Chapter IV: Religion (1)

General Character of Popular Beliefs.

The Khasis have a vague belief in a God the Creator, _U Blei Nong-thaw_, although this deity, owing, no doubt, to the influences of the matriarchate, is frequently given the attribute of the feminine gender, cf., _Ka lei Synshar_. The Khasis cannot, however, be said to worship the Supreme God, although it is true that they sometimes invoke him when sacrificing and in times of trouble. The religion of the Khasis may be described as animism or spirit-worship, or rather, the propitiation of spirits both good and evil on certain occasions, principally in times of trouble. The propitiation of these spirits is carried out either by priests (_lyngdohs_), or by old men well versed in the arts of necromancy, and as the _lyngdoh_ or wise man deals with good as well as evil spirits, and, as often as not, with the good spirits of ancestors, the propitiation of these spirits may be said to partake of the nature of Shamanism. A very prominent feature of the Khasi beliefs is the propitiation of ancestors; but this will be described separately. There is a vague belief amongst the Khasi of a future state. It is believed that the spirits of the dead, whose funeral ceremonies have been duly performed, go to the house or garden of God, where there are groves of betel-nut trees; hence the expression for the departed, _uba bam kwai ha iing u blei_ (he who is eating betel-nut in God's house), the idea of supreme happiness to the Khasi being to eat betel-nut uninterruptedly. The spirits of those whose funeral ceremonies have not been duly performed are believed to take the forms of animals, birds, or insects, and to roam on this earth; but this idea of transmigration of souls has been probably borrowed from the Hindus. Bivar writes that although the ideas of a Godhead are not clearly grasped, yet a supreme creator is acknowledged, and that the following is the tradition relating to the creation of man. "God in the beginning having created man, placed him on the earth, but on returning to look at him, found he had been destroyed by the evil spirit. This happened a second time, whereupon the Deity created first a dog, then a man; and the dog, who kept watch, prevented the devil from destroying the man, and the work of the Deity was thus preserved." The Khasis, apparently, do not believe in punishment after death, at least there is no idea of hell, although the spirits of those who have died under the ban of _sang_ remain uneasy, being obliged to wander about the earth in different forms, as noted above. The spirits worshipped by the Khasis are many in number; those of the Syntengs being specially numerous. The particular spirit to be propitiated is ascertained; by egg-breaking. The offering acceptable to the spirit is similarly ascertained and is then made. If the particular sacrifice does not produce the result desired, a fowl is sacrificed; the entrails being then examined, an augury is drawn, and the sacrifice begins afresh. As the process of egg-breaking is believed to be peculiar [27] to the Khasis amongst the Assam hill tribes, a separate description of it is given in the Appendix. It should be remarked that the Khasis never symbolise their gods by means of images, their worship being offered to the spirit only. The following are some of the principal spirits worshipped by the Khasis and Syntengs, omitting the spirits of deceased ancestors such as _Ka Iawobi, u Thawlang_ and _u Suidnia_, which will be described under the heading of ancestor-worship.

_U'lei muluk_--the god of the State, who is propitiated yearly by the sacrifice of a goat and a cock.

_U'lei umtong_--the god of water, used for drinking and cooking purposes. This god is similarly propitiated once a year so that the water supply may remain pure.

_U lei longspah_--the god of wealth. This god is propitiated with a view to obtaining increased prosperity.

_U Ryngkew_, or _u Basa shnong_, is the tutelary deity of the village. This godling is propitiated by sacrifices whenever they are thought to be necessary.

_U Phan u kyrpad_ is a similar godling to the above.

Then follows a list of minor deities, or, rather, evil spirits, e.g. _Ka Rih_, the malarial fever devil; _ka Khlam_, the demon of cholera; _ka Duba_, the fever devil which is said to haunt the neighbourhood of Theriaghat.

Bivar says "the Khasi religion may be thus briefly defined as forms used to cure diseases and to avert misfortunes, by ascertaining the name of the demon, as the author of the evil, and the kind of sacrifice necessary to appease it." We may accept this description as substantially correct. In the Jaintia Hills there is a peculiar superstition regarding a she devil, called "_ka Taroh_" which is supposed to cause delirium in cases of fever. When such cases occur, it is believed that "_ka Taroh_" has caused them, and inquiries are made by means of breaking eggs to find out in whose person the demon has obtained a lodgment; or sometimes the sick person is asked to reveal this. When in either of these ways the name of the person possessed by "_ka Taroh_" is known, the sick person is taken to the house of the possessed, and ashes and bits of broken pots are cast into the enclosure, after which, if the sick person recovers, the party indicated is denounced as possessed by the demon; but if the patient dies, it is concluded that the person possessed has not been properly ascertained. If people are satisfied that some one is really possessed, they denounce the person, who is then out-casted. The only way for him to regain his position is to exorcise the demon by divesting himself of all his property. He pulls down his house, burns the materials, his clothes, and all his other worldly goods. Lands, flocks, and herds are sold, the money realized by the sale being thrown away. No one dares touch this money, for fear he should become possessed by _ka Taroh_, it will be observed that, as in the case of the _thlen_, the demon is believed to follow the property.

