Chapter XLVIII (13)

The Dorchester county delegation having seen this state of things,
several of them arose and remarked that they did not think that their
presence here could be of any benefit, and they there proposed to
withdraw and go home. This announcement was received with applause, and
cries of "good" from the opponents of colonization.

A member from Kent county begged the delegates to stand firm in their
position, and the result of their labors would be of much benefit.
[Applause and hisses.]

John H. Walker of Baltimore, arose and read the circular calling the
Convention, which was to take into consideration the present condition
and future prospects of the colored race. He said they lived in the same
State that their fathers had lived in, but not under the same
Constitution--the new instrument not recognizing the colored people at
all. They were men, but not recognized as men. He alluded to the
legislation of the members of the Assembly, all of which resulted in
oppression to the colored race, each consecutive session. He desired
that the condition of the colored people should be considered by this
convention; that they should decide on what course to take. The circular
alluded to emigration to Liberia, or elsewhere, which he explained to
mean that they should examine all the places and see if emigration would
be beneficial. It was necessary for them to know the geographical
position and resources of the different countries--of their rivers,
mountains, harbors, climate, &c; and if the convention should determine
on any particular place for emigration, it was necessary to ascertain
all that would be wanted in such country. For one he intended now to
remain where he was, but if a better place could be found why he was
gone for it. The speaker was opposed at first, but finally gained the
attention of the audience, and was frequently applauded.

William Perkins, of Kent county, said he believed that much of the
opposition and excitement which had sprung up about this convention
within a few days, was caused by a report, falsely circulated, that the
Colonization Society had given $700 for carrying out certain objects
through its medium. He hoped that after the explanation that had been
given, the Dorchester county delegation would consent to remain.

A member from Dorchester county said that if they were assured that the
colored people of Baltimore desired them to remain, they would do so.
Their object was to consult for the good of the colored race.

Perry E. Walker, of Frederick, said, they had come here supposing that
the majority of the colored people of Baltimore were in favor of the
call of the convention. (Cries of "no, they are not.") He and his
associates had come to consider into the condition of their race--had no
other object in view.

Rev. Darius Stokes addressed the convention, the object of which, he
said, was to consult only in reference to the condition of the colored
people. They had been told for thirty years past of countries which were
better for them, but they had only to depend upon the representation of
others as to the truths of these statements. They were a people--the
colored people of the State of Maryland--who should consult about their
present condition and future prospects. He said their white friends were
getting tired of helping them, because they did not seem disposed, it
was alleged, to help themselves. He asked where were their schools,
orphan asylums? &c. As to going to Africa he was in favor of any man
going where he thought he could do better. (Cries of "good," "right,"
"that's it.")

P. Oilman (not a delegate), asked to be heard, and after a great deal of
confusion, got the attention of the audience, and spoke in opposition to
what Mr. Stokes had said. He remarked that he could not talk as well as
Stokes, but he could think as well, (laughter.) As for him, he came here
to put down and oppose this convention. [Cries of "good," and cheers
from the audience.]

Henry Zeddicks, of Frederick, said that they were here from pure
motives, to consult for their good, and was received with much favor by
the whole assemblage.

James A. Jones, of Kent, said he was decidedly in favor of
emigration--and emigration to Africa. They expected to be honored in
coming into the presence of Baltimore friends, but in this, the largest
city of the State, they found a great amount of confusion. In his
opinion, he believed that the colored man could never rise to eminence
except in Africa--in the land of their forefathers. [A voice--"Show it
in Africa."] He pointed to Liberia. He believed that Africa was the only
place where the colored man could expect to be a freeman. On taking his
seat he was hissed by the opponents of emigration.

The committee on nominating permanent officers, recommended the
following, who were accepted:

_President_--Rev. William Tasker, of Frederick; _Vice Presidents_--C.
Sinclair of Dorchester, Levi Rogers of Kent, E. Lawson of Frederick, S.
W. Hill of East Baltimore, Charles Dobson of Talbot, Francis Johns of
West Baltimore, and John Webb of Caroline; _Secretaries_, John H. Walker
of Baltimore, and Josiah Hughes of Dorchester.

Rev. Darius Stokes addressed the convention in an eloquent and fervent
style in reference to its objects.

James A. Jones, of Kent, said that since he had addressed the
convention, he had been informed that his head, if not his life, was in
danger if he left the room. He would therefore leave under the
protection of the police, and send in the morning his resignation.

Rev. Darius Stokes begged Mr. Jones to remain--that the young colored
gentlemen of Baltimore were not disposed to harm him. People had said
that they had met here to sell their rights and liberties, but they
would show them to-morrow that they only looked to their welfare and
interests. This was the first time a colored convention of the whole
State had ever assembled in the State--a remarkable era in their
history.

On motion of Mr. Stokes a committee of ten-were appointed to prepare a
"platform" for the convention. The following was the Committee:--H. H.
Webb, of Baltimore; James A. Jones, of Kent; Charles O. Fisher, of
Baltimore; B. Jenifer and Thomas Fuller, of Dorchester; Jacob Lewis, of
Caroline; Joseph Bantem of Talbot; Perry E. Walker, of Frederick;
William Williams, of Baltimore; and Henry Hopkins, of Harford.

The convention then adjourned till Tuesday morning.

