty cents per week and
their keep, the men receiving forty to fifty cents per day often paid
in such provisions as meal and meat.

Judged by the management of their own plots they are not a success as
farmers, most of their soil being now practically worthless. "The
land which was bought for the slaves was never recorded in their
names," says Judge Mansfield. It was deeded to Benjamin Ladd as
trustee and so stands in the record now. Judge Mansfield's last words
were: "There has been no clash over that land because of its run down
condition, but if coal or oil should be found about there, I cannot
tell what will happen." The financial condition of the colony is no
better than it was seventy-five years ago, the physical condition is
far from being as good. Two or three of these Negroes, however,
showing evidence of thrift are very good farmers. They have increased
their holdings and built new cabins, although most of the old
dwellings are still there and are occupied by the descendants of the
original settlers. They have rapidly increased in numbers and have
extensively intermarried. From the first the people were religious,
regular church goers. They have two churches among them, one
Methodist and the other Baptist. Their morals have been good, having
seldom committed crime. Officers of the law have found very little to
do in this community. During the life of the colony there have been
only two arrests for serious crimes, one of which was for stealing a
horse and the other for stealing wool. Both of the accused were sent
to the penitentiary. No other serious charge has ever been brought
against any member of the community so far as Judge Mansfield knew.
The original set were fine physical specimens, "as fine," says Judge
Mansfield, "as the community ever saw."

Separate schools for white and blacks have been maintained from the
start. Nearly all the teachers have been white. The preachers have
been members of the colony. None of them, however, have gained any
particular prominence in any line. Not even any of the children, so
far as could be learned, had ever been sent off to school. The best
known of them now are two brothers, William and Wilson Toney, both
preachers. Just what acreage they now own I could not learn. How much
is owned by the best of them also could not be determined.

The community is called by some "McIntyre" after the man who carried
the slaves up into Ohio, and by others it is called "Haiti." The
latter term is almost wholly used by white people throughout the
county and has always been offensive to the Negroes. Although I went
to "Haiti" and talked with one of the men, Judge Mansfield gave me
practically all the information. I will send you more in a few days
gathered at other points. I have tried to cover your questions and to
include other vital ones. Please call my attention to anything that I
might mention to add to the interest or thoroughness of the story. I
have reported here almost word for word as the facts were given me by
the Judge and hope the story will have some interest for you. I
expect to find out a great deal more about that community.[2]

Very truly yours,

C. A. Powell.

Under a protest from afar a goodly number of slaves were settled in Lawrence county in 1827.

COMMUNICATED

"BLACKS AND MULATTOES

"On the 14th April, seventy of this description of persons, in one
company emigrated into and settled within Lawrence county. They were a
part of a stock of slaves emancipated by the last will of a Mr. Ward,
late of Pittsylvania county, Virginia, deceased. Those unfortunate
creatures have little or no property of value--many of them ragged and
dirty. It was expected that such a number together, in such condition
would hardly, in Ohio, find a place where to lay their heads; yet so far
from meeting with obstacles, facilities to settlement were extended to
them. All of them have found places, and many of them have already
obtained security as the law requires; and probably the balance will
within twenty days. The writer of this note would censure none for acts
of kindness to this unfortunate class of persons--yet as he regards the
moral character and welfare of society, he cannot view these rapid
accessions without some degree of alarm."--_The Ohio State Journal and
Columbus Gazette_, May 3, 1827.

Some years later there was established in Mercer county another colony, which because of its connection with friends in Cincinnati, then promoting the settlement of Negroes on public land, became the most promising of the colored communities in Ohio. Sketching the history of that county, Howe says:

"In the southern part of this county is a colony of colored people,
amounting to several hundred persons. They live principally by
agriculture, and own extensive tracts of land in the townships of
Granville, Franklin, and Mercer. They bear a good reputation for
morality, and manifest a laudable desire for mental improvement. This
settlement was founded by the exertions of Mr. Augustus Wattles, a
native of Connecticut, who, instead of merely theorizing upon the evils
which prevent the moral and mental advancement of the colored race, has
acted in their behalf with a philanthropic, Christian-like zeal, that
evinces he has their real good at heart. The history of this settlement
is given in the annexed extract of a letter from him.

