Chapter X (2)

I can easily understand that the present crisis must have something very painful for you, and you will do well for your health and comfort to try to take it as philosophically as possible; it is a part of the Constitutional system which is for the Sovereign very hard to get over.

_Nous savons tous des paroles sur cet air_, as the French say. I was convinced that Lord Melbourne's right and good feeling would make him pause before he proposed to you a dissolution. A general election in England, when great passions must be roused or created to render it efficacious for one party or another, is a dangerous experiment, always calculated to shake the foundations on which have hitherto reposed the great elements of the political power of the country. Albert will be a great comfort to you, and to hear it from yourself has given me the sincerest delight. His judgment is good, and he is mild and safe in his opinions; they deserve your serious attention; young as he is, I have really often been quite surprised how quick and correct his judgment is....

[Pageheading: TORY DISSENSIONS]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WILTON CRESCENT, _16th May 1841._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the general effect of last week's debate[29] has been greatly in favour of the measures of your Majesty's Ministers.

The speeches of Mr Labouchere, Sir George Grey, and Lord Howick, with the powerful argument of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on Friday night, have not been met by any corresponding ability on the other side.

In fact the Opposition seem to have concealed their own views of policy, and to have imagined that the Anti-Slavery feeling would carry them through successfully. But this expectation has been entirely disappointed; debate has unmasked the hollow pretence of humanity, and the meetings at Exeter Hall and in the country have completely counteracted the impressions which Dr Lushington's speech[30] had produced.

Lancashire, Cheshire, and the West Riding of Yorkshire have been roused to strong excitement by the prospect of a reduction of the duty on corn. Several of the large towns have expressed their opinions without distinction of party.

These symptoms are said to have created some dissensions among the opponents of your Majesty's present Government.

Sir Robert Peel, Lord Stanley, and nearly all the eminent leaders of the party, profess their adherence to the principles of Mr Huskisson.[31] On the other hand, the Duke of Buckingham,[32] with many Lords and Commoners, is opposed to any relaxation of the present Corn Laws. This difference must ultimately produce serious consequences, and it is possible they may break out before the present debate is ended.

One consequence of the propositions of the Ministry is the weakening of the power of the Chartists, who have relied on the misrepresentation that neither Whigs nor Tories would ever do anything for the improvement of the condition of the working classes.

All these circumstances have a bearing on the question of a dissolution of Parliament, and are to be weighed against the risks and inconveniences of so bold a measure.

[Footnote 29: On Lord Sandon's resolution.]

[Footnote 30: Against the Budget, on the ground that it tended
to encourage slavery.]

[Footnote 31: Which were opposed to Protection and the
Navigation Laws.]

[Footnote 32: Richard Plantagenet (1797-1861), second Duke of
the 1822 creation, M.P. for Bucks 1818-1839, and author of
the "Chandos clause," became Lord Privy Seal this year, but
resigned shortly after. He dissipated his property, and had to
sell the contents of Stowe.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S JOURNAL]

_Extract from the Queen's Journal._

_Monday, 17th May 1841._

"Lord Melbourne came to me at twenty minutes to three. There were no _new_ news. He gave me a letter from the Duke of Roxburgh,[33] saying he could not support Government on the Corn Laws, and writing an unnecessarily cold letter. Lord Melbourne fears this would lose Roxburgh in case of an election. A great many of the friends of the Government, however, are against any alteration in the Corn Laws. Talked of the excellent accounts from the country with which the papers are full, and I said I couldn't help thinking the Government would gain by a dissolution, and the feeling in the country so strong, and daily increasing. They would lose the counties, Lord Melbourne thinks, and the question is whether their successes in the manufacturing towns would be sufficient to counterbalance that. The debate may last longer, Lord Melbourne says, as J. Russell says he will continue it as long as their friends wish it. Many of their friends would be very angry if we did not dissolve, Lord Melbourne says. 'I say always,' said Lord Melbourne, 'that your Majesty will be in such a much worse position' (if a majority should be returned against us), 'but they say not, for that the others would dissolve.' I said that if that was so we _must dissolve_, for then that it would come to just the same thing, and that that changed my opinion very much. 'You would like us then to make the attempt?' Lord Melbourne asked. I said 'Almost.' I asked if he really thought they would dissolve. 'I've great reason to believe they would,' he replied. 'Hardinge[34] told Vivian[35] "we shall prevent _your_ dissolving, but _we shall_ dissolve."' ... I asked did Lord Melbourne think they (the Conservatives) would remain in long, and Melbourne said: 'One can't tell beforehand what may happen, but you would find their divisions and dissensions amongst themselves sufficient to prevent their staying in long.' ...

"Saw Lord John Russell, who didn't feel certain if the debate would end to-night. Talked of the very good feeling in the country. He said he understood Sir Edward Knatchbull[36] was exceedingly displeased at what Peel had said concerning Free Trade, and said in that case Peel would be as bad as the present Government. He thinks the Tories, if in power, might try and collect the Sugar duties without Law, which would do them a great deal of harm and be exceedingly unpopular. He does _not_ think the Tories intend _certainly_ to dissolve. He thinks they would not dissolve now, and that they would hereafter get so entangled by their own dissensions, as to render it unfavourable to them."