SECOND DAY'S PROCEEDINGS

The Convention re-assembled at 10 o'clock on Tuesday the 27th, at
Washington Hall, the Rev. William Tasker of Frederick, President, in the
chair. The convention was opened with prayer by the president.

A note was received from H. H. Webb, of Baltimore, declining to serve as
a delegate to the convention, stating that he was not able to attend,
and did not approve of the manner in which he was elected.

In the absence of Josiah Hughes, of Dorchester, one of the Secretaries,
Cornelius Campbell, was appointed to fill the vacancy.

The proceedings of Monday not being ready, on motion, the report in the
"_Sun_" was read in lieu thereof.

William Williams, of Baltimore, arose and stated that his name appeared
in the committee on the platform through a mistake--he was not a
delegate to the convention.

On motion, James A. Handy, of Baltimore, and William Perkins, of Kent,
were appointed on the platform committee, to fill the vacancies
occasioned by the withdrawal of Webb and Williams.

Charles Wyman and Allen Lockerman, delegates from Caroline Co., appeared
and took their seats.

Several of the delegates from Dorchester county and other places were
not present, having gone home in consequence of the disturbances on
Monday afternoon.

B. Jenifer, chairman of the committee on the platform, made the
following report, which was read by Charles O. Fisher:

WHEREAS, The present age is one distinguished for enquiry,
investigation, enterprise and improvement in physical, political,
intellectual and moral sciences, we hold the truths to be
self-evident that we are, as well as all mankind, created equal, and
are endowed by our Creator with the right to enquire into our present
condition and future prospects; and as a crisis has arisen in our
history presenting a bright and glorious future, may we not hope that
ere long the energies of our people may be aroused from their
lethargy, and seek to obtain for themselves and posterity the rights
and privileges of freemen--therefore,

_Resolved_, That while we appreciate and acknowledge the sincerity of
the motives and the activity of the zeal of those who, during an
agitation of twenty years have honestly struggled to place us on a
footing of social and political equality with the white population of
this country, yet we cannot conceal from ourselves the fact that no
advance has been made towards a result to us so desirable; but that
on the contrary, our condition as a class is less desirable than it
was twenty years ago.

_Resolved_, That in the face of an emigration from Europe, which is
greater each year than it was the year before, and during the
prevalence of a feeling in regard to us, which the very agitation
intended for good, has only served apparently to embitter we cannot
promise ourselves that the future will do that which the past has
failed to accomplish.

_Resolved_, That recognising in ourselves the capacity to conduct
honorably, and creditably, in public affairs; to acquire knowledge,
and to enjoy the refinements of social intercourse; and having a
praiseworthy ambition that this capacity should be developed to its
full extent, we are naturally led to enquire where this can best be
done, satisfied as we are that in this country, at all events from
present appearances, it is out of the question.

_Resolved_, That in comparing the relative advantages of Canada, the
West Indies and Liberia--these being the places beyond the limits of
the United States to which circumstances have directed our
attention--we are led to examine the claims of Liberia particularly,
where alone, we have been told that we can exercise all the functions
of a free republican government, and hold an honorable position among
the nations of the earth.

_Resolved_, That in thus expressing our opinions it is not our
purpose to counsel emigration as either necessary or proper in every
case. The transfer of an entire people from one country to another,
must necessarily be the work of generations--each individual now and
hereafter must be governed by the circumstances of his own condition,
of which he alone can be the judge, as well in regard to the time of
removal, as to the place to which he shall remove; but deeply
impressed ourselves with the conviction that sooner or later removal
must take place, we would counsel our people to accustom themselves
to the idea of it, and in suggesting Liberia to them, we do so in the
belief that it is there alone they can reasonably anticipate an
independent national existence.

_Resolved_, That as this subject is one of greatest importance to us,
and the consideration of which, whatever may be the result, can not
be put aside, we recommend to our people in this State to establish
and maintain an organization in regard to it, the great object of
which shall be enquiry and discussion, which, without committing any
one, shall lead to accurate information, and that a convention like
the present, composed of delegates from the counties and Baltimore
city, be annually held at such time and place as said convention, in
their judgment, may designate.

A motion was made to accept the report, which led to debate, John H.
Walker speaking at length in opposition to the resolutions, and hoped
that they would be referred back to the committee, contending that there
should have been a recommendation to raise a fund to fee a lawyer, or
some influential citizen of this State, to go to Annapolis next winter
to endeavor to obtain a change of legislation in reference to the
colored race.

B. Jenifer, of Dorchester, replied to Walker, urging that his views were
in opposition to the spirit of the circular which called them together,
and a majority of the delegates present.

At one o'clock the convention took a recess.

_Afternoon Session._--The convention re-assembled at 4 o'clock, the
resolutions being again debated by various delegates--John H. Walker, B.
Jenifer, C. Perry, and others.

Rev. Darius Stokes moved to lay the motion to adopt the platform on the
table, which was determined in the affirmative.

On motion of Mr. Stokes the convention went into the committee of the
whole, Charles Williamson in the chair, and took up the report of the
committee in sections.

The two first resolutions were adopted, the third referred back to the
committee, and pending the further action on the remainder of the
resolutions, the convention adjourned till Wednesday morning.

THIRD DAY'S PROCEEDINGS

The convention re-assembled at 10 o'clock on Wednesday the 28th at
Plowman street Hall, Ephraim Lawson, Vice President, in the chair, who
opened the proceedings with Prayer.