Mr. Jenkins, in his interesting little work on "Life and Work in Khasia," gives a slightly different account of the superstition, in that he states that it is the sick person who is possessed by _ka Taroh_. The above belief is perhaps a Synteng development of the Khasi _thlen_ superstition. In the Jaintia Hills "the small-pox" is believed to be a goddess, and is reverenced accordingly. Syntengs regard it as an honour to have had small-pox, calling the marks left by the disease the "kiss of the goddess"; the more violent the attack and the deeper the marks, the more highly honoured is the person affected. Mr. Jenkins says, "When the goddess has entered a house, and smitten any person or persons with this disease, a trough of clean water is placed outside the door, in order that every one before entering may wash their feet therein, the house being considered sacred." Mr. Rita mentions cases of women washing their hair in water used by a small-pox patient, in order that they may contract the disease, and women have been known actually to bring their little children into the house of a small-pox patient, in order that they may become infested and thus receive the kiss of the goddess. It is possible that the Syntengs, who were for some time under Hindu influences; may in their ignorance have adopted this degraded form of worship of the Hindu goddess, "Sitala Devi," who is adored as a divine mother under different names by Hindus all over India, cf., her name _mari-amman_, or mother of death, in the South of India, and the name Ai, mother, of the Assamese.

In the Khasi Hills the god of small-pox is known under the name of _u Siem ñiang thylliew_. He is not, however, appeased in any way, the people calling on two other spirits, _Thynrei_ and _Sapa_, to whom a fowl or a goat is offered. This section cannot be closed without some reference to the household gods of the Syntengs. The legend is that in ancient times there came a woman "from the end of heaven to the borders of the country of _u Truh_" (the country of the plains people at a distance from the foot of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills). The name of the woman was Ka Taben, and she was accompanied by her children. She offered herself to _u Dkhar_, the plains man, as a household goddess, but he rejected her. She then went to the Khasis; who were ploughing their fields, and offered to help them with their cultivation. The Khasis also refused her, saying they were capable of managing their own cultivation, and at the same time told her to go to the country of the Bhois and Syntengs, i.e. the Jaintia Hills. Acting on this advice, she went to the village of Nongphyllud in the Jaintia Hills, where the people again turned a deaf ear to her. She proceeded to Mulagula village in Jaintia, at the foot of the Jaintia Hills, and ascended from thence to Rymbai, where she met a man who conducted her to the house of the Siem, who consented that she and her children should live with him. Ka Taben then apportioned to her children various duties in the house of the Siem as follows:--Ka Rasong was to look after the young unmarried folk, and was to supervise their daily labour and to prosper their trading operations at the markets. Next Ka Rasong was given a place at the foot of the king post, _trai rishot_, and her duty was to befriend young men in battle. Then came _Ka Longkhuinruid_, alias _ka Thab-bulong_, who said, "There are no more rooms in the house for my occupation, so I will go and live in the forest, and him who turns not his coat when I meet him I will make mad." Finally came _U Lamsymphud_, who elected to live with his youngest sister inside the house.

There are special sacrifices offered to these household deities. The leaves of the _sning_, or Khasi oak, are wrapped round the post of the house, and, a fowl is sacrificed and other formalities are observed which it would be tedious to describe in detail. The legend of the arrival of Ka Taben with her children in the Synteng country from a distant clime is interesting in that it perhaps indicates the possibility of the migration of these people, i.e. the Syntengs, in ancient times from some distant place to their present abode.

Ancestor-worship.

The Khasis not only revere the memories of deceased ancestors, but they adore them by means of offerings, which are sometimes periodical, and sometimes made when thought necessary, as in times of trouble. These offerings take the shape of articles of food which are theoretically partaken of by the shades of the deceased ancestors, the idea of making such offerings being very similar to that of the Hindus when they offer the "_pinda_," or cake, to nine generations of ancestors, i.e. to propitiate the shades of the departed, and to obtain their help thereby. U Hormu Rai Diengdoh writes that, "the real religious demand" amongst the Khasis is the _ai bam_, or giving of food to the spirits of deceased ancestors, in order that the latter may aid the living members of the clan with their help; and bless them. To honour dead ancestors is the duty of every Khasi, and he who wilfully neglects this duty it is believed, will neither receive their help, nor be defended from the influence of the numerous spirits of evil in which the Khasis believe. Amongst the Syntengs, a few days after depositing the bones in the ancestral tomb, the ceremony of feeding the spirits of the dead is performed: At this ceremony there are some families which give two pigs for each person of the family who is dead, and there are some who give one. The pigs are taken to the _iing-seng_, or puja house of the clan. Presumably, pigs are usually offered to the shades only of those members of the family whose remains have been recently deposited in the clan cromlech. In the chapter dealing with memorial stones the reader will notice how many of them are erected to the memory of deceased ancestors, and how they bear the names of such ancestors, e.g. _Ka Iawbei_ (the first grandmother), _U Suidnia_, or _U kni rangbah_ (the first maternal uncle). It was the custom in former days to make offerings of food upon the flat table-stones to the spirits of the deceased ancestors, and this is still the case in places in the interior of the district. This practice, however, may be said to be largely dying out, it being now commonly the custom to make the offerings in the house, either annually, or at times when it is thought necessary to invoke the aid of the departed. Such acts of devotion may well be said to partake of the nature of worship. As has been the case in other countries, and amongst other people, it is possible that the Khasi gods of today are merely the spirits of glorified deceased ancestors transfigured, as has happened with some of the gods of the Shinto Pantheon of Japan. It may be interesting to note that the ancient Shinto cult of Japan possesses some features in common with the ancestor-worship of the Khasis. Take the funeral ceremonies. With both people we find the dead laid out in the house, food placed before the corpse; and the funeral ceremonies taking place, accompanied by music and dancing. Mr. Lafcadio Hearn, in an interesting book on Japan, writes "that in ancient times the Japanese performed ceremonies at regular intervals at the tombs of deceased members of the family, and food and drink were then served to the spirits;" this is exactly what the Khasis used to do at their *cenotaphs. This, apparently, was the practice in Japan before the "spirit tablet" had been introduced from China, when the worship of the ancestors was transferred from the tomb to the home. We have an exactly similar instance of evolution amongst the Khasis of the present day, i.e. the transfer of the ancestor cult from the flat table-stones erected in honour of deceased ancestors to the home. Last, but not least, is the idea common to both people, that no family or clan can prosper which does not duly perform the worship of deceased ancestors; this, as Hearn puts it, is "the fundamental idea underlying every persistent ancestor-worship; i.e. that the welfare of the living depends upon the welfare of the dead." The "Khasi Mynta," in an interesting article, notes some further points of resemblance between the methods of ancestor-worship adopted by the two people. The following instances may be quoted. Amongst the Japanese the spirits of those who fall in battle are said to help their fellow-warriors who are still fighting. The "Khasi Mynta" quotes a similar belief as having existed amongst the Khasis in former days. The remains of Japanese warriors who die in battle are said to be reverently taken to the warrior's home at the first opportunity. The Khasis do likewise, the clothing in default of the ashes of Khasi transport coolies, who were employed on military expeditions on the North-Eastern Frontier, having been carried home by the survivors to present to the dead men's relations, who then performed the ceremonies prescribed by custom for those who have died violent or unnatural deaths. Of all deceased ancestors the Khasis revere _Ka Iawbei_ the most, the word _Iawbei_ being made up of _'iaw_, short for _kiaw_ (grandmother), and _bei_, mother. _Ka Iawbei_ is the primeval ancestress of the clan. She is to the Khasis what the "tribal mother" was to old Celtic and Teutonic genealogists, and we have an interesting parallel to the reverence of the Khasis for _Ka Iawbei_ in the Celtic goddess Brigit, the tribal mother of the Brigantes. Later on, like _Ka Iawbei_, she was canonized, and became St. Bridget. [28]