"'My early education, as you well know, would naturally lead me to
look upon learning and good morals as of infinite importance in a
land of liberty. In the winter of 1833-4, I providentially became
acquainted with the colored population of Cincinnati, and found about
4,000 totally ignorant of every thing calculated to make good
citizens. Most of them had been slaves, shut out from every avenue of
moral and mental improvement. I started a school for them, and kept
it up with 200 pupils for two years. I then proposed to the colored
people to move into the country and purchase land, and remove from
those contaminating influences which had so long crushed them in our
cities and villages. They promised to do so, provided I would
accompany them and teach school. I travelled through Canada, Michigan
and Indiana, looking for a suitable location, and finally settled
here, thinking this place contained more natural advantages than any
other unoccupied country within my knowledge. In 1835, I made the
first purchase for colored people in this county. In about three
years, they owned not far from 30,000 acres. I had travelled into
almost every neighborhood of colored people in the State, and laid
before them the benefits of a permanent home for themselves and of
education for their children. In my first journey through the state,
I established, by the assistance and cooperation of abolitionists, 25
schools for colored children. I collected of the colored people such
money as they had to spare, and entered land for them. Many, who had
no money, afterwards succeeded in raising some, and brought it to me.
With this I bought land for them.

"'I purchased for myself 190 acres of land, to establish a manual
labor school for colored boys. I had sustained a school on it, at my
own expense, till the 11th of November, 1842. Being in Philadelphia
the winter before, I became acquainted with the trustees of the late
Samuel Emlen, of New Jersey, a Friend. He left by his will $20,000,
for the "support and education in school learning and the mechanics
arts and agriculture, such colored boys, of African and Indian
descent, whose parents would give them up to the institute." We
united our means and they purchased my farm, and appointed me the
superintendent of the establishment, which they call the Emlen
Institute.'

"In 1846, Judge Leigh, of Virginia, purchased 3,200 acres of land in
this settlement, for the freed slaves of John Randolph, of Roanoke.
These arrived in the summer of 1846, to the number of about 400, but
were forcibly prevented from making a settlement by a portion of the
inhabitants of the county. Since then, acts of hostility have been
commenced against the people of this settlement, and threats of greater
held out, if they do not abandon their lands and homes."--Howe's
"Historical Collections of Ohio," pp. 355-356.

Coming to Shelby county the same historian did not fail to mention a settlement of prosperous Negroes who were keeping pace with their white neighbors.

"In Van Buren township is a settlement of COLORED people, numbering
about 400. They constitute half the population of the township, and are
as prosperous as their white neighbors. Neither are they behind them in
religion, morals and intelligence, having churches and schools of their
own. Their location, however, is not a good one, the land being too flat
and wet. An attempt was made in July, 1846, to colonize with them 385 of
the emancipated slaves of the celebrated John Randolph, of Va., after
they were driven from Mercer county; but a considerable party of whites
would not willingly permit it, and they were scattered by families among
the people of Shelby and Miami who were willing to take them."--Howe's
"Historical Collections of Ohio," pp. 465-466.

This effort at colonizing so many Negroes in the State of Ohio led to much discussion. There arose an anti-free Negro party which sounded the alarm against such philanthropy and undertook to frighten all blacks away. The sentiment of such alarmists may be obtained from the following:

"By the following letter from a gentleman on a tour through Virginia to
the editor, it will appear that we are to have a colony of free negroes
(no less than five hundred) planted in our adjoining county. Much as we
commiserate the situation of those who, when emancipated, are obliged to
leave their country or again be enslaved, we trust our constitution and
laws are not so defective as to suffer us to be overrun by such a
wretched population:

"'Richmond, Va., May 10, 1819.

"'_Dear Sir_:--Since my arrival in this county I have understood that
a large family of negroes, consisting of about five hundred, have
lately been liberated and are to be marched to Ohio, and there
settled on land provided for them agreeably to the will of a Mr.
Gess, who formerly owned them. There are persons now engaged in
collecting the poor miserable beings from different quarters and
driving them like cattle to Goochland county, from whence they will
take up their line of march to Ohio. I am told that they are perhaps
as depraved and ignorant a set of people as any of their kind and
that their departure is hailed with joy by all those who have lived
in their neighborhood. Ohio will suffer seriously from the iniquitous
policy pursued by the States of Virginia and Kent. in driving all
their free negroes upon us. The people of Ohio are bound in justice
to themselves to adopt some counteracting measure. Many people here
are of the opinion that we may be compelled to introduce slavery in
Ohio in self-defense, and they appear to be gratified that we are
suffering many of the evils attending it, without (as they call it)
any of the benefits. I have been gratified to tell them what I
believe to be true--that nineteen twentieths of the people of Ohio
are so opposed to slavery that they would not consent to its
introduction under any circumstances; and, although they commiserate
the situation of those who have been liberated and compelled to
abandon their country or again be made slaves, yet in justice to
themselves and their posterity they will refuse admittance to such a
population.