A note was received from the President, Rev. William Tasker, stating
that indisposition would prevent him from presiding over the
deliberations of the body the remainder of its sessions.

The attendance of the delegates was small in the morning, and very few
lookers on were present.

The platform being again taken up, F. Harris, of Baltimore, presented a
protest against the adoption of the fourth resolution, which pointed out
Liberia as the place of emigration for the colored people, because it
recommends emigration to that place contrary to the wishes of his
constituents, and a majority of the free colored people of the city and
State. He contended that if they were for Liberia, they should say so at
once, and tell the mob out doors that they were endeavoring to send them
all there--not say one thing in the convention and another outside.

James A. Jones, of Kent, said that Harris was endeavoring to shape his
course the way the wind blowed. For himself, he hoped the entire
platform would be adopted, and without further debate he moved that the
fourth resolution be passed.

Stephen W. Hill, of Baltimore, contended that the resolutions did not
look to an immediate emigration to Africa--that they only recommended
Liberia as a place where they could enjoy the blessings of liberty, and
as the most suitable country for the colored man whenever they should be
disposed to seek another home.

William Perkins, of Kent, in answer to the protest of Harris, said the
only platform they recommended for adoption, left it to every man to go
where he pleased, or to remain here if it suited him better. Let Mr.
Harris go to his constituents and tell them that the convention only
recommended what it thought best; its action was binding on no man.

F. Harris, in reply, asked if the convention had examined Liberia. They
recommended that place for them to emigrate to, and yet they had not
made any examination of Liberia to know whether it would suit. Did they
know anything of the climate or agriculture of Liberia to lay before the
people. Let them examine Canada, Jamaica, and other places, and then if
they found Liberia the best place, why say so to the people.

Chas. Williamson said he had had it in his power to examine most
countries. He had been in Canada twice; in the West Indies three times,
and, under the British government in Trinidad five years. During that
time he had examined the countries with a view to see which was the best
for the colored people. He was sixty-seven years of age and could expect
little for himself. In the West Indies capital ruled the people--the
government recognized you, but the planters, who had been accustomed to
drive on slaves, knew you not. If they went to Canada they would not
better their condition--he had lived there seventeen months at one time.
It would cost money to get to Canada--money to get to the West Indies.
The Canadas are peopled with many persons from this country. The leading
men were principally Yankees. In the West Indies he had to take his hat
around to get the dead out of the way of the turkey-buzzards--that
showed their sympathy. In Canada you cannot be recognized in office--in
the West Indies it is better, and some colored persons get into office.
In the Canadas he never heard of but one colored man being in office.
The Canadas are a fine country, but he asserted here that he felt there
could be no permanent home for them except in Africa, where their
children could enjoy all the blessings of liberty. That was the best
country for them. In the United States they did not want the colored
people any more, they had got the use of them, and now in this State the
new constitution did not recognize them at all. (A voice--"Yes, as
chattels.") The minister of Hayti to this country was not recognized by
the President, and had to go home again. Liberia, on the west coast of
Africa, had as fine, or better, climate, as regards atmosphere, than the
West Indies. He wished to go where they would be free, for their moral
culture here he considered out of the question.

James A. Handy, of Baltimore, remarked that they lived in an interesting
age of the world--that it was the glory of our day that assistance is
offered to the immortal principles of man, and it struggles to free
itself from the trammels and superstitions of the past, and of the
oppressions and burthens of the present. We live in an age of physical,
moral and intellectual wonders; and that man is truly fortunate who
lives at the present, and has the privilege of aiding in carrying
forward the great enterprise of redeeming, disenthralling and restoring
back in all their primitive glory three millions of down trodden people
to the land of their forefathers. On the western shore of Africa there
was the infant republic of Liberia attracting the attention of all the
enlightened nations of the earth. For four years she had maintained her
position as an independent State, and today she was prosperous, happy
and free, acknowledged by England, France, Russia and Prussia--four of
the greatest powers of the earth; and before this year is out the United
States will be willing, ready and anxious to cultivate friendly
relations with that garden spot--that heritage which a kind and
overruling Providence has prepared for us, and not only for us, but for
all the sable sons and daughters of Ham.

One word in relation to the inducements held out by Liberia--Asia could
not exceed the variety of the productions of Africa--Europe with her
numerous manufactories and internal resources, could not cope with her
in physical greatness--America with her noble institutions, elements of
power, facilities of improvement, promises of greatness and high hopes
of immortality, was this day far, very far behind her in natural
resources. Nothing can excel the value of her productions--sugar-cane
grows rapidly, cotton is a native plant, corn and hemp flourish in great
perfection; oranges, coffee, wild honey, lemons, limes, mahogany,
cam-wood, satin-wood, rose-wood, &c., abound there; mules, oxen, horses,
sheep, hogs, fowls of all kinds, are in the greatest abundance. She
holds out a rich temptation to commerce and a strong inducement to
emigration. To the latter the United States owed what she was, making
her one of the most effective nations of the world. For years the
glorious galaxy of stars which arose in the western hemisphere have been
casting their generous, grateful light over the social, moral and
political darkness of the East, but to-day the commanding tide of
commerce is changing. From the Pacific shores the genius of American
enterprise and industry has opened a nearer highway to the Celestial
Empire, and is now, by a closer interchange of fraternal relations,
unbolting the massive doors, and securing the commerce of China and
Japan.