The greater number of the flat table-stones we see in front of the standing monoliths in these hills are erected in honour of _Ka Iawbei_. In former times, it was the custom to offer food to her on these stones. In cases of family quarrels, or dissensions amongst the members of the same clan, which it is desired to bring to a peaceful settlement, it is customary to perform a sacrifice to the first mother, "_Ka Iawbei_." They first of all take an augury by breaking eggs, and if it appears from the broken egg-shells that _Ka Iawbei_ is offended, they offer to her a cotton cloth, and sacrifice a hen. On these occasions incantations are muttered, and a small drum, called, "_Ka 'sing ding dong_," is beaten. It is not unlikely that the Khasi household deities, _Ka lei iing_ and _Ka ksaw ka jirngam_, to whom pujas are offered for the welfare of the house, are also _Ka Iawbei_ in disguise. Notwithstanding the strong influence of the matriarchate, we find that _U Thawlang_, the first father and the husband of _Ka Iawbei_, is also revered. To him on occasions of domestic trouble a cock is sacrificed, and a _jymphong_, or sleeveless coat is offered. This puja is called _kaba tap Thawlang_, i.e. covering the grandfather. The following incantation to _U Thawlang_ is then chanted:--"Oh, father Thawlang, who hast enabled me to be born, who hast given me my stature and my life, I have wronged thee, oh father, be not offended, for I have given thee a pledge and a sign, i.e. a red and white sleeveless coat. Do not deliver me into the power of (the goddess of) illness, I have offered thee the propitiatory cock that thou mayest carry me in thine arms, and that I may be aware of thee, my father, Thawlang." We see clearly from the above prayer that the Khasi idea is that the spirit of the deceased male ancestor is capable of being in a position to help his descendant in times of trouble. The same thought underlies the extreme reverence with which _Ka Iawbei_ is regarded. Thus we see a striking point of resemblance between the Khasi ancestor-worship and the ancient Shinto cult of Japan, as described by Mr. Lafcadio Hearn. _U Suid-Nia_, or _u Kni Rangbah_, the first maternal uncle, i.e. the elder brother of _Ka Iawbei_, is also much revered. It will also be noticed under the heading of memorial stones that the great central upright monolith of the _máwbynna_, or memorial stones, is erected in his honour. The influence of the _kni_, or mother's elder brother, in the Khasi family is very great, for it is he who is the manager on behalf of the mother, his position in the Khasi family being very similar to that of the _karta_ in the Hindu joint family. It is on this account that he is so much revered, and is honoured with a stone which is larger than the other up-right memorial stones after death. It will be seen in the article dealing with "the disposal of the dead," that at Cherra, on the occasion of the bestowal of the ashes in the cinerarium of the clan, a part of the attendant ceremonies consists of the preparation of two effigies called _Ka Puron_ and _U Tyngshop_, intended to represent _Ka Iawbei_ (the first mother) and U Suid-Nia (the first maternal uncle). The Wárs of Nongjri have a custom peculiar to themselves. They erect small thatched houses in their compounds, which they call _iing ksuid_. When they worship their ancestors they deposit offerings of food in these houses, the idea being that the ancestors will feed on the offerings. These Wárs do not erect memorial stones, nor do they collect the ashes of the clan in a common sepulchre; they deposit the ashes in circular cineraria, each family, or _iing_, possessing one. It should further be noted with reference to the Khasi custom of _ai bam_, or giving food to the spirits of deceased ancestors, that Dr. Frazer, in his "Golden Bough," has mentioned numerous instances of firstfruits being offered to the spirits of deceased ancestors by the tribes inhabiting the Malay Archipelago. (See pages 462-463 of the "Golden Bough.") Some other points of similarity in customs have already been noticed between the Khasis and certain Malay tribes.