[Footnote 33: James, sixth Duke. The Duchess was afterwards a
Lady of the Bedchamber.]

[Footnote 34: Sir Henry Hardinge (1785-1856) had been
Secretary at War, and Chief Secretary for Ireland, under
former Tory Governments.]

[Footnote 35: Master-General of the Ordnance.]

[Footnote 36: M.P. for East Kent. He became Paymaster-General
in Peel's Cabinet.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

_18th May 1841._

... I was sure you would feel for me. Since last Monday, the 10th, we have lived in the daily expectation of a final event taking place, and the debate _still_ continues, and it is not certain whether it will even finish to-night, this being the eighth night, it having begun on Friday the 7th, two Saturdays and two Sundays having intervened! Our plans are so unsettled that I can tell you nothing, only that you may depend upon it nothing will be done without having been duly, properly, and maturely weighed. Lord Melbourne's conduct is as usual perfect; fair, calm, and totally disinterested, and I am certain that in whatever position he is _you_ will treat him _just_ as you have always done.

My dearest Angel is indeed a great comfort to me. He takes the greatest interest in what goes on, feeling with and for me, and yet abstaining as he ought from biassing me either way, though we talk much on the subject, and his judgment is, as you say, good and mild....

_P.S._--Pray let me hear soon _when_ you come. You, I know, like me to tell you what I hear, and for me to be frank with you. I therefore tell you that it is believed by some people here, and even by some in the Government, that _you_ wish my Government to be _out_. Now, I never for an instant can believe such an assertion, as I know your liberal feelings, and your interest in my welfare and in that of the country too well to think you could wish for such a thing, and I immediately said I was sure this was not so; but I think you would do well to say to Seymour something which might imply interest in my present Government.

I know you will understand my anxiety on your account, lest such a mischievous report should be believed. It comes, you see, from the idea that your feelings are very French.

[Pageheading: THE CORN LAWS]

_Extract from the Queen's Journal._

_Tuesday, 18th May 1841._

"Saw Lord Melbourne.[37] He said Lord John Russell had been to see him, and, 'He now wishes us not to resign, but to give notice immediately of a Motion on the Corn Laws. This, he thinks, will make the others propose a vote of confidence, or make them oppose the Sugar Duties, which, he thinks, will be better for us to resign upon, and when it would be clear to our people that we couldn't dissolve. Everybody says it would be a very bad thing for us to resign now, upon such a question as this, and we must consider the party a little.' I said, of course, this would be agreeable to me as it gave us another chance. I said it would be awkward if they resigned Thursday, on account of the Birthday. Lord Melbourne said I could wait a day and only send for Peel on Saturday, that that wouldn't signify to Peel, as he could come down to Claremont.... I asked, in case they meant to bring on this Corn Law question, when would they do so. 'Perhaps about the 30th,' Lord Melbourne said. It would be a more dangerous question, but it would make them (the Tories) show their colours, which is a great advantage. He said they prevented Sir Edward Knatchbull from speaking last night."

[Footnote 37: After eight days' discussions of Lord Sandon's
Motion, the Ministers were defeated by 317 to 281.]

[Pageheading: RESIGNATION POSTPONED]

_Wednesday, 19th May._

"At twenty minutes to one came Lord Melbourne.... I returned him Lord John Russell's letter, and talked of it, and of John Russell's saying the division and Peel's speech made it absolutely necessary to decide _to-day_ whether to _resign_ or _dissolve_. I asked what Peel had said in his speech about the Corn Laws. 'I'll tell you, Ma'am, what he said,' Lord Melbourne replied, 'that he was for a sliding duty and not for a fixed duty; but he did not pledge himself as to what rate of duty it should be. I must say,' Lord Melbourne continued, 'I am still against dissolution. I don't think our chances of success are sufficient.' I replied that I couldn't quite believe that, but that I might be wrong. Lord John is for dissolving. '_You_ wish it?' I said I always did. Talked of the feeling in the City and in the country being so good. Lord Melbourne don't think so much of the feeling in the country. Talked of the majority of thirty-six having not been more than they expected.... Lord Melbourne said people thought the debate was lengthened to please me. I said not at all, but that it was more convenient for me. Anyhow I need do nothing till Saturday. The House of Commons was adjourned to the next day, and the House of Lords to Monday. 'Mr Baring says,' he said, 'if there was only a majority one way or another, it would be better than this state of complete equality.'

"At twenty minutes past four Lord Melbourne returned. 'Well, Ma'am,' he said, 'we've considered this question, and both the sides of it well, and at last we voted upon it; and there were--the Lord Chancellor for dissolution, Lord Minto[38] for it, Lord Normanby against it, but greatly modified; Lord John for, Lord Palmerston for, Lord Clarendon for, Lord Morpeth for, Lord Lansdowne for, Labouchere for, Hobhouse for, Duncannon[39] for, Baring for, Macaulay for; and under those circumstances of course I felt I could not but go with them.[40] Lord Melbourne was much affected in saying all this. 'So we shall go on, bring on the Sugar Duties, and then, if things are in a pretty good state, dissolve. I hope you approve?' I said I did highly ... and that I felt so happy to keep him longer. 'You are aware we may have a majority against us?' he said; he means in our election. The Sugar Duties would probably take a fortnight or three weeks to pass, and they would dissolve in June and meet again in October. He thought they must."