On the lap of American civilization, and around the altars of this
Christian land, have been born the moral elements of civil and Christian
power, ordained by heaven for the redemption of Africa. For the last
2,000 years, that wretched land of mystery and crime has been abandoned
to the cupidity of most cruel barbarism, surpassing in degradation,
guilt and woe, all other nations of the earth. Pre-eminently high on the
page of prophetic scripture is chronicled in most unequivocal language
the name and future redemption of Africa. For twelve centuries the
problem "how shall Africa be redeemed?" has been unsolved, although
earnestly sought for by the civil and religious powers of Europe; but in
every instance it has been in vain, and the cloud of her wretchedness
blackened on each failure. Mysterious and inscrutable are the ways of
Providence to accomplish her restoration, lift her from the jaws of
death, bind her as a jewel to the throne of righteousness, and give her
a place among the civilized nations of mankind. God in his pity, wisdom
and goodness, has opened the way for a part of her crushed children,
predoomed by bloody superstitions to altars of death, to be delivered
from immolation and find an asylum under a form of ameliorated service
in the bosom of this country; and here their children have been born,
elevated and blessed under redeeming auspices. In the lapse of time, by
the same benevolent providence, many of this people have become free,
and to such the voice of heaven emphatically speaks, thundering forth in
invigorating terms, "Arise and depart for this is not your rest."

This makes us bold in saying that emigration is the only medium by which
the long closed doors of that continent are to be opened; by her own
children's returning, bearing social and moral elements of civil and
religious power, by which that continent is to be resuscitated,
renovated and redeemed.

Thirty-one years ago the first emigrant ship that ever sailed eastward
from these shores to Africa, conveying to that dark land a missionary
family of some two hundred souls--her own returning children, enriched
with the more enduring treasures of the western world; there by them on
the borders of that continent, overshadowed with the deepest gloom, were
raised the first rude temples of civilization--the first halls of
enlightened legislation--the first Christian altars to the worship of
Almighty God that have ever proved successful, or of any permanent,
practical utility. Then and there arose the long promised light, the
star of hope to the benighted millions of Africa. Since that day the
star has risen higher and higher, the light extended along the coast and
reaching far back towards the mountains of the Moon, radiating,
elevating and purifying; and to-day we behold a nation born on the
western coast of Africa, respected, prosperous and happy. Here then is
practically and beautifully solved, on the true utilitarian principles
of this wonder-working age, the mysterious problem: By whom is Africa to
be redeemed? The answer comes rumbling back to us, over the towering
billows of the Atlantic, from the Republic of Liberia, with a voice that
starts our inmost souls, falling with ponderous weight upon the ears of
the free colored people of this Union--"thou art the man, thou art the
woman."

James A. Jackson, of Baltimore, eulogized Hayti as standing as high
above the other West India islands as the United States does above the
republic of Mexico, in the point of commercial importance. This island
had tried the experiment of republicanism and had changed it. It was now
a question with the colored people, in their present condition, whether
they were more suited to a republican than monarchical government. The
productions of the soil of Hayti and of her forests were referred to,
and the fact alleged that she would produce more than all the other West
India islands put together. The exports and imports of the United States
to and from the island were cited as an illustration of her prosperity.
A comparison was made of the commerce of Liberia and that of Hayti, the
latter country being held up in a very favorable light.

Nicholas Penn, of Frederick, spoke in favor of emigration to Liberia.
They did not want an island. The colored population increased so fast
that they needed no island but a continent for them. His constituents
wished him to examine Africa, and he hoped it would be done. Liberia was
the only place for them. The white man fought for and claimed this
country, and he was now going to give it up to them. In the language of
Patrick Henry, will we be ready tomorrow or next day to act more than
now? No! Now was the time; and he hoped this enterprise would spread far
and wide until the whole people should understand it and all unite in
the glorious movement. Let us appoint men to go and examine Liberia, and
report to us just what it is. We want a home, and we were sent here to
examine and determine on what would be best to recommend.

B. Jenifer, of Dorchester, said, all these statements about Africa were
theoretical--gained through geography, and went on to state that he had
spent nearly eleven months in Africa, had traveled it over and examined
its productions and resources. He had been sent for that purpose by a
colored colonization society of his county; but did not wish to discuss
Liberia at this time. Mr. Handy had so ably discussed the subject, and
in all of which he fully coincided with him. The true question for this
convention to decide was whether they should remain, here, or to seek a
home in Liberia or elsewhere.