"'Your most ob't., "'A. T.'

"(Editor) We understand from a respectable authority that 270 of said
negroes have landed at Ripley and are to settle near the center of Brown
county on White Oak, the residue of 500 to follow soon
after."--Quillin's "The Color Line in Ohio," pp. 28-29 and _The
Supporter, Chillicothe_, June 16, 1819.

In view of this alarm aroused by the so-called Negro invasion the Ohio colonizationists availed themselves of the opportunity to set forth their plan as the only solution of the problem. The following articles are interesting.

"NEW STYLE COLONIZATION

"It seems that our old friend Gerrit Smith is anxious to form a colony
of colored people in the State of New York. It is not known that he pays
the expenses of any to get to that happy spot, but he certainly offers
them a share in the property of earth, when they arrive. Some have
thought his effort in this respect, another proof of his great
liberality. Perhaps it is--but of the character of those lands we know
nothing. The _Journal of Commerce_ seems to understand the subject from
the following, which we cut from a late number:

"'_Bounty of Gerrit Smith_.--Some of the newspapers are eulogizing
this once sensible man, because he is giving away deeds in any number
to colored men, of forty acre lots of his vast tract in Hamilton
county. The considerations in the deeds are as follows:

"'"For and in consideration of the sum of one dollar to me, in hand
paid, and being desirious to have all share in the subsistence and
happiness, which a bountiful God has provided for all, has granted,
sold, etc."

"'If the negroes do not run away from the bears and wolves and
climate and sterility of Hamilton county, with more anxiety than they
ever did from Southern slavery, then we do not understand their
character. We do not blame the negroes for getting their liberty if
they can, but to make them take farms in Hamilton county, is too bad.
The wild beasts up there will rejoice in a negro settlement among
them, especially at the beginning of winter.'

"Had Judge Leigh taken the Randolph negroes there, they might have fared
as well as they have done in Ohio, and certainly he could have gotten
the land much cheaper!

"After all, 'there is no place like home!' And there is no 'home, sweet
home,' for the colored man, but in Liberia!"

--_The African Repository_, XXII, 320-321.

"FREEDOM IN A FREE STATE

"Facts are almost daily transpiring which show the immense importance of
colonization. Among them, none are more conspicuous than those which
come to us from the free States. If the colored people cannot enjoy
freedom in a free State, what can they do? Where shall they go? Here is
a fact:

"_Randolph's 'John'_.--We are told by the _Lynchburg Virginian_, that
John, the well-known and faithful servant of the late John Randolph,
who, with the emancipated slaves of his master, went to Ohio, and
were there treated by the citizens in a manner of which our readers
have been apprized, has returned to Charlotte with the intention of
petitioning the legislature to allow him to remain in the
commonwealth. He says, they have no feeling for colored people in
Ohio, and, if the legislature refuse to grant his petition, he will
submit to the penalty of remaining and be sold as a slave--preferring
this to enjoying freedom in a free state.

"We have been repeatedly asked, why do you not send those slaves to
Liberia? To this question we reply, we have had nothing to do with them,
and have reason to believe that they have been prejudiced against going
to Liberia. And in addition to this, it is now very doubtful whether
they have money enough left to take them to Liberia; and it would be
impossible for us, in the present state of our finance, to give them a
free passage and support them six months after their arrival.

"We have been informed that many of the rest of them would come back to
Virginia, and be slaves, rather than remain in Ohio, _if they could get
back._ And yet they are now free and in a free state! But what does it
all amount to?

"Suppose western Virginia and northern Kentucky, were tomorrow to
emancipate their slaves, what would become of them? They could not
remain in those states. They must remove. Where shall they go? To Ohio,
most easily, and as there are more Abolitionists in that state than any
other, more hopefully! But would they be admitted there? Where then
shall they go? Let those who can, answer these questions. In view of
them, and such like, the scheme of colonization rises in magnificence
and grandeur beyond conception.