[Footnote 38: Lord Minto was First Lord of the Admiralty.]

[Footnote 39: Then First Commissioner of Land Revenue.]

[Footnote 40: See Sir John Hobhouse's account of this Cabinet
meeting, _Edinburgh Review_, vol. 133, p. 336.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND THE CHURCH]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_21st May 1841._

Lord Melbourne thinks that what your Majesty proposes to say will do very well, but it is thought best to say "Church as Reformed" at the Reformation.

If your Majesty could say this, it would be well:

"I am very grateful for your congratulations on the return of this day. I am happy to take this opportunity of again expressing to you my firm determination to maintain the Church of England as settled at the Reformation, and my firm belief in her Articles and Creeds, as hitherto understood and interpreted by her soundest divines."

Nothing could go off better than the dinner. Everybody was much pleased with the Prince.

Lord Melbourne is not conscious of having slept.[41]

[Footnote 41: It seems that some one had told the Queen that
Lord Melbourne had fallen asleep at dinner.]

[Pageheading: FEELING IN FRANCE]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

BRUSSELS, _20th May 1841._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I receive this very moment your dear letter of the 18th, and without loss of time I begin my answer here, though the messenger can only go to-morrow. I cannot _sufficiently_ express to you my _gratitude_ for the frankness with which you have written to me--and let me entreat you, whenever you have anything _sur le c[oe]ur_, to _do the same_. I shall begin with your postscript concerning the idea that I wished your present Ministers to retire, because they had become disagreeable to France. The people who _avancent quelque chose de la sorte_ probably have some ill-natured motive which it is not always easy to guess; perhaps in the present instance does it mean, let us say, _that?_ whatever opinion he may then express we can easily counteract it, representing it as the result of _strong partiality to France_. Let us therefore examine what France has to gain in a change of Administration. Certainly your present Ministers are _not_ much loved _now_ in France, not so much in consequence of the political events of last year themselves, than for the _manner_ in which they came to pass. Nevertheless, when I was at Paris, King and Council were decided to sign the treaty with the four other Powers, which would put an end to the _isolement_, though many people are stoutly _for the isolement_. There end the relations which will exist for some time between the two countries--they will be on _decent_ terms; that is all I wish for the present, and it is matter of moonshine who your Ministers are. No doubt, formerly there existed such a predilection in favour of Lord Grey's[42] Administration and those who continued it, that the coming in of the Tories would have been considered as a great public calamity; but even now, though this affection is gone, the Tories will also be looked on with some suspicion. Lord Melbourne's Administration has had the great merit of being liberal, and at the same time prudent, conservative in the good sense of the word, preserving what was good. Monarchy, by an adherence to this system, was very safe, and the popular liberal cry needless.

[Footnote 42: 1830-1834.]

[Pageheading: KING LEOPOLD'S ADVICE]

(_Continued at_) LAEKEN, _21st May._

I regret that the Corn question was brought forward somewhat abruptly;[43] it is a dangerous one, as it roused the most numerous and poorest classes of society, and may easily degenerate into bloodshed. The dissolution under such circumstances would become still more a source of agitation, as it generally always is in England. Lord Melbourne, I am sure, will think so too.

I am delighted by what you say of Albert; it is just the proper line for him to take, without biassing you either way, to show you honestly the consequences which in his opinion the one or the other may have. As he has really a very clear and logical judgment, his opinion will be valuable for you. I feel very much for you, and these Ministerial complications are of a most painful and perplexing nature, though less in England than on the Continent, as the thing is at least better understood. To amuse you a little, and to prove to you how impartial I must be to be in this way accused by both parties, I must tell you that it is said in France that, conjointly with Lord Melbourne, we _artfully_ ruined the Thiers Administration,[44] to the great detriment of the honour and welfare of France. But what is still stranger is, that the younger branches of the family, seeing that my arrival at Paris was delayed from time to time, became convinced that _I would not come at all_, and that my intention was to _cut them completely_, not to _compromettre_ myself with England! Truly people are strange, and the unnecessary suspicions and stories which they love to have, and to tell, a great bore....

Pray have the goodness of giving my _kindest_ regards to Lord Melbourne. I will love him very _tenderly_ in and out of office, as I am really attached to him. Now last, though first, I offer my sincerest wishes on the happy return of your birthday; may every blessing be always bestowed on your beloved head. You possess _much_, let your warm and honest heart _appreciate_ that. Let me also express the hope that you always will maintain your _dear character true_ and _good_ as it is, and let us also humbly express the hope that our warmth of feeling, a valuable gift, will not be permitted to grow occasionally a little violent, and particularly not against your uncle. You may pull Albertus by the ear, when so inclined, but be never irritated against your uncle. But I have _not to complain_ when other people do not instigate such things; you have always been kind and affectionate, and when you look at my deeds for you, and on behalf of you, these twenty-two years, I think you will not have many hardships to recollect. I am happy to hear of my god-daughter's teeth, and that she is so well. May God keep the whole dear little family well and happy for ever. My dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 43: The Ministerial proposal of a fixed duty instead
of a sliding scale.]

[Footnote 44: The Thiers Government had resigned in the
preceding October, owing to the King objecting to the warlike
speech which they wished him to pronounce to the Chambers. The
Soult-Guizot Cabinet was accordingly formed.]