John H. Walker, after some difficulty, got the floor and offered a
substitute for the report of the committee on the platform, which was
unanimously adopted. The following is the substitute:

WHEREAS, The present age is one eminently distinguished for inquiry,
investigation, enterprise and improvement in physical, political,
intellectual and moral sciences; and, whereas, among our white
neighbors every exertion is continually being made to improve their
social and moral condition, and develop their intellectual faculties;
and, whereas, it is a duty which mankind, (colored as well as white,)
owe to themselves and their Creator to embrace every opportunity for
the accomplishment of this mental culture and intellectual
development, and general social improvement; and, whereas, we, the
free colored people of the State of Maryland, are conscious that we
have made little or no progress in improvement during the past twenty
years, but are now sunken into a condition of social degradation
which is truly deplorable, and the continuing to live in which we
cannot but view as a crime and transgression against our God,
ourselves and our posterity; and, whereas, we believe that a crisis
in our history has arrived when we may choose for ourselves
degradation, misery and wretchedness, on the one hand, or happiness,
honor and enlightenment, on the other, by pursuing one of two paths
which are now laid before us for our consideration and choice; may we
not, therefore, hope that our people will awaken from their lethargic
slumbers, and seek for themselves that future course of conduct which
will elevate them from their present position and place them on an
equality with the other more advanced races of mankind--may we not
hope that they will consider seriously the self-evident proposition
that all men are created equal, and endowed by the Creator with the
same privileges of exerting themselves for their own and each
other's benefit; and, whereas, in view of these considerations, and
in order to commence the great and glorious work of our moral
elevation, and our social and intellectual improvement, we are of the
opinion that an organization of the friends of this just and holy
cause is absolutely necessary for effecting the object so much to be
desired, and we are therefore--

_Resolved_, That we will each and every one, here pledge ourselves to
each other and to our God, to use on every and all occasions, our
utmost efforts to accomplish the objects set forth in the foregoing
preamble; and that we will, now, and forever hereafter, engraft this
truth in our prayers, our hopes, our instructions to our brethren and
our children--namely, that degradation is a sin and a source of
misery, and it is a high, and honorable and a blessed privilege we
enjoy, the right to improve ourselves and transmit to posterity
happiness instead of our misery--knowledge instead of our ignorance.

_Resolved_, That while we appreciate and acknowledge the sincerity of
the motives and the activity of the zeal of those who, during an
agitation of twenty years, have honestly struggled to place us on a
footing of social and political equality with the white population of
the country, yet we cannot conceal from ourselves the fact that no
advancement has been made towards a result to us so desirable; but
that on the contrary, our condition as a class is less desirable now
than it was twenty years ago.

_Resolved_, That in the face of an emigration from Europe, which is
greater each year than it was the year preceding, and during the
prevalence of a feeling in regard to us, which the very agitation
intended for good has only served apparently to embitter, we cannot
promise ourselves that the future will do that which the past has
failed to accomplish.

_Resolved_, That we recognize in ourselves the capacity of conducting
our own public affairs in a manner at once creditable and well
calculated to further among us the cause of religion, virtue,
morality, truth and enlightenment--and to acquire for ourselves the
possession and enjoyment of that elevated refinement which so much
adorns and beautifies social intercourse among mankind, and leads
them to a proper appreciation of the relations existing between man
and Deity--man and his fellow men, and man and that companion whom
God has bestowed upon him, to console him in the hours of trouble and
darkness, or enjoy with him the blessings that heaven vouchsafed
occasionally to shower upon our pathway through life.

_Resolved_, That in a retrospective survey of the past, we see
between the white and colored races a disparity of thought, feeling
and intellectual advancement, which convinces us that it cannot be
that the two races will ever overcome their natural prejudices
towards each other sufficiently to dwell together in harmony and in
the enjoyment of like social and political privileges, and we
therefore hold that a separation of ourselves from our white
neighbors, many of whom we cannot but love and admire for the
generosity they have displayed towards us from time to time, is an
object devoutly to be desired and the consummation of which would
tend to the natural advantage of both races.

_Resolved_, That comparing the relative advantages afforded us in
Canada, the West Indies and Liberia--these being the places beyond
the limits of the United States which circumstances have directed our
attention--we are led to examine the claims of Liberia particularly,
for there alone, we have been told, that we can exercise all the
functions of a free republican government, and hold an honorable
position among the nations of the earth.

_Resolved_, That this Convention recommend to the colored people of
Maryland, the formation of societies in the counties of the State and
the city of Baltimore, who shall meet monthly, for the purpose of
raising means to establish and support free schools for the education
of our poor and destitute children, and for the appointment each
month of a person whose duty it shall be to collect such information
in relation to the condition of the colored emigrants in Canada, West
Indies, Guiana and Liberia, as can be obtained by him from all
available sources, which information shall be brought to these
monthly meetings above alluded to, and read before them for the
instruction of all, in order that when they are resolved, if they
should so resolve, to remove from this country to any other, they may
know what will be their wants, opportunities, prospects, &c., in
order to provide beforehand for any emergencies that may meet them on
their arrival in their new homes.

_Resolved_, That as this subject is one of the greatest importance to
us, and the consideration of which whatever may be the result, cannot
be put aside, we recommend to our people in this State to establish
and maintain an organization in regard to it, the great object of
which shall be enquiry and discussion, which, without committing any,
may lead to accurate information; and that a convention like the
present, composed of delegates from the respective counties of the
State and from Baltimore city, be held annually at such times and
places as may be hereafter designated.

_Resolved_, That in thus expressing our opinions, it is not our
purpose to counsel emigration as either necessary or proper in every
case. The transfer of an entire people from one country to another,
must necessarily be the work of generations. Each individual now and
hereafter must be governed by the circumstances of his own condition,
of which he alone can be the judge, as well in regard to the time of
removal as to the place to which he shall remove; but deeply
impressed ourselves with the conviction that sooner or later removal
must take place, we would counsel our people to accustom themselves
to that idea.