Worship of Natural Forces and of Deities.

In the Khasi Hills, especially on the southern side, there are numerous rivers, sometimes of considerable size, which find their way to the Sylhet plains through very deep valleys, the rivers flowing through narrow channels flanked by beetling cliffs which rise to considerable altitudes. The scenery in the neighbourhood of these beautiful rivers is of the most romantic description, and the traveller might imagine himself in Switzerland were it not for the absence of the snowy ranges. Of such a description is the scenery on the banks of the river Kenchiyong, the Jádukátá [29] or Punatit of the plains. It is in the bed of the river, a few miles below Rilang, that there is the curiously-arched cavity in the rock which resembles an upturned boat, which the Khasis call _Ka lieng blei_ (the god's boat), and the plains people Basbanya's ship. Near to this, on the opposite side of the river, there is a rock bearing a Persian inscription, but so defaced by the action of the water as to be impossible to decipher. Like other inhabitants of mountainous countries, the Khasis reverence the spirits of fell and fall, and propitiate them with offerings at stated times. A brief description of the ceremonies which are performed at Rilang, on the occasion when the annual fishing in the river Punatit takes place, may be of interest. The three Siems of Nongstoin, Langrin, and Nobosohpoh each sacrifice a goat to _Ka blei sam um_ (the goddess of the river) before the boatmen can cast in their nets. In former times they say the passage up the river was obstructed by the goddess, who took the form of an immense crocodile; but she was propitiated by the gift of a goat, and the boatmen were then allowed to pass up the river in their boats. Hence it became necessary for the owners of the fishery to sacrifice annually a goat each to the goddess. At the time of my visit each Siem's party erected an altar in the bed of the river, in the midst of which a bough of the Khasi oak (_dieng sning_) was planted. The goats were then decapitated, it being considered an essential that the head should be severed with one blow. As soon as the head was cut off there was a rush on the part of the sacrificers to see in which direction the head faced. If the head faced towards the north or west, it was considered an evil omen; if it faced towards the south or east, a good omen. The east is a lucky quarter amongst the Assamese also. The people ended up the proceedings by giving a long-drawn-out, deep-toned chant, or _kynhoi_. Immediately after the ceremony was concluded hundreds of boats shot out from the numerous creeks, where they had been lying, and fished the river all night, the result being an immense haul, to the delight of the Lynngams, who were seen next morning roasting the fish whole on bamboo stakes, after which they consumed them, the entrails being eaten with great gusto. Such is the worship of the goddess of the Punatit.

Similar pujas take place among the people of Wár-ding (the valley of fire) before they fish in the Khai-mara river and elsewhere in the Khasi Hills. In the Jaintia Hills there is the Synteng-worship of the Kopili river, which used to be accompanied by human sacrifices, as has been mentioned above, pp. 102-104. The Myntang river, a tributary of the Kopili, must also be annually appeased by the sacrifice of a he-goat. Numerous hills also are worshipped, or rather the spirits which are said to inhabit them. One of the best known hill godlings is the deity who is thought to inhabit the little wood close to the summit of the Shillong Peak. This deity is said to have been discovered by a man named "U Shillong" who gave his name to the Shillong Peak, and indirectly to our beautiful hill station. The Siems of Mylliem and Nongkrem reverence _U'lei Shillong_, and there are certain clans who perform periodical sacrifices to this god. Probably the origin of the superstitious reverence with which U'lei Shillong is held by the Siems of Nongkrem and Mylliem is that their fabled ancestress "Ka Pah Syntiew," of whom an account will be found in the folk-lore section, took her origin from a rock not far from the Shillong Peak in the Nongkrem direction.

Rableng Hill, which is within full view of the Shillong Peak in an easterly direction, is also said to be the abode of a minor god who is periodically propitiated by the members of the Máwthoh clan of the Khyrim State with a he-goat and a cock. Apparently no special puja is performed to U Kyllang (the Kyllang Rock) nowadays.

The picturesque hill of Symper, which rises abruptly from the plain in the Siemship of Maharam, is visible for many miles. It is in shape not unlike the Kyllang. Symper is said to be the abode of a god called "U Symper." There is a folk-tale that Kyllang and Symper fought a great battle, and that the numerous holes in the rocks at the base of the Symper hill are evidences of their strife. At the base of Symper there is a great cave, where many cattle find shelter in rainy weather. The people of Mawsynram propitiate the god of Symper in cases of sickness by sacrificing a he-goat or a bull. Symper, like _U'lei Shillong_, is one of the minor deities of the Khasis.

Close to Shangpung, in the Jaintia Hills, there is a small hill called "_u lúm pyddieng blai lyngdoh_," where sacrifices are offered on an altar at seed time, and when the corn comes into ear. This altar used to be overshadowed by a large oak tree. The tree is now dead.