"This then is the time to aid this scheme, that when these thickening
events shall turn the tide into Liberia, there may be strength and
intelligence enough there to receive it!"

--_The African Repository_, XXII, 321-322.

(From the Colonizationist)
THE RANDOLPH SLAVES

"Plattsville, Wis.,

"August 22, 1846.

"_Bro. Gurley:_--I have observed from time to time, with the deepest
interest, the course pursued by the citizens of Ohio toward the
emancipated slaves of the late John Randolph of Virginia.

"I had repeatedly remarked in my lectures, as stated in the 'Eleventh
Annual Report of the Indiana Colonization Society,' that when slaves
were emancipated in the south, and by the laws of those States (as is
the case with most of them), they are forced to leave and not permitted
to remain in any State south, to go into the north; those northern
States would reject them, and leave the slave the alternative, to choose
between returning into bondage or emigrating to Liberia. In other words,
Liberia offers the only retreat for the slave from bondage, where he is
required to leave the south. The free States, may, for a short time,
tolerate the migration of a few colored people among them from the
south. Especially among the Abolitionists, where they are allowed to
have the satisfaction of abducting them from their masters. But if the
master comes and offers them, and especially in large numbers, they will
be refused.

"On my way to this place, I met with a citizen of Indiana, formerly of
Virginia, who gave me some singular facts on this subject. There is
living in Ohio, said he, a worthy citizen, a Mr. G., a native of
Virginia, who, after a residence there of some eight or ten years,
returned to Virginia, on a visit to see a brother who still remained in
the 'Old Dominion.' Mr. G. gave his brother an interesting account of
the prospects and policy of Ohio, with which he was much pleased. The
Virginia brother remarked to Mr. G. that he found his slaves a great
burden to him and requested him to take them all to Ohio and set them
free! 'I cannot do it,' said Mr. G. 'Why?' asked his brother. 'The
citizens of Ohio will not allow me to bring 100 negroes among them to
settle,' said Mr. G. 'But,' said he, 'I can put you upon a plan by which
you can get rid of them and get them into Ohio very easy. Do you take
them to Wheeling and there place them on a steamboat for Cincinnati, and
speak of taking them to New Orleans; and while you are looking out for
another boat, give the chance, and the Abolitionists will steal the
whole of them and run them off, and then celebrate a perfect triumph
over them. But if you take them to the same men and ask them to receive
and take care of them, they will tell you to take care of them
yourself.'

"The case of the Randolph slaves proves that Mr. G. was right, and that
the view presented in our annual report is a just one. Mr. Randolph
emancipated his slaves, and as they could not remain in Virginia, they
were to be sent to Ohio--there they are not allowed to settle, and must
now return to bondage, or go to Liberia.

"As yet the burden of embarrassment of a mixed population of blacks is
scarcely felt in the north, as it must be soon; for just as emancipation
goes on in the south, they must increase in the north, unless our plan
and policy prevails. I cannot say that I regret to see a test of these
practical truths. For facts speak out loudly to prove the correctness of
the best system of policy on these subjects. Had Mr. Randolph's slaves
been allowed to remain in Ohio, they would have been a downtrodden and
oppressed people for all time to come. If they go to Liberia they will
be FREE in every sense of the term.

"B. T. Kavanaugh."

--_The African Repository_, XXII, 322-323.

"THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA

"The undersigned, having been appointed agent of the American
Colonization Society, for the State of Ohio, to solicit funds to aid its
operations, begs leave to call attention to the statistical facts, in
reference to the position which this State occupies, in relation to the
free colored population of the United States, and the interest which she
has in sustaining the Republic of Liberia.

"From 1790 to 1810, the increase of the free colored population of the
United States, was at the average rate of near 6 per cent. per annum.
The average increase of the slaves has been a little over 2½ per
cent. per annum, or exactly two and sixty-hundredths. The census tables
for the whole period up to 1840, indicates that the natural increase of
the free colored population is somewhat less than that of the slave. I
shall suppose it to be 2½ per cent. per annum. The excess of increase
over 2½ will, therefore, represent the emancipations. In applying
this rule, it appears that the work of emancipation must have been
actively prosecuted from 1790 to 1810.