_Resolved_, That this Convention recommend to the ministers of the
gospel among the free colored population of Maryland to endeavor, by
contributions from their congregations and by other means, to raise
funds for the purpose of forwarding the benevolent object of
educating the children of the destitute colored persons in this
State; and that they also impress upon the minds of their hearers the
benefits which would necessarily result from development of their
intellects, and the bringing into fullest use those mental powers and
reasoning faculties which distinguish mankind from the brute
creation; and that this be requested of them as a part of their duty
as ministers of the religion of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.

E. Harris entered his protest against the adoption of the fourth
resolution.

A motion made to adjourn sine die at 2 o'clock P.M., was lost; and a
resolution restricting each speaker to five minute speeches was adopted.

William Perkins spoke of the law enforced in Kent, by which the children
of free colored persons, whom the officers decided the parents were
unable to support, were bound out; and also of the law which prohibited
a colored person returning to the State if he should happen to leave it.
They were oppressed and borne down.

James A. Jones, of Kent, thought his native county equal to any other in
the State, and that colored persons were not more oppressed there than
elsewhere in the State.

Charles O. Fisher moved that a committee of five be appointed to draw up
a memorial to the Legislature of Maryland, praying more indulgence to
the colored people of the State, in order that they may have time to
prepare themselves for a change in their condition, and for removal to
some other land.

Daniel Koburn, of Baltimore, in referring to the oppressive laws of the
State, said the hog law of Baltimore was better moderated than that in
reference to the colored people. The hog law said at certain seasons
they should run about and at certain seasons be taken up; but the law
referring to colored people allowed them to be taken up at any time.

Chas. Dobson, of Talbot, said that the time had come when free colored
men in this country had been taken up and sold for one year, and when
that year was out, taken up and sold for another year. Who knew what the
next Legislature would do; and if any arrangements could be made to
better their condition, he was in favor of them. He was for the
appointing the committee on the memorial.

B. Jenifer, of Dorchester, opposed the resolution; he was not in favor
of memorializing the Legislature--it had determined to carry out certain
things, and it was a progressive work.

Chas. Wyman, of Caroline; Jos. Bantem, of Talbot; John H. Walker, Chas.
O. Fisher and others discussed the resolution which was finally adopted.

The following is the committee appointed: Jno. H. Walker and Jas. A.
Handy, of Baltimore; William Perkins, of Kent; Thomas Fuller, of
Dorchester; and Daniel J. Ross, of Hartford county.

A resolution of thanks to the officers of the Convention, the reporters
of the morning papers, and authorities for their protection, was
adopted. The proceedings were also ordered to be printed in pamphlet
form.

The Convention, at 3 o'clock adjourned to meet on the second Monday in
November, 1853, at Frederick, Md.

--From the _Baltimore Sun_, July 27, 28, and 29, 1852.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

_The Slaveholding Indians. Volume I: As Slaveholder and Secessionist._ By Annie Heloise Abel, Ph.D. The Arthur H. Clark Company, Cleveland, 1915. Pp. 394.

This is the first of three volumes on the slaveholding Indians planned by the author. Volume II is to treat of the Indians as participants in the Civil War and Volume III on the Indian under Reconstruction.

The present volume deals with a phase, as the author says, "of American Civil War history, which has heretofore been almost neglected, or where dealt with, either misunderstood or misinterpreted." It comes as a surprise to most of us that the Indian played a part of sufficient importance within the Union to have the right to have something to say about secession. Yet inconsistently enough he was considered so much a foreigner that both the South and the North, particularly the former, found it expedient to employ diplomacy in approaching him.

The South, we are assured, found the attitude of the Indians toward secession of the greatest importance. Yet it was not the Indian owner so much as the Indian country that the Confederacy wanted to be sure of possessing, for Indian Territory occupied a position of strategic importance from both the economic and the military point of view. "The possession of it was absolutely necessary for the political and institutional consolidation of the South. Texas might well think of going her own way and of forming an independent republic once again, when between her and Arkansas lay the immense reservations of the great tribes. They were slave-holding tribes, too; yet were supposed by the United States government to have no interest whatsoever in a sectional conflict that involved the very existence of the 'peculiar institution,'"

The above quotation is practically the intent of the book and the author has succeeded in carrying this out in four divisions entitled: I, "The General Situation in the Indian Country, 1830-1860." II, "Indian Territory in Its Relations with Texas and Arkansas." III, "The Confederacy in Negotiation with the Indian Tribes." IV, "The Indian Nations in Alliance with the Confederacy."

The book is essentially a work by a scholar for scholars. It is certainly not for the laity. The facts are striking but well substantiated. There can be no doubt but that much time has been spent in its compilation. The style, however, is unusually dry. It has appendices, an invaluable bibliography, a carefully tabulated index, four maps, and three portraits of Indian leaders.

It is interesting to note that the author is of British birth and ancestry and so presumably is free from sectional prejudice. Her book marks a distinct step forward, for those who are interested in Indian affairs.

JESSIE FAUSET.

_The Political History of Slavery in the United States._ By James Z. George, formerly Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Mississippi and later United States Senator from that State. The Neale Publishing Company, New York, 1915. Pp. xix, 342.