The Wárs of Nongjri worship "_u'lei lyngdoh_" the tutelary deity of the village, under the spreading roots of a large rubber tree which gives its name to this village Nongjri. This village worhsip is performed by a village priest (_lyngdoh_) at stated intervals, or whenever it is considered necessary. There are numerous other instances of hills and rivers being regarded as the abode of godlings, but those quoted above are sufficient for purposes of illustration.

Religious Rites and Sacrifices, Divination.

The Khasis, as has been explained already, worship numerous gods and goddesses. These gods and goddesses are supposed to exercise good or evil influence over human beings according to whether they are propitiated with sacrifice or not. They are even supposed to possess the power of life and death, over men and women, subject to the control of _u Blei Nongtháw_, God the Creator. Thus illness, for example, is thought to be caused by one or more of the spirits on account of some act or omission and health can only be restored by the due propitiation of the offended spirits. In order to ascertain which is the offended spirit, a system of divination by means of cowries, breaking eggs, or examining the entrails of animals and birds, was instituted. The Khasi method of obtaining auguries by examining the viscera of animals and birds may be compared with that of the Roman _haruspex_. Some description of these modes of divination has been given at the end of this chapter. The Khasi religion has been described by Bivar as "demon worship, or a jumble of enchantments muttered by priests who are sorcerers." But even a religion which is thus unflatteringly described is based on the cardinal doctrines of sin and sacrifice for sin. Tradition amongst the Khasis states that in the beginning (_mynnyngkong ka sngi_) there was no sin, heaven and earth were near each other, and man had direct intercourse with God. How man fell into sin is not stated, but it is certain that he did fall. Experts at "egg healing" never forget to repeat the formula "_nga briéw nga la pop_" (I man have sinned). The cock then appears as a mediator between God and man. The cook is styled, "_u khún ka blei uba kit ryndang ba shah ryndang na ka bynta jong nga u briéw_," i.e. the son of god who lays down his neck (life) for me man. The use of the feminine _ka blei_ is no doubt due to matriarchal influences. There is another prayer in which the Khasis say, "_ap jutang me u blei ieng rangbah me u briéw_" (oh god do not forget the covenant arise oh man). The idea is that man has fallen into sins of omission and commission (_ka pop, ka lain ka let_) but that God is nevertheless expected to spare him, and to accept a substitute for him according to the covenant (_jutang_). By this covenant God is supposed to have accepted in exchange the cock as a substitute for man. How the cock came to occupy such an important position, tradition is vague and self-conflicting. The fact remains that the covenant of the cock is the foundation of the Khasi religion. It is of interest to mention that amongst the Ahoms the tradition is that Khunlung and Khunlái brought down from heaven the _kái-chán-mung_, [30] or pair of heavenly fowls, and that to this day the sacrifice of the fowl is considered by the Deodhais, or priest-soothsayers of the Ahoms, a most important feature of the ancient Ahom ritual. But amongst the Ahoms there is the difference that auguries are obtained, not from the entrails, but by examining the legs of the fowls. The Ahoms are Shans belonging to the Tai branch, another great division of the Indo-Chinese group of the human race.

The covenant of the cock as thus explained shows the importance of this sacrifice to the Khasis. The large intestine of a fowl has two pea-like protuberances, one close to the other. One is symbolically called _u blei_ or god, and the other is styled _u briéw_ or man, they are connected by a thin membrane. Directly the bird has been disembowelled the sacrificer throws a few grains of rice on the entrails and then watches their convulsive movements. If the portion of the entrail called _u blei_ moves towards that portion which represents man, it is considered proof positive that the god has heard the prayer of the sacrificer, but if the movement proceeds in the opposite direction, then the reverse is the case and the omen is bad. If the entrails are full and healthy, having no spots (_brai_), or blood marks (_thung_), and if the membrane between the two protuberances has not been fractured, these are favourable signs. If the intestines are empty, wrinkled, or spotted, and the membrane mentioned above is fractured, these are bad signs. Auguries also are drawn by examining the livers, the lungs and spleens and gall bladders of pigs, goats and cattle. If the liver of a pig is healthy and without spot, the augury is good; if the reverse, it is bad. The spleen must not be unduly distended, otherwise the omen is unfavourable and the gall bladder must not be over full. Invocations to deduce omens from the appearance of the entrails are quoted on page 11 of Col. Bivar's Report. From the first invocation quoted by him it appears that the method of drawing the augury from the fowl differs slightly in detail from that which has been described to me by certain Khasis, but both descriptions agree in the main, and the slight dissimilarity in detail may be due to the methods of obtaining auguries varying slightly in different localities. Divination by breaking eggs and by other means, although not strictly sacrifice with the Khasis, partakes of the nature of a religious ceremony. Such divinations are of almost every-day occurrence in a Khasi house, and always precede sacrifices. The Khasis, moreover, do nothing of what they consider to be of even the least importance without breaking eggs. When a Khasi builds a new house, or before he proceeds on a journey, he always breaks eggs to see whether the building or the journey will be lucky or not. The description of egg-breaking given by Shadwell in his account of the Khasis is not altogether correct. A detailed description of this method of divination will be found in Appendix C. The description can be depended upon, as it is the result of my personal observations of egg-breaking on several occasions. A board of the shape shown in the diagram (Appendix C) is placed on the ground, the egg-breakers' position being that indicated in the diagram. After the egg has been smeared with red earth, it is thrown violently down and the contents and the fragments of egg-shell fall on the board. Auguries are drawn from the positions of the fragments of shell on the board, and from the fact of their lying with the inner sides facing upwards or downwards. Another method of egg-breaking is for the diviner to wrap up the egg in a plantain leaf with the point uppermost, or merely to hold the egg in his hand in this position without wrapping it up, and then to press another egg down upon it. If the end of the egg so pressed breaks at once, this is a good sign, but if it remains unbroken, the egg has a god in it, and the omen is bad.