"From 1810 to 1820 the rate of increase was _reduced_ to a little less
than 2½, or exactly two and forty-seven hundredths per cent. per
annum. This indicates that emancipation had ceased to swell, in any
appreciable degree, the number of free colored persons, unless we are
forced to admit that there is _greater mortality amongst freedmen than
slaves_. This cessation of emancipation was _before the organization of
the Colonization Society_. It is supposed to have been caused by the
conviction that emancipation upon the soil had wrought but little change
in the colored man's condition. The sympathies of good men were
therefore awakened in behalf of the colored man, and colonization
proposed and adopted, as the best means of securing to him the social
and political privileges of which he was deprived. The establishment of
an independent republic, including a population of 80,000 souls, with
foreign exports to the value of $100,000 a year, and the introduction of
civilization and Christianity in Africa, with all their attendant
blessings, furnishes an answer to the question of the success of the
scheme.

"The period of the greatest popularity of the Colonization Society, was
from 1820 to 1830. During this time, the increase of the free colored
population reached to nearly 3 per cent. or a half per cent. per annum
over the natural increase. But from 1830 to 1840, the period when the
Society had the least popularity, the increase was but a very small
fraction over _two_ per cent. per annum, being two and eight hundredths,
indicating that fewer bondmen had been liberated than during any other
period. Indeed, the _decrease_ was so great as to reduce the rate of
increase _more than a half per cent. per annum below the natural
increase of the slaves_, and furnished an argument in favor of the idea,
that freedom in this country is unfavorable to the longevity of the
colored man. From all these facts, we may infer that colonization, while
its object has been to benefit the free colored man, has not been
unfavorable to emancipation.

"But colonization has not removed the 450,000 free persons of color from
our country. They remain as _a floating body_ in our midst, drifting, as
the census tables show, hither and thither, as the effects of _climate_
at the north, or _foreign emigration_ at the east, or _prejudice_ at the
south, repel it from those points. It is an interesting subject of
investigation to watch the movements of the colored population, and
ascertain where they are tending and whither they will find a resting
place.

"In 1810, in the eastern States, they commenced a movement from north
towards the south; and in 1820, began to diverge westward, through the
most southern of the free States, and penetrated into Ohio, Indiana, and
Illinois. From 1830 to 1840, Pennsylvania alone retained her natural
increase, while the other eastern and northeastern free States, and also
the eastern and southeastern slave States, all lost, or repelled, the
greater part of their natural increase, and some of them a considerable
portion, besides, of the original stock. But where have these people
gone? That is the question which deeply interests Ohio. The census
tables furnish the solution.

"From 1810 to 1840, the colored population of Ohio has been increasing
at the average rate of 20 per cent. per annum. The increase for the ten
years from 1830 to 1840, was 91¼ per cent. Supposing the emigration
into Ohio since 1840 to have been no greater than before that period,
her present colored population will be 30,000. If to this we add that of
Indiana and Illinois, allowing their increase to have been at the same
rate, these three States will have a population of near 50,000 colored
persons, or _one ninth of the present free colored population of the
United States._

"Ohio, therefore, cannot remain inactive. _She must do something._ These
men should have all the stimulants to mental and moral action which we
ourselves possess. But I shall leave to wiser men than myself the task
of devising _new_ means to secure this object, while I go forward in my
labors for the _only one_ which has yet been successful in securing to
any portion of the colored people their just rights.

"The Colonization Society has in its offer, generally, more _slaves_
than its means will enable it to send to Liberia. Without a large
increase of means, therefore, the Society cannot send out many _free
persons of color_. Three fourths of the emigrants heretofore have been
liberated by their masters, with a view of being sent to Liberia.

"Perhaps it is well that events should have been thus ordered. If
slaves, when emancipated and instructed, and made to taste of the sweets
of liberty, and to feel the responsibilities of nationality, can
establish a prosperous and happy republic, and exert such an extended
moral influence as to accomplish infinitely more in removing the
greatest curse of Africa, the slave-trade, from a large extent of her
coast, than has been done at an expense of more than a hundred millions
of dollars, by the fleets of England and France, _it reflects the
greater honor upon the African race_, and may serve to stimulate the
free people of color of this country, to make the effort to join their
brethren in a land of freedom.

"In addition to sending emigrants to Liberia, it is of the utmost
importance that the Society _should purchase the greatest possible
amount of territory, at the present moment_, and thus enlarge the sphere
of influence which the republic exerts over the natives, and put it
beyond the power of the nations, adverse to her interests, to
circumscribe her in the noble efforts she is making for the redemption
of Africa.