[Pageheading: SIR ROBERT PEEL]

_Memorandum of Mr Anson's last secret interview with Sir R. Peel._ (No. 4.)

_Sunday, 23rd May 1841._

Called upon Sir Robert Peel this morning. I said I could not feel satisfied without seeing him after the very unexpected course which political affairs had taken. I wished to know that he felt assured, though I trusted there could be no doubt upon his mind, that there had been perfect honesty of purpose on my part towards him, and more especially upon the part of those with whose knowledge I had been acting. I assured Sir Robert that H.M. had acted in _the most perfect fairness towards him_, and I was most anxious that there should be no erroneous impression upon his mind as to the conduct of either H.M. or the Prince.

I said (quoting the Prince's expression), "that the Queen has a natural modesty upon her constitutional views, and when she receives an advice from men like the Lord Chancellor, Lord John Russell, Mr Baring, Mr Labouchere, and Lord Clarendon, and knows that they have been weighing the question through so many days, she concludes that her judgment cannot be better than theirs, and that she would do wrong to reject their advice."

The Prince, I said, however strongly impressed for or against a question, thinks it wrong and impolitic, considering his age and inexperience and his novelty to the country, to press upon the Queen views of his own in opposition to those of experienced statesmen. Sir Robert said he could relieve my mind entirely; that he was convinced that all that had taken place had been with the most perfect honesty; that he had no feeling whatever of annoyance, or of having been ill-used; that, on the contrary, he had the feeling, and should always retain it, of the deepest gratitude to the Queen for the condescension which Her Majesty had been pleased to show him, and that it had only increased his devotion to Her Majesty's person. He said that much of the reserve which he had shown in treating with me was not on _his own_ account, but that he felt from his own experience that events were by no means certain, and he most cautiously abstained from permitting her Majesty in any way to commit herself, or to bind herself by any engagement which unforeseen circumstances might render inconvenient. Sir Robert said it was very natural to try and remove obstacles which had before created so much confusion, and he was convinced that they would have been practically removed by what had passed. He said that neither Lord Stanley nor Sir James Graham knew a word of what had passed. That Mr Greville had asked his friend Mr Arbuthnot whether some understanding had not been entered into between Lord Melbourne and him. That Mr Arbuthnot had replied that he was certain that nothing of the sort could have passed,[45] as, if it had, Sir Robert Peel would have informed him (Mr Arbuthnot) of the fact. Again, Lady de Grey, the night of the ball at the Palace, came up to him and said the Duke of Bedford had been speaking to her about the resignation of the Duchess of Bedford, and asking her whether she thought it necessary. She volunteered to find out from Sir Robert whether he thought it requisite. She asked the question, which Sir Robert tried to evade, but not being able, he said it struck him that if it was a question of doubt the best means of solving it, was for the Duke of Bedford to ask Lord Melbourne for his opinion.

I added that if the dissolution was a failure, which it was generally apprehended would be the case, I felt convinced that Sir Robert would be dealt with in the most perfect fairness by Her Majesty.

[Footnote 45: "After I had been told by the Duke of Bedford
that Peel was going to insist on certain terms, which was
repeated to me by Clarendon, I went to Arbuthnot, told him
Melbourne's impression, and asked him what it all meant. He
said it was all false, that he was certain Peel had no such
intentions, but, on the contrary, as he had before assured me,
was disposed to do everything that would be conciliatory
and agreeable to the Queen."--_Greville's Journal_, 19th May
1841.]

[Pageheading: VOTE OF WANT OF CONFIDENCE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _24th May 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has to acquaint your Majesty that in the House of Commons this evening Sir Robert Peel gave notice that on Thursday next he would move a resolution to the following effect: "That Her Majesty's Ministers not possessing power sufficient to carry into effect the measures which they considered necessary, their retention of office was unconstitutional and contrary to usage."[46] These are not the exact words, but they convey the substance. This is a direct vote of want of confidence, and Lord Melbourne would be inclined to doubt whether it will be carried, and if it is, it certainly will not be by so large a majority as the former vote. When the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved the resolution upon the Sugar Duties, Sir Robert Peel seconded the motion, thereby intending to intimate that he did not mean to interfere with the Supplies. This course was determined upon at a meeting held at Sir R. Peel's this morning.

[Footnote 46: The closing words of the resolution were as
follows: "... That Her Majesty's Ministers do not sufficiently
possess the confidence of the House of Commons to enable
them to carry through the House measures which they deem of
essential importance to the public welfare, and that their
continuance in office under such circumstances is at variance
with the spirit of the Constitution."]

[Pageheading: PROSPECT OF DISSOLUTION]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WILTON CRESCENT, _28th May 1841._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that Sir Robert Peel yesterday brought forward his motion in a remarkably calm and temperate speech.

Sir John Hobhouse and Mr Macaulay completely exposed the fallacy of his resolution, and successfully vindicated the government. Lord Worsley[47] declared he would oppose the resolution, which declaration excited great anger, and produced much disappointment in the Tory party.

If the debate is carried on till next week, it is probable the Ministers may have a majority of one or two.

The accounts from the country are encouraging.