A common method of divination is by means of the _shanam_, or lime-case. The diviner holds the lime-case by the end of its chain, and addresses the god. He then asks the lime-case a question, and if it swings, this is supposed to be an answer in the affirmative; if it does not move, this is a negative reply. This seems to be a very simple trick, for the diviner can impart movement to the lime-case by means of the hand. A similar way of consulting the oracle is by the bow, which is held in the hand by the middle of the string. A simple method of divining is by means of cowries or grains of rice. The diviner plunges his hand into a bag or basket after asking the god a question. If the number of cowries or grains of rice comes out odd, the omen is good; if it comes out even, the reverse is the case. The Khasi word for consulting the omens is khan, and a diviner is called a _nongkhan_. Another method of obtaining omens is by dropping two leaves into a pool of water or on a stone, the position of the leaves as they fall, either right side uppermost or upside down, signifying good or evil as the case may be; this is called _khan-sla_.

Priesthood.

The Khasi priest is usually called _Lyngdoh_, or _langdoh_; he is always appointed from the lyngdoh clan. The etymology of the word _lyngdoh_ is said by certain lyngdohs of the Khyrim State to be _lang_ = together and _doh_ = flesh. A _lyngdoh_, or _langdoh_, is one who collects sacrificial victims, i.e. flesh for the purpose of sacrificing. It must be confessed, however, that this definition is doubtful, owing to the absence in the word _lyngdoh_ of the prefix _nong_ which is the sign of the agent in Khasi. Besides _lyngdohs_ there are persons called _soh-blei_ or _soh-sla_, who may also be said to be priests. The Khasis, unlike the Hindus, have no _purohit_ or priest to perform the family ceremonies. Such duties fall to the lot of the head of the family or clan, who carries them out generally through the agency of the _kni_, or maternal uncle. Old Khasis are frequently well versed in the details of sacrifices, and in the art of obtaining auguries by examining the viscera of sacrificial victims. Apart from family and clan sacrifices, there are the sacrifices for the good of the State or community at large; it is these sacrifices that it is the duty of the _lyngdoh_ to perform. He may be said to be the priest of the communal religion, although he has certain duties in connection with offences committed against the social law of marriage, and with regard to the casting out of evil spirits from houses which may be thought to be infested with them. The _lyngdohs_ of the Khasis may be likened to the Roman _pontifices_. In the different Khasi States there is, as a rule, more than one _lyngdoh_; sometimes there is quite a number of such priests, as in Nongkrem where there is a _lyngdoh_ for each _raj_ or division of the state. There are a few Khasi States where the priest altogether takes the place of the Siem, and rules the community with the help of his elders in addition to performing the usual spiritual offices. The duties of _lyngdohs_, their methods of sacrificing, and the gods to whom they sacrifice, vary in the different Siemships, but there is one point in which we find agreement everywhere, i.e. that the _lyngdoh_ must be assisted at the time of performing sacrifices by a female priestess, called _ka soh-blei, ka soh-sla_, or simply _ka lyngdoh_. This female collects all the _puja_ articles and places them ready to the _lyngdoh's_ hand at the time of sacrifice. He merely acts as her deputy when sacrificing. The female _soh-blei_ is without doubt a survival of the time when, under the matriarchate, the priestess was the agent for the performance of all religious ceremonies. Another such survival is the High Priestess of Nongkrem, who still has many religious duties to perform; not only so, but she is the actual head of the State in this Siemship, although she delegates her temporal powers to one of her sons or nephews, who thus becomes Siem. A similar survival of the ancient matriarchal religious system is the _Siem sad_, or priestess, at Mawsynram, who, on the appointment of a new Siem or chief, has to assist at certain sacrifices. Here we may compare Karl Pearson's remark, when dealing with matriarchal customs, that "according to the evidence of Roman historians, not only the seers but the sacrificers among the early Teutons were women." The duties of the _lyngdohs_, as regards communal worship, consist chiefly of sacrificing at times of epidemics of cholera, and such-like visitations of sickness (_jing iap khlam_). In the Khyrim State there is a goddess of each _raj_, or division, of the state, to whom sacrifices are offered on such occasions. To the goddess are sacrificed a goat and hen, powdered rice (_u kpu_), and a gourd of fermented liquor; the leaves of the _dieng sning_, or Khasi oak, are also used at this ceremony. The _lyngdoh_ is assisted by a priestess called _ka soh-sla_, who is his mother, or his sister, or niece, or some other maternal relation. It is the duty of the priestess to prepare all the sacrificial articles, and without her assistance the sacrifice cannot take place. Sacrifices are also performed by the _lyngdoh_ to _u Lei Lyngdoh_, alias _u Ryngkew_. This used to be the tutelary deity in times of war, but in less troublous times the Khasi _lyngdoh_ sacrifices to him for success in tribal or State litigation. A pig and a cock, with the usual accessories, are sacrificed by the _lyngdoh_ to this god. As in the case of sacrifices to _Ka lei Raj_, the services of a priestess are indispensable.