"In this connection, it may be proper to say, that the gift of _one
dime_ from each one of the 100,000 inhabitants of Cincinnati, or $10,000
would probably purchase _fifty-six miles square of territory_ or more
than _two millions of acres of land as good as that of Ohio_. Now,
suppose a gift of such value were offered to the colored people of the
city, or of the State, on condition that they would take possession of
it and organize _a State Government for themselves_, and be admitted as
one of the members of the new republic, who will say that they should or
would reject the offer? Who will say that it would not be more safe and
wise to emigrate to Africa than to Canada, Oregon, California or Mexico?
But the decision of this question of right belongs to the colored people
themselves. If the _foreign emigration_ continues to roll in upon us,
the subordinate stations in society, in the west also, as is the case
already in the east, will ere long be chiefly occupied by foreigners,
and the colored man left, it is to be feared, without profitable
employment. Dear as is the land of one's birth, if men's interests can
be better promoted by a removal, the ties of country and kindred are
bonds easily broken. The spirit of enterprise which characterizes the
present age, if we do our duty, will in due time animate the intelligent
colored man, as it is now stimulating the white race, and if he cannot
secure equality of condition here, will prompt him to go where he can
obtain it.

"Total number of emigrants up to January, 1848.... 5,961
Number of communicants in churches in 1843,
were, of

Americans........... 1,015
Captured Africans..... 116
Converted heathen..... 353 in all............... 1,484

Present population estimated by President Roberts 80,000

Of these, are emigrants, captured Africans, etc.,
about....................................... 5,000

"The slave trade is suppressed on 400 miles of coast, excepting at
one point.

"Shipping owned in the colony, 14 vessels, of from 20 to 80 tons.

"The exports annually, from the colony, are about $100,000.

"David Christy, "_Agent Am. Col. Society_"

--_The African Repository_, XXIV, 179-180.

OXFORD, O., April, 1848.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] For a more detailed account of these settlements see Woodson's "The Education of the Negro, Prior to 1861," 243-244; and Hickok, "The Negro in Ohio," 85-88.

[2] Mr. Powell, a teacher of Tuskegee, wrote this letter a few years ago while making a study of the Negroes in Ohio.

A TYPICAL COLONIZATION CONVENTION

CONVENTION OF FREE COLORED PEOPLE

In another column we present a Circular Address to the free colored
people of Maryland, calling a Convention to assemble in Baltimore the
25th of July, to take into consideration their present condition and
future prosperity, and compare them with the inducements held out to
them to emigrate to Liberia. This movement may be considered indicative
of the change that is going on in the minds of the colored people
respecting emigration. It is well known that heretofore they have been
almost entirely insensible to the advantages which they must necessarily
enjoy in a land peculiarly their own. They have not been entirely free
from the control of bad counsellors.--Now they seem resolved to take the
matter into their own hands, and to look at their present condition and
future prospects in this country as a matter in which they are
personally interested. When they do this in earnest, the result can be
easily foreseen. They will desire to escape from their present anomalous
condition, will yearn to be free and disenthralled, to have a land of
their own, to have rights unquestioned by any superiors, where
character, enterprise, education, and all that is lovely and noble in
life shall combine to elevate and improve them and their children after
them to the latest generation.

--_African Repository_, XXVIII, 195-196.

EMIGRATION OF THE COLORED RACE

In presenting the circular, which will be found in another column, of
which a committee of colored persons have undertaken the distribution,
(and which was written by one of themselves,) it gives us pleasure to
commend it as the evidence of a new and generally unexpected change of
sentiment on the part of the colored population, or, at least, some
portion of it. It is well known that for twenty-five years the
Colonization Societies in this country have labored to present before
that portion of our population, the advantages which must accrue to
them, from emigration to a land where they might enjoy, undisturbed,
those social and material privileges which it was impossible ever to
expect they could obtain by a residence of centuries in this country,
and that these appeals have met with comparatively little attention,
and, in deed have been received with very bad grace by the great mass of
those whom it was intended to benefit. The cause of this opposition was
to be found in the steady and violent animosity of those white fanatics,
who, setting themselves up as the peculiar friends of the blacks,
represented that the prejudice against their color was merely an
arbitrary sentiment, which time would weaken or entirely dissipate; and
that they might still look forward to enjoying, in this country, an
equality in social and political rights with the whites.