It does not appear that Sir Robert Peel, even if he carries this motion, intends to obstruct the measures necessary for a dissolution of Parliament.

[Footnote 47: M.P. for Lincolnshire, who had voted for Lord
Sandon's motion.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

_31st May 1841._

... I beg you _not_ to be alarmed about what is to be done; it is _not_ for a Party triumph that Parliament (_the longest_ that has sat for _many_ years) is to be dissolved; it is the fairest and most constitutional mode of proceeding; and you may trust to the moderation and prudence of my whole Government that nothing will be done without due consideration; if the present Government get a majority by the elections they will go on prosperously; if not, the Tories will come in for a short time. The country is quiet and the people very well disposed. I am happy, dearest Uncle, to give you these quieting news, which I assure you are _not_ partial....

[Pageheading: KING LEOPOLD'S VIEWS]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN _31st May 1841._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Your Mother[48] is safely arrived, though she was received close to Ostende by a formidable thunderstorm. I had given directions that everywhere great civilities should be shown her. She stood the fatigues better than I had expected, and is less sleepy than in England. She seems to be pleased with her _séjour_ here, and inclined in fact to remain rather than to go on; but I am sure, when once in Germany she will be both pleased and interested by it. It will amuse you to hear from herself her own impressions.

I cannot help to add a few political lines. I regret much, I must confess, that the idea of a dissolution has gained ground, and I will try to show in a very few words why I am against it.

In politics, a great rule ought to be to rule with the things which one _knows already_, and not to jump into something entirely new of which no one can do more _than guess the consequences._ The present Parliament has been elected at a moment most favourable to the present Administration after a most popular accession to the throne, everything new and fresh, and with the natural fondness of the great mass of people, a change is always popular; it was known that you were kindly disposed towards your Ministers, everything was therefore _à souhait_ for the election of a new Parliament. In this respect Ministers have nothing like the favourable circumstances which smiled upon them at the last general election. Feeling this, they raise a cry, which may become popular and embarrass their antagonists about _cheap_ bread! I do not think this is quite befitting their dignity; such things do for revolutionaries like Thiers, or my late Ministers.... If the thing rouses the people it may do serious mischief; if not, it will look awkward for the Ministers themselves. If you do not grant a dissolution to your present Ministers you would have, at the coming in of a new Administration, the right to tell them that they must go on with the present Parliament; and I have no doubt that they could do so. The statistics of the present House of Commons are well known to all the men who sit in it, and to keep it a few years longer would be a real advantage.

You know that I have been rather maltreated by the Tories, formerly to please George IV., and since I left the country, because I served, in their opinion, on the revolutionary side of the question. I must say, however, that for your service as well as for the quiet of the country, it would be good to give them a trial. If they could not remain in office it will make them quieter for some time. If by a dissolution the Conservative interest in the House is too much weakened the permanent interests of the country can but suffer from that. If, on the contrary, the Conservatives come in stronger, your position will not be very agreeable, and it may induce them to be perhaps less moderate than they ought to be. I should be very happy if you would discuss these, my _hasty_ views, with Lord Melbourne. I do not give them for more than what they are, mere _practical_ considerations; but, as far as I can judge of the question, if I was myself concerned I should have no dissolution; if even there was but the very _banale_ consideration, _qu'on sait ce qu'on a, mais qu'on ne sait nullement ce qu'on aura_. The moment is not without importance, and well worthy your earnest consideration, and I feel convinced that Lord Melbourne will agree with me, that, notwithstanding the great political good sense of the people in England, the machine is so complicated that it should be handled with great care and tenderness.

To conclude, I must add that perhaps a permanent duty on corn may be a desirable thing, but that it ought to be sufficiently high to serve as a real protection. It may besides produce this effect, that as it will be necessary, at least at first, to buy a good deal of the to be imported corn with _money_, the currency will be seriously affected by it. The countries which would have a chance of selling would be chiefly Poland in all its parts, Prussia, Austria, and Russia, the South of Russia on the Black Sea, and maybe Sicily. Germany does not grow a sufficient quantity of wheat to profit by such an arrangement; it will besides not buy more from England for the present than it does now, owing to the Zollverein,[49] which must first be altered. But I will not bore you too long, and conclude with my best love to little Victoria, of whom her Grandmama speaks with raptures. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 48: The Duchess of Kent had left England for a tour
on the Continent.]

[Footnote 49: After the fall of Napoleon, the hopes of many
Germans for a united national Germany were frustrated by
the Congress of Vienna, which perpetuated the practical
independence of a number of German States, as well as the
predominance within the Germanic confederation of Austria,
a Power largely non-German. One of the chief factors in the
subsequent unification of Germany was the Zollverein, or
Customs Union, by which North Germany was gradually bound
together by commercial interest, and thus opposed to Austria.
The success of this method of imperial integration has not
been without influence on the policies of other lands.]

[Pageheading: THE OPPOSITION ELATED]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

_WILTON CRESCENT, 5th June 1841._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the House divided about three this morning.

For Sir Robert Peel 312
Against 311
---
Majority 1

The Opposition were greatly elated by this triumph. Lord Stanley, and Sir Robert Peel who spoke last in the debate, did not deny that the Crown might exercise the prerogative of dissolution in the present case. But they insisted that no time should be lost in previous debates, especially on such a subject as the Corn Laws.