A _lyngdoh_ is a _lyngdoh_ for life. When a _lyngdoh_ dies and his successor is appointed, certain rather elaborate ceremonies are observed in the Nongkrem _raj_ of the Khyrim State. The funeral ceremonies of the old _lyngdoh_ having been completed, the _lyngdoh_ clan appoints his successor. The latter then, after performing his ablutions, proceeds, accompanied by the assembled members of the _lyngdoh_ clan, to the top of the Shillong Peak. The _lyngdoh_ and his clansmen advance along the road dancing, this dancing being carried on all the way from the _lyngdoh's_ house to the Shillong Peak. All are clad in the distinctive Khasi dancing dress. Having reached the Peak, they pick the leaves of a tree called _ka 'la phiah_, which they spread on the ground. A goat and a cock are then sacrificed, the new _lyngdoh_ acting as the sacrificer. There are the usual accessories, including branches of the Khasi _sning_ or oak. Nine portions (_dykhot_) are cut from different parts of the victims and are offered to the god of the Shillong Peak, _U lei Shillong_. The _lyngdoh_ and his companions then perform obeisance three times to the god, and the _lyngdoh_ walks backwards some paces. The puja is then over, and they return dancing to the _lyngdoh's_ house. On another day the _lyngdoh_ performs a puja to _u lei Lyngdoh_, alias _u Ramjah_. Undoubtedly the most interesting feature of the ceremonies on these occasions is the dancing. This dancing is carried out by the _lyngdoh_ and his companions armed with sword and shield, a fly-flap made of goat's hair (_symphiah_) being also sometimes held in one hand, a quiver of arrows being slung on the back, and a plume of black and white cocks' feathers (_u thuya_) fixed in the turban. The dance is executed in a regular figure, the dancers advancing and retiring in an orderly and methodical manner, and finally clashing their swords together in mock combat. The dance of the present day is not unlikely the survival of a war dance of ancient times. The _lyngdohs_ say they dance in honour of _U lei Lyngdoh_, to whom such dances are thought to be pleasing. The dance of the _lyngdohs_ on these occasions may be compared with that of the Roman _salii_, who, in the month of March, performed a war dance in honour of Mars.

The above and other similar sacrifices to the gods of the State or divisions of the State may be said to be the communal religious duties of the _lyngdohs_. The duties of _lyngdohs_ with reference to private persons may now be mentioned. When it is found that any two people have made an incestuous marriage, that is to say a marriage within the exogamous group of the _kur_, or clan, the parties at fault are taken before the _lyngdoh_ by their clansmen, who request him to sacrifice in order to ward off the injurious effects of the _sang_, or taboo, of such a connection from the kinsfolk. On this occasion a pig is sacrificed to _u'lei lyngdoh_ and a goat to _ka lei long raj_. The parties at fault are then outcasted. As mentioned in another place, the sin of incest admits of no expiation for the offenders themselves. In the Khyrim State, it is said by the _lyngdohs_ themselves, although not by the Siem or the myntries, that they are the reversionary legatees of all the persons who die without leaving female heirs (_iap duh_). In other Siemships such property passes to the Siem. The _lyngdoh_ of Nongkrem can also take possession of the property of persons who have been found to harbour an evil spirit (_jingbih_) in their houses. It appears that in such cases the house and furniture are burnt, as in the case of the _Taroh_ superstition in the Jaintia Hills, the _lyngdoh_, however, taking possession of jewellery or anything else of value. The only practical service the _lyngdoh_ renders in return is to build the afflicted person a new house; unless, indeed, we take into account the casting forth of the devil by the _lyngdoh_. Mr. Jenkins, of Shangpung, in the Jaintia Hills, writes: "Such is the belief of the people in the evil spirits, that they are completely under the influence of the priests and spend large sums of money in order to secure their favour. They live in constant dread lest by the least transgression or omission they should offend these avaricious men and so bring upon themselves the wrath of the demons." The influence of the _lyngdohs_ over the people in the Jaintia Hills seems to be stronger than in the Khasi Hills. For instance, it came to my notice in Raliang that crops cannot be cut until the _lyngdoh_ has seem them, in other words, until the _lyngdoh_ has claimed and obtained his share of the produce. In many places, however, in the Khasi Hills the _lyngdoh_ is much discredited, owing, no doubt, to the advance of Christianity and education.

Ceremonies and Customs Attending Birth and Naming of Children.