This assumption of peculiar friendliness on the part of the
Abolitionists, and the plausible reasonings with which they approached
their "colored friends," have acquired the confidence of the latter, who
are now, however, beginning to awake to a just idea of their condition
and future prospects in this country. They have discovered that the
loud-mouthed protestations of the Abolitionists, are the mere
effervescence of an intermeddling and dangerous faction, against whose
principles the whole Union--whose destruction they have meditated--has
pronounced in tones of thunder; a faction whose baleful alliance is
shunned most religiously, by both of the great parties of the country.
They have discovered that underground railroads are a device to inveigle
the slaves from a condition of comparative comfort, into the _freedom of
starvation_, with a poor display of political privileges, which are
mockery in view of their exercise by an ignorant and despised minority;
that the expectations fostered in behalf of the free blacks are proved
to be entirely futile by the continued attitude of opposition held
towards them, when there is a question of lessening the social and
political gulf which divides the races. They discover that the rapid
immigration of whites from every quarter, is encroaching upon their
employments, and lessening their chance of gaining a thrifty livelihood,
even in those menial pursuits to which they are chiefly limited.

With the spread of education, and the expansion of republican ideas,
they become more sensible of their own anomalous and degraded condition,
and the result is a yearning to be free like those around them, to have
a land all their own, to have rights unquestioned by any superior color,
to go wherever such privileges may be obtained. They see in the growing
republics on the West coast of Africa, a living refutation of the
calumnies of the Abolitionists against the colonizationists, a land
where, from simple citizenship up to the highest post in the government,
all is free and open to them, and where character, enterprise, education
and honorable ambition, have all their appropriate rewards in the order
of the State. What is better, no white man can hope to cast his lot
there with the prospect of permanent settlement, or transmitting a
healthy posterity. They see there such men as the late Gov. Russwurm or
the present Gov. Roberts, sustaining their rule surrounded by their own
race, with a distinction and dignity which would do honor to any white
man. They see there pioneers of their own color, who in the arts of
peace or of war, are striking examples of what the emancipation of the
MIND can effect.

This is a crisis full of important results to the race in this country,
and it behooves them now to cast aside all false issues, to take into
serious consideration (in the words of the circular) their present
condition and future prospects in this country, and contrast them with
the inducements and prospects opened to them in Liberia, or any other
country.

We have little doubt as to the quarter to which their preferences will
be given, although that is as yet left an open question. Trinidad is a
failure, Jamaica is a half-ruined British dependency, and in both the
white man the sole source of authority. Liberia excepted, Haiti is the
only point left, and here reigns a perpetual jealousy between the black
and mulatto. Moreover, the imperial rule set up there is repugnant to
their feelings and inclinations, for strange to say, in the midst of
depression, this race in America has become imbued with a sentiment of
republicanism and a love for its system, which will make them in Africa
the sedulous imitators of ourselves, in all but in the misfortune of
introducing another race to be perpetually subservient to themselves. In
this career we are happy to believe they will run rejoicing, long after
the privations of their forefathers in this country shall have been
forgotten.

--_African Repository_, XXVIII, 196-197.

CIRCULAR

Pursuant to an invitation given through the columns of the Baltimore
daily papers to the Free Colored Population of Baltimore, friendly to
calling a State Convention, to be held in this city some time during the
ensuing summer to take into consideration their present position and
future prospects in this country, and to compare the same with the
inducements and prospects held out to them to emigrate to Liberia or
elsewhere; a respectable number assembled in the school room of St.
James (colored) Church, corner of Saratoga and North streets.

The meeting being duly organized, it was resolved that a Convention of
Delegates of the Free Colored Population from each county of the State
of Maryland and of the City of Baltimore, be held in this city on the
25th of July next, for the purpose above stated.

Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to issue a circular
addressed to the Free Colored People of the State, setting forth the
object of the Convention, the time of its commencement and the
conditions upon which Delegates will be entitled to a seat in the same.