Lord John Russell spoke after Lord Stanley, and defended the whole policy of the Administration.

After the division he stated that he would on Monday propose the remaining estimates, and announce the course which he meant to pursue respecting the Corn Laws.

[Pageheading: MARRIAGE OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

_6th June 1841._

... Now, many thanks for two letters of the 31st ult. and 4th June. The former I shall not answer at length, as Albert has done so, and I think has given a very _fair_ view of the state of affairs. Let me only repeat to you again that you need not be alarmed, and that I think you will be pleased and _beruhigt_ when you talk to our friend Lord Melbourne on the subject...

I fear you will again see nothing of the Season, as Parliament will probably be dissolved by the 21st....

As to my letters, dear Uncle, I beg to _assure_ you (for Lord Palmerston was _most indignant_ at the doubt when I once asked) that _none_ of our letters nor any of those _coming_ to us, are ever opened at the Foreign Office. My letters to Brussels and Paris are _quite safe_, and all those to Germany, which are of any _real_ consequence, I always send through Rothschild, which is perfectly _safe_ and very quick.

We are, and so is _everybody here_, so charmed with Mme. Rachel;[50] she is perfect, _et puis_, such a nice modest girl; she is going to declaim at Windsor Castle on Monday evening.

Now adieu in haste. Believe me, always, your very devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

Really Leopold _must_ come, or I shall _never_ forgive you.

[Footnote 50: The young French actress, who made her _début_
in England on 4th May as Hermione in Racine's _Andromaque._
She was received with great enthusiasm.]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th June 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He is quite well, and has nothing particular to relate to your Majesty, at least nothing that presses; except that he is commissioned by Lord John Russell respectfully to acquaint your Majesty that his marriage is settled, and will take place shortly.

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._

Does Lord Melbourne _really_ mean J. Russell's _marriage_? and to whom?

[Pageheading: VISIT TO NUNEHAM]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

The Lady Fanny Eliot.[51] Lord Melbourne did not name her before, nor does not now, because he did not remember her Christian name.

[Footnote 51: Daughter of Lord Minto. Lord Melbourne
originally wrote _The Lady ---- Eliot_ at the head of his
letter (spelling the surname wrong, which should be Elliot).
The word "Fanny" is written in subsequently to the completion
of the letter.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

NUNEHAM,[52] _15th June 1841._

Affairs go on, and all will take some shape or other, but it keeps one in hot water all the time. In the meantime, however, the people are in the best possible humour, and I never was better received at Ascot, which is a great test, and also along the roads yesterday. This is a most lovely place; pleasure grounds in the style of Claremont, only much larger, and with the river Thames winding along beneath them, and Oxford in the distance; a beautiful flower and kitchen garden, and all kept up in perfect order. I followed Albert here, faithful to my word, and he is gone to Oxford[53] for the whole day, to my great grief. And here I am all alone in a strange house, with not even Lehzen as a companion, in Albert's absence, but I thought she and also Lord Gardner,[54] and some gentlemen should remain with little Victoria for the first time. But it is rather a trial for me.

I must take leave, and beg you to believe me always, your most devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 52: The house of Edward Vernon Harcourt, Archbishop
of York.]

[Footnote 53: To receive an address at Commemoration.]

[Footnote 54: Alan Legge, third and last Lord Gardner
(1810-1883) was one of the Queen's first Lords-in-Waiting.]

[Pageheading: THE PRINCE VISITS OXFORD]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _16th June 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has just received your Majesty's letter, and will wait upon your Majesty at half-past five. Lord Melbourne is sorry to hear that your Majesty has been at all indisposed. It will suit him much better to wait upon your Majesty at dinner to-morrow than to-day, as his hand shows some disposition to gather, and it may be well to take care of it.

Lord Melbourne is very glad to learn that everything went off well at Oxford. Lord Melbourne expected that the Duke of Sutherland[55] would not entirely escape a little public animadversion. Nothing can be more violent or outrageous than the conduct of the students of both Universities upon such occasions; the worst and lowest mobs of Westminster and London are very superior to them in decency and forbearance.

The Archbishop[56] is a very agreeable man; but he is not without cunning, and Lord Melbourne can easily understand his eagerness that the Queen should not prorogue Parliament in person. He knows that it will greatly assist the Tories. It is not true that it is universal for the Sovereign to go down upon such occasions. George III. went himself in 1784; he did not go in 1807, because he had been prevented from doing so by his infirmities for three years before. William IV. went down himself in 1830.[57]

Lord Melbourne sends a note which he has received from Lord Normanby upon this and another subject.

[Footnote 55: Who was, of course, associated with the Whig
Ministry.]

[Footnote 56: Archbishop Vernon Harcourt, of York, the Queen's
host.]

[Footnote 57: The Queen prorogued Parliament in person on 22nd
June.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th June 1841._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--A few lines I must write to you to express to you my _very great_ delight at the certainty, God willing, of seeing you all _three_ next week, and to express a hope, and a _great hope_, that you will try and arrive a little earlier on Wednesday.... I must again repeat I am so sorry you should come when Society is dispersed and at sixes and sevens, and in such a state that naturally I cannot at the moment of the elections invite many Tories, as that _tells_ so at the elections. But we shall try and do our best to make it as little dull as we can, and you will kindly take the will for the deed.