The Khasi birth ceremonies and customs are as follows:--When a child is born the umbilical cord is cut by a sharp splinter of bamboo; no knife can be used on this occasion. The Mundas of Chota Nagpur similarly taboo a metal instrument for this purpose. The child is then bathed in hot water from a red earthen pot. The placenta is carefully preserved in an earthen vessel in the house till after the naming ceremony has taken place. When the umbilical cord, after being tied, falls off, a puja is performed with eggs to certain water deities (_ka blei sam-um_ and _ka niangriang_), [31] also to a forest spirit (_u'suid bri_ or _u'suid khláw_). The naming ceremony of the child is performed the next morning after the birth. Certain females are invited to come and pound rice in a mortar into flour. The flour when ready is placed on a bamboo winnower (_u prah_). Fermented rice is mixed with water and is placed in a gourd. Some powdered turmeric is also provided, and is kept ready in a plantain leaf, also five pieces of _'kha piah_, or dried fish. The earthen pot containing the placenta is then placed in the _nongpei_, or centre room of the house, If the child is a male, they place near him a bow and three arrows (the implements of a Khasi warrior); if a female, a _da_ and _u star_, or cane head-strap for carrying burdens. An elderly man, who knows how to perform the naming puja, which is called by the Khasis "_kaba jer khun_," places a plantain-leaf on the floor and sprinkles some water on it. He takes the gourd in his hand and calls a god to witness. The people assembled then mention a number of names for the child, and ask the man who is performing the puja to repeat them. This he does, and at the same time pours a little liquor from the gourd on to the ground. As he goes on pouring, the liquor by degrees becomes exhausted, and finally only a few drops remain. The name at the repeating of which the hot drop of liquor remains adhering to the spout of the gourd is the name selected for the child. Then the puja performer invokes the god to grant good luck to the child. The father takes the pot containing the placenta, after having previously placed rice flour and fermented rice therein, and waves it three times over the child, and then walks out with it through the main entrance of the house and hangs up the pot to a tree outside the village. When he returns from this duty, before he re-enters the house, another throws water over the father's feet. The father, being thus cleansed, enters, and holds the rice flour to his mouth three times. Two people then, holding the dried fish by their two ends, break them in two. The powdered turmeric mixed with rice flour and water is applied to the right foot of the father, the mother and the child receiving the same treatment. The friends and relations are then anointed, the turmeric being applied, however, to their left feet. The bow, arrows, _da_, and _u star_ are carefully placed inside the inner surface of the thatch on the roof, and the ceremony is over. Rice flour is then distributed to all who are present, and the male adults are given liquor to drink. After two or three months the ears of the child are bored and ear-rings are inserted. These ear-rings are called, _ki shashkor iawbei_ (i.e. the ear-rings of the great-grandmother). Mr. Jenkins mentions that the naming ceremony amongst the Syntengs is performed by the "eldest aunt," presumably on the mother's side. A basket of eggs is placed in the centre of the room, and before the ceremony begins one egg has to be broken. Then the aunt of the child takes two sticks, and, raising them to her shoulder, lets them fall to the ground. Before they fall she shouts, "What name do you give the child?" The name is mentioned, and if, on falling upon the ground, one stick crosses the other, it is a proof that the name has won the approval of the spirit. If the sticks do not fall in this position, another egg is broken and another name is chosen, and the sticks are dropped as before until they fall in the required position, when it is understood by the performers that the name is a good one. Mr. Jenkins was informed by a young man "who had renounced heathenism" that some of the more cunning women cross the sticks before lifting them, and that when they do this they invariably fall crossed to the ground. "They thus save their eggs, save time and trouble, get the name they desire for the child. . . ." It is noteworthy that the Khasis consider it necessary to preserve the placenta until the ceremony of naming the child is over, and that the pot containing the placenta is waved over the head of the child before it is removed and hung up in a tree.

Dr. Fraser, at page 53 _et seq_. of the "Golden Bough," when dealing with the subject of sympathetic magic, refers to the navel string and the placenta as parts which are commonly believed amongst certain people to remain in sympathetic union with the body after the physical connection has been severed, and it is interesting to note that in the Babar Archipelago, between New Guinea and Celebes, the placenta is mixed with ashes and put in a small basket, which seven women, each of them armed with a sword, hang up on a tree of a peculiar kind (_citrus hystrix_). The women carry the swords for the purpose of frightening the evil spirits, otherwise the latter might get hold of the placenta and make the child sick. Mr. C. M. Pleyte, Lecturer on Indonesian Ethnology, at the Gymnasium William III at Batavia, who has most courteously furnished me with some interesting information on this subject, states that it is especially in the Southern Moluccas that the placenta is mixed with ashes and hung in a tree. Wider spread is the custom of placing the after-birth on a small bamboo raft in a river "in order that it may be caught by crocodiles, incarnations of the ancestors, who will guard it till the person to whom it has belonged dies. Then the soul of the placenta is once more united with that of the dead man, and together they go to the realms of the dead. During lifetime the connection between men and their placentas is never withdrawn." The Khasis, although they cannot explain the meaning of the presence of the placenta at the naming ceremony, and the care with which they remove it and hang it up in a tree, are probably really actuated by the same sentiments as the inhabitants of the Southern Moluccas, i.e. they believe that there is, as Dr. Fraser puts it, a sympathetic union with the body after the physical connection with the child has been severed. There is no fixed period of _sang_, or taboo, after a birth, but the parents of the child are prohibited by custom from crossing a stream or washing their clothes until the navel-string falls off, for fear that the child should be attacked by the demons of the hills and the vales.

The Wár birth customs are substantially the same as those of the Khasis, but there is the difference that a Wár family after a birth is _sang_, or, taboo, for seven days, whereas amongst the Khasis the only prohibition is that the parents must not cross a stream or wash their clothes until they have propitiated the spirits. A twin birth is _sang_, or taboo. The Khasis argue that as there is but one _Ka Iawbei_ (first ancestress), and one _U Tháwlang_ (first ancestor), so one child, either male or female, should be born at a time. A twin birth is accordingly regarded as a visitation from God for some _sang_, or transgression, committed by some member of the clan. When the twins are of opposite sexes the _sang_ is considered to be extremely serious, the Khasi idea being that defilement has taken place within the womb. The case is treated as one of _shong kur_, or marriage within the clan, and the bones of the twins cannot be placed in the sepulchre of the clan. There are no special birth customs amongst the Lynngams.

There is no trace of the _couvade_ amongst the Khasis.

Marriage.