At an adjourned meeting of persons friendly to the call of the said
Convention, held on the 4th of June 1852, in the room before referred
to, the Committee on the Circular Address, made the following report,
which was unanimously approved and adopted:

ADDRESS TO THE FREE COLORED PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF MARYLAND

Brethren:--Whereas the present age is one distinguished for inquiry,
investigation and enterprise, in physical, moral and political
sciences above all past ages of the world, one in which the nations
of the earth seem to have arisen from the slumber of ages, and are
putting forth their utmost energies to obtain all those blessings,
which nature and nature's God seem to have intended that man should
enjoy, and the principles set forth by the American Sages, in the
Declaration of Independence of these United States, "that all men are
created equal, and are endowed by their Creator with certain
inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness," with each revolving year have extended wider and wider
throughout the habitable globe, and sunk deeper and deeper into the
hearts of millions of men, and as we humbly hope, are destined to
revolutionize the civil and political conditions of all the nations
of the earth, it would indeed be passing strange if the Free Colored
man in this country, which gave birth to those elevated and sublime
sentiments, should feel nothing of the force of their mighty import,
and with anxious eye and panting heart, endeavor in this, or some
other country, to realize the blessings so freely enjoyed by the
white citizens of this land. Actuated by these feelings we have
presumed to address our brethren of our native State, and we do
hereby respectfully solicit them to assemble with us in this city, on
the 25th of next month (July), to take into serious consideration our
present condition and future prospects in this country, and contrast
them with the inducements and prospects opened to us in Liberia, or
any other country. In conformity with a resolution passed at the
meeting held on the 24th ultimo, the Committee do hereby respectfully
propose, that each county in the State shall have the privilege of
sending any number of Delegates not exceeding six, as they may deem
proper, and our brethren throughout the State are requested to hold
meetings (by legal permission) in their several counties, for the
purpose of selecting their Delegates, and to collect money to defray
the expenses they may incur by attending the said Convention.

As the object for which this Convention is called, is one of vital
importance to the Free Colored People of Maryland, it is greatly to
be desired, and confidently expected that a full attendance of
Delegates will be present on the occasion, who will calmly,
deliberately and intelligently consider the object for which they
have been called together, and that each Delegate will come prepared
to contribute his portion of information, and fully and freely to
express his views on the great subject of our future destiny.

Delegates are requested to bring credentials of their appointment
from the chairman and secretary of the meeting at which they were
appointed, but in counties where no formal meeting is held, Delegates
are requested to procure a certificate from some respectable person,
either white or colored, a well known resident of the county from
whence he or they may come. All Delegates complying with the above
requisitions, shall be duly admitted to the Convention.

All communications in relation to the Convention must be directed to
the care of H. H. Webb, St. James' School Room, corner of Saratoga
and North streets.

James A. Handy, _Chairman_. John H. Walker, _Secretary_.

--_The African Repository_, XXXIII, pp. 197-199.

BALTIMORE, June 4, 1852.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONVENTION OF FREE COLORED PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF MARYLAND

Held in Baltimore, July 26, 27, and 28, 1852

In pursuance of public notice, a meeting of delegates to the Convention
of Free Colored People of the State was held in the lower room of
Washington Hall. The Convention was temporarily organized at 3 o'clock,
by calling James A. Handy, of Fell's Point, to the chair, John H. Walker
being appointed secretary. Mr. Handy returned his thanks for the honor
conferred upon him.

On motion of Charles O. Fisher, of Fell's Point, a committee of one from
each delegation present was appointed to nominate permanent officers of
the Convention.

On motion of James F. Jackson, the credentials of the delegates were
handed in, and the following sections of the State were found to be
represented:

East Baltimore--James A. Handy, James T. Jackson, Chas. O. Fisher,
Stephen W. Hill, Daniel Koburn, David G. Bailey.

Kent county--Jas. A. Jones, Isaac Anderson, Levi Rogers, William Perkins

Dorchester county--B. Jenifer, C. Sinclair, S. Green, Thomas Fuller, S.
Camper, J. Hughes.

Caroline County--Jacob Lewis, Philip Canada, John Webb.

Northwest Baltimore--Samuel B. Hutchings, David P. Jones, William White,
Francis Johns, John H. Walker, Cornelius Thompson.

Frederick County--Rev. William Tasker, Perry E. Walker, Joseph Lisles,
Robert Troby, Ephraim Lawson, Nicholas Penn.

Northeast Baltimore--Chas. Williamson, Rev. Darius Stokes, H. H. Webb, J.
Forty, C. Perry, Fred. Harris.

Hartford County--Daniel Ross, Henry Hopkins.

Talbot County--Garrison Gibson, Charles Dobson, Joseph Bantem.

There was considerable excitement among a number of 'outsiders,' opposed
to the meeting and its objects, who frequently assailed the delegates
coming to the Convention and a large number of whom, having come into
the room, were ripe for any further opposition they could exhibit.