We came back from Nuneham yesterday afternoon. Albert came back at half-past five on Tuesday from Oxford, where he had been enthusiastically received, but the students ... had the bad taste to show their party feeling in groans and hisses when the name of a Whig was mentioned, which they ought not to have done in my husband's presence.

I must now conclude, begging you ever to believe me, your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

My Coiffeur will be quite at Louise's disposal, and he can _coiffer_ in any way she likes, if her dresser tells him how she wishes it.

[Pageheading: LORD BROUGHAM]

[Pageheading: LETTER FROM LORD BROUGHAM]

_Lord Brougham to Queen Victoria._[58]

GRAFTON STREET, _19th June 1841._

MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,--I crave leave humbly to approach your Majesty and to state in writing what I should have submitted to your Royal consideration at an Audience, because I conceive that this course will be attended with less inconvenience to your Majesty.

In the counsel which I ventured with great humility, but with an entire conviction of its soundness, to tender, I cannot be biassed by any personal interest, for I am not a candidate for office; nor by any Parliamentary interest, for I have no concern with elections; nor by any factious interest, for I am unconnected with party. My only motive is to discharge the duty which I owe to both the Crown and the country. Nor am I under the influence of any prejudice against your Majesty's servants or their measures; for I charge your Majesty's servants with nothing beyond an error, a great error, in judgment, and I entirely approve of the measures which they have lately propounded (with a single exception partially applicable to one of them), while I lament and disapprove of the time and manner of propounding them, both on account of the Government and of the measures themselves.

I feel myself, Madam, under the necessity of stating that the dissolution of the Parliament appears to me wholly without justification, either from principle or from policy. They who advise it must needs proceed upon the supposition that a majority will be returned favourable to the continuance of the present Administration and favourable to their lately announced policy. On no other ground is it possible that any such advice should be tendered to your Majesty. For no one could ever think of such a proceeding as advising the Crown to dissolve the Parliament in order to increase the force of the Opposition to its own future Ministers, thus perverting to the mere purposes of party the exercise of by far the most eminent of the Royal prerogatives; and I pass over as wholly unworthy of notice the only other supposition which can with any decency be made, when there is no conflict between the two Houses, namely, that of a dissolution in entire ignorance of the national opinion and for the purpose of ascertaining to which side it inclines. Your Majesty's advisers must, therefore, have believed, and they must still believe, that a majority will be returned favourable both to themselves and their late policy. I, on the other hand, have the most entire conviction that there will be a considerable majority against them, and against their policy a majority larger still, many of their supporters having already joined to swell that majority. Whoever examines the details of the case must be satisfied that the very best result which the Government can possibly hope for is a narrow majority against them--an event which must occasion a second dissolution by whatever Ministry may succeed to the confidence of your Majesty. But those best acquainted with the subject have no doubt at all that the majority will be much more considerable.

I beg leave, Madam, humbly to represent to your Majesty, in my own vindication for not having laid my opinion before your Majesty as soon as I returned from the Continent, that when I first heard of the course taken by the Government early in May, I formed the opinion which I now entertain, but conceived that I must have mistaken the facts upon which they were acting; and when I arrived twelve days ago I was confirmed in the belief (seeing the fixed resolution taken to dissolve) that I must have been under an erroneous impression as to the probable results of the elections. But I have since found ample reason for believing that my original conviction was perfectly well founded, and that no grounds whatever exist sufficient to make any one who considers the subject calmly, and without the bias of either interest or prejudice, really believe that this ill-fated proceeding can have any other result than lasting injury to your Majesty's service, to the progress of sound and just views of policy, and to the influence of those in whom the Crown and the country alike should repose confidence.

That a number of short-sighted persons whose judgments are warped by exclusive attention to a single subject, or by personal feelings, or by party views (and these narrow and erroneous), may have been loudly clamorous for the course apparently about to be pursued, is extremely possible, and affords no kind of excuse for it. Many of these will be the slowest to defend what they have so unfortunately called for; some will be among the first to condemn it when a manifest failure shall have taken place, and general discomfiture shall throw a few local successes into the shade.

My advice is humbly offered to your Majesty, as removed far above such confined and factious views; as the parent of all your people; as both bound and willing to watch over their true interests; and as charged by virtue of your exalted office with the preservation of the public peace, the furtherance of the prosperity, and the maintenance of the liberties of your subjects.

I am, with profound respect, Madam, your Majesty's faithful and dutiful Subject,

BROUGHAM.[59]

[Footnote 58: Mention has been made earlier of the resentment
which Brougham cherished against his late colleagues, after
his exclusion from the Whig Cabinet, and this letter, on the
proposal to dissolve Parliament, was, no doubt, prompted by
that feeling.]

[Footnote 59: Parliament, however, notwithstanding this
rescript of Lord Brougham, was dissolved, and the Ministry
went to the country with the cry of a fixed duty on corn, as
against a sliding scale, and they attacked, as monopolists, at
once the landowner, who enjoyed protection for his wheat,
and the West Indian proprietor, who profited by the duty on
foreign sugar. The Conservatives impugned the general
policy of the Whig Administration. The result, a majority of
seventy-six, was an even greater Conservative triumph than the
most sanguine of the party anticipated.--_See_ Introductory
Note, _ante_, p. 253. (Intro Note to Ch. X)]

[Pageheading: VISIT TO WOBURN]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WOBURN ABBEY, _27th July 1841._

Arrived here last night with the Prince and the Queen; this is now the second expedition (Nuneham being the first) which Her Majesty has taken, and on neither occasion has the Baroness accompanied us.