This is a discussion as well as the history of slavery and Reconstruction from the time of the introduction of the slaves in 1619 to the break-up of the carpet-bagger governments. "Considering the jealousies and even animosities that are becoming more and more intensified between the North and South, as well as the disposition that is ever increasing in the stronger section to dominate the weaker," the author believes that "it is becoming necessary to think over calmly and seriously the causes that have produced these evils, and to ascertain, if we can, the remedy, if remedy there be."

The work begins with a sketch of ancient slavery, showing that the introduction of the institution into the Southern States was not exceptional. He then gives an account of slavery in the colonies, and the efforts to suppress the slave trade. The connection of slavery with the War of 1812 and with the Hartford Convention is noted. He then takes up the Missouri Compromise with some detail, giving almost verbatim the proceedings of Congress relative thereto. In the same way he treats the "Repudiation of the Missouri Compromise," the Annexation of Texas, the Wilmot Proviso, the Kansas--Nebraska Affair, the Lincoln and Douglas Debates, John Brown's Invasion, Secession, the Civil War, and Reconstruction.

Throughout this treatise, he carefully notes the "jealousy of sectional interest and power and the determination to maintain this power even at a cost of a dissolution of the Union," In other words, the whole sectional struggle grew out of what he calls the effort to maintain the balance of power between two sections of the Union, with the slavery question contributing thereto. Facts set forth bring out very clearly that the South is not to be censured as being especially hostile to the Negro when on the statute books of the North there are found numerous laws to show that persons of color were not considered desirables in those States.

He raises the question as to whether the South violated the Missouri Compromise and considers it a revolution that public functionaries disregarded the rights of the owners of slave property when the highest tribunal, the Supreme Court, had sanctioned these rights. The act of secession is palliated too on the ground that the South had developed under the influence of that peculiar political philosophy which produced there a race that could never sanction passive obedience. In seceding the South was not attempting to overturn the government of the United States. It was not contemplated to interfere with the States adhering to the Union. They sought merely to "withdraw themselves from subjection to a government which they were convinced intended to overthrow their institutions."

The Civil War came in spite of the fact that the Convention that framed the Constitution negatived the proposition to confer on the Federal Government the authority to exert the force of the Union against a delinquent State. It was, therefore, a mere act of coercing a section preparing for self-defense. Reconstruction is treated very much in the same way. The laws under which it was effected were unjust, the men who executed them were harsh, and the weaker section had to pay the price.

The book cannot be classed as scientific work. The topics discussed are not proportionately treated, the style is rendered dull by the incorporation of undigested material, and the emphasis is placed on the political and legal phases of history at the expense of the social and economic. In it we find very little that is new. It merely presents the well-known political theory of the Old South. The chief value of the work consists in its being an expression of the opinion of a distinguished man who participated in many of the events narrated.

J. O. BURKE.

_The Constitutional Doctrines of Justice Harlan._ By Floyd Barzilia Clark, Ph.D., Assistant Professor of Political Science in Pennsylvania State College. Series XXXIII, No. 4, Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science under the direction of the Department of History, Political Economy, and Political Science. The Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1915.

This work is a legal treatise consisting of a scholarly discussion of the doctrines advanced by Justice Harlan during his service as a member of the Supreme Court of the United States. The book opens with a brief biography of the jurist, emphasizing the important events of his career to furnish a basis for the study of his theories. The author then takes up such topics as the "Suability of States," the "Impairment of the Obligation Contracts," "Due Process of Law," "Interstate and Foreign Commerce," "Equal Protection of the Laws," the "Jurisdiction of Courts," "Miscellaneous Topics," and "Judicial Legislation."

The author finds that in the treatment of these important legal questions Harlan measures up to the standard of an able jurist. Replying to those who have charged him with emphasizing too greatly the letter of the law, the writer says that such a contention is based on ignorance or prejudice. "No one who so interpreted the Eleventh Amendment," says the author, "as to maintain that a suit against the officer of a State in his official capacity was not a suit against a State could have held to the strict letter of the law." The author further contends that this criticism of the jurist arises from the fact that he did not believe in equivocation.

The interpretation of the laws relating to the Negro, the point on which he dissented from the majority of the members of the court, should have been given more prominence in this discussion. The discriminations against the Negroes are treated in connection with the chapters on "Interstate and Foreign Commerce" and "Equal Protection of the Laws." The Fourteenth Amendment is treated along with such miscellaneous topics as "Direct Taxation," "Copyrights," "Insular Cases," "Interstate Comity," and "Labor Legislation." Stating Justice Harlan's theory as to the position the Negro should occupy in this country, however, the author writes very frankly. Harlan, he thought, believed that they should occupy the position that historically they were intended to occupy by the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments. He believed that the law should be interpreted as it was meant and not as the court thought expedient and wise. "Though it may be true that his relation to the negro in political matters may have made him more violent in his dissents, any one who will look fairly at the question must conclude that his doctrine was legally correct. And as time passes, and as both classes become better educated and broader in their views, it may be said that the tendency of the court is likely to be to interpret the laws largely as he thought they should have been interpreted, that is, as historically they were meant."

C. B. WALTER.

_Reconstruction in Georgia, Economic, Social, Political, 1865--1872._ By C. Mildred Thompson, Ph.D. Longmans, Green, and Company, New York, 1915. Pp. 418.