The Prince went yesterday through a review of the many steps he had made to his present position--all within eighteen months from the marriage. Those who intended to keep him from being useful to the Queen, from the fear that he might ambitiously touch upon her prerogatives, have been completely foiled; they thought they had prevented Her Majesty from yielding anything of importance to him by creating distrust through imaginary alarm. The Queen's good sense, however, has seen that the Prince has no other object in all he seeks but a means to Her Majesty's good. The Court from highest to lowest is brought to a proper sense of the position of the Queen's husband. The country has marked its confidence in his character by passing the Regency Bill _nem. con._ The Queen finds the value of an active right hand and able head to support her and to resort to for advice in time of need. Cabinet Ministers treat him with deference and respect. Arts and science look up to him as their especial patron, and they find this encouragement supported by a full knowledge of the details of every subject. The good and the wise look up to him with pride and gratitude as giving an example, so rarely shown in such a station, of leading a virtuous and religious life.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd August 1841._

... Our little tour was most successful, and we enjoyed it of all things; nothing could be more enthusiastic or affectionate than our reception _everywhere_, and I am happy to hear that our presence has left a favourable impression, which I think will be of great use. The loyalty in this country is certainly _very striking_. We enjoyed Panshanger[60] still more than Woburn; the country is quite beautiful, and the house so pretty and _wohnlich_; the picture-gallery and pictures very splendid. The Cowpers are such good people too. The visit to Brocket naturally interested us very much for our excellent Lord Melbourne's sake. The park and grounds are beautiful.

I can't admit the Duke of Bedford[61] ever was radical; God knows! I wish everybody now was a little so! What _is_ to come hangs over me like a baneful dream, as you will easily understand, and when I am often happy and merry, comes and damps it all![62]

But God's will be done! and it is for our best, we _must_ feel, though we can't feel it. I can't say _how_ much we think of our little visit to you, God willing, next year. You will kindly let our good old Grandmother[63] come there to see her dear Albert _once again_ before she dies, wouldn't you? And you would get the Nemours to come? And you would persuade the dear Queen[64] to come for a little while with Clémentine?

Now farewell! Believe me, always, your most devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 60: The house of Earl Cowper.]

[Footnote 61: The Duke, who had formerly been M.P. for
Bedfordshire, was inclined to go further in the direction of
Reform than Lord John, yet he applauded the latter's attitude
on the occasion of the speech which earned him the nickname of
"Finality Jack."]

[Footnote 62: Alluding to the Ministerial defeat at the
polls.]

[Footnote 63: The Dowager Duchess of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg.]

[Footnote 64: Marie Amélie, Queen of the French.]

[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE AND THE GARTER]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _7th August 1841._

I went to Lord Melbourne this morning in his room as he had desired me. He said: "The Prince has been urging me to accept the Blue Riband before I quit office, and I wished to tell you that I am very anxious that this should not be pressed upon me by the Queen; it may be a foolish weakness on my part, but I wish to quit office without having any honour conferred upon me; the Queen's confidence towards me is sufficiently known without any public mark of this nature. I have always disregarded these honours, and there would be an inconsistency in my accepting this. I feel it to be much better for my reputation that I should not have it forced upon me. Mr Pitt never accepted an order, and only the Cinque Ports on being pressed to do so. Lord Grenville accepted a peerage, but never any other honour or advantage, and I wish to be permitted to retire in like manner. If I was a poor man, I should have no hesitation in receiving money in the shape of place or pension; I _only don't wish_ for place, because I do not _want_ it."

In the course of conversation Lord Melbourne said that he considered it very improbable that he should ever again form a part of any Administration.

He did not think that a violent course was at all to be apprehended from Lord John Russell; he said Lord John had been far more of a "finality" man than he had, and in the Cabinet had always been averse to violent change. He added, "I think you are in error in forming the opinion which you have of him."

Lord Melbourne thought the Queen very much disliked being talked _at_ upon religion; she particularly disliked what Her Majesty termed a _Sunday face_, but yet that it was a subject far more thought of and reflected upon than was [thought to be?] the case.

[Pageheading: A DREADED MOMENT]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _15th August 1841._

... Lord Melbourne well knows the feeling which your Majesty describes. The expectation of an event which is dreaded and deprecated, and yet felt to be certain and imminent, presents itself continually to the mind and recurs at every moment, and particularly in moments of satisfaction and enjoyment. It is perhaps no consolation to be told that events of this nature are necessary and incidental to your Majesty's high situation, but Lord Melbourne anxiously hopes that the change, when it does take place, will not be found so grievous as your Majesty anticipates, and your Majesty may rely that Lord Melbourne will do everything in his power to reconcile it to your Majesty's feelings.

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _17th August 1841._

Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear of the Princess's tooth.

Lord Melbourne is much obliged to your Majesty for informing him about the mourning.

He is quite well and will be ready when your Majesty sends.

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd August 1841._