The appearance of C. M. Thompson's Reconstruction in Georgia arouses further interest in the study of that period which has been attracting the attention of various investigators in the leading universities of the United States. These writers fall into different groups. Coming to the defense of a section shamed with crime, some have endeavored to justify the deeds of those who resorted to all sorts of schemes to rid the country of the "extravagant and corrupt Reconstruction governments." Lately, however, the tendency has been to get away from this position. Yet among these writers we still find varying types, many of whom have for several reasons failed to write real history. Some have not forsaken the controversial group, not a few have tried to explain away the truth, and others going to the past with their minds preoccupied have selected only those facts which support their contentions.

What has this author in question done? In this readable and interesting work the writer has shown considerable improvement upon historical writing in this field. She has endeavored to deal not only with the political but also with the economic and social phases of the history of this period. One gets a glance at the State before the war, the transition from slavery to freedom, the problems of labor and tenancy, the commercial revival, the social readjustment, political reorganization, military rule, State economy, reorganized Reconstruction, agriculture, education, the administration of justice, the Ku Klux disorder, and the restoration of home rule.

This research leads the author to conclude that the seven years of the history of the State from 1865 to 1872 marked only the beginning of the social and economic transformation that has taken place since the war. This upheaval broke up the large plantation system, removed from power the "slave oligarchy," and exalted the yeomanry of moderate means, the uplanders now in control in the South. When the Democratic rule replaced Republicanism "one set of abnormal influences were put at rest," economic and social problems becoming the all-engrossing topics, and politics a diversion rather than a matter of self-preservation. The race problem then aroused began in another age, and not being settled, has been bequeathed to a later generation. Emancipation itself would have aroused racial antagonism but Republican Reconstruction increased it a hundred fold. This was the most enduring contribution of Congressional interference.

Politically Reconstruction in Georgia was a failure. The greatest political achievement of the period was the enfranchisement of the Negro, but this was soon undone, the Southern white man having no freedom of choice--"he had to be a democrat, whether or no." Although establishing the Negro in freedom the government failed to establish him in political and social equality with the whites. "But still," says the author, "the race problem and the cry of Negro! Negro! the slogan of political demagogues who magnify and distort a very real difficulty in playing upon the passions of the less educated whites--rise to curtail freedom of thought and act."

Out of this mass of material examined one would expect a more unbiased treatment. The work suffers from some of the defects of most Reconstruction writers, although the author has endeavored to write with restraint and care. One man is made almost a hero while another is found wanting. The white Southerner could not but be a Democrat but no excuse is made for the Negro who had no alternative but to ally himself with those who claimed to represent his emancipator. The State was at one time bordering on economic ruin because the Negroes became migratory and would not comply with their labor contracts. Little is said, however, about the evils arising from the attitude of Southern white men who have never liked to work and that of those who during this period, according to the author, formed roving bands for plundering and stealing. But we are too close to the history of Reconstruction to expect better treatment. We are just now reaching the period when we can tell the truth about the American Revolution. We must yet wait a century before we shall find ourselves far enough removed from the misfortunes and crimes of Reconstruction to set forth in an unbiased way the actual deeds of those who figured conspicuously in that awful drama.

NOTES

"That the idea of a 'Secretary of Peace' for the United States is no new thing was brought out in the course of a paper by P. Lee Phillips, read by President Allen C. Clark before the Columbia Historical Society, which met at the Shoreham Hotel last night.

"In the course of the paper, entitled 'The Negro, Benjamin Banneker, Astronomer and Mathematician,' it was brought out that Banneker, who was a free Negro, friend of Washington and Jefferson, published a series of almanacs, unique in that they were his own work throughout. In the almanac for 1793 one of the articles from Banneker's pen was 'A Plan of Peace Office for the United States,' for promoting and preserving perpetual peace. This article was concise and well written, and contains most of the ideas set forth today by advocates of peace. Banneker took a 'crack' at European military ideas, and advocated the abolishment in the United States of military dress and titles and all militia laws. He laid down laws for the construction of a great temple of peace in which hymns were to be sung each day.

"Mr. Phillips's paper brought out that Banneker helped in one of the early surveys of the District of Columbia."--_Washington Star._

This dissertation will be brought out in the Annual Publication of the Columbia Historical Society.

Professor Alain Leroy Locke, of Howard University, has published an interesting prospectus of his lectures on the race problem.

Professor A. E. Jenks, of the University of Minnesota, has contributed to the _American Journal of Sociology_ an elaborate paper on the legal status of the miscegenation of the white and black races in the various commonwealths.

Miss L. E. Wilkes, of the Washington Public Schools, has been lecturing on "_Missing Pages of American History."_ This is a summary of her work treating the Negro soldier from the Colonial Period through the War of 1812. The treatise will be published in the near future.

In the Church Missionary Review has appeared "_A Survey of Islam in Africa,"_ by G. T. Manley.

An article entitled "_The Bantu Coast Tribes of East Africa Protectorate,"_ by A. Werner, has been published in the _Journal_ of the Royal Anthropological Institute. In the same _Journal_ has appeared also "_The Organization and Laws of Some Bantu Tribes in East Africa."_

_Ashanti Proverbs_, translated by R. Sutherland Rattray, with a preface by Sir Hugh Clifford, has been published by Milford in London.

A. Werner has published in London "_The Language Families of Africa,"_ a concise and valuable textbook of the classification, philology, and grammar of the languages.

_The German African Empire_, by A. F. Calvert, has appeared over the imprint of Werner Laurie.