Chapter X (4)

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I begin my letter to-day, for fear I should have no time to write to-morrow. Your kind letter gave me great pleasure, and I must own your silence on all that was going on distressed me very much! It has been indeed a sad time for me, and I am still bewildered, and can't believe that my excellent Lord Melbourne is no longer my Minister, but he will be, as you say, and has _already_ proved himself, _very_ useful and _valuable_ as my friend out of office. He writes to me often, and I write to him, and he gives really the fairest and most impartial advice possible. But after seeing him for four years, with very few exceptions--_daily_--you may imagine that I _must_ feel the change; and the longer the time gets since we parted, the _more_ I feel it. _Eleven days_ was the _longest_ I ever was without seeing him, and this time will be elapsed on Saturday, so you may imagine what the change must be. I cannot say what a comfort and support my beloved Angel is to me, and how well and how kindly and properly he behaves. I cannot resist copying for you what Lord Melbourne wrote to me about Albert, the evening after we parted; he has already praised him greatly to me, before he took leave of me. It is as follows:

"Lord Melbourne cannot satisfy himself without again stating to your Majesty in writing what he had the honour of saying to your Majesty respecting H.R.H. the Prince. Lord Melbourne has formed the highest opinion of H.R.H.'s judgment, temper, and discretion, and he cannot but feel a great consolation and security in the reflection that he leaves your Majesty in a situation in which your Majesty has the inestimable advantage of such advice and assistance. Lord Melbourne feels certain that your Majesty cannot do better than have recourse to it, whenever it is needed, and rely upon it with confidence."

This naturally gave me great pleasure, and made me very proud, as it comes from a person who is no flatterer, and would not have said it if he did not think so, or feel so. The new Cabinet you have by this time seen in the papers.

The Household (of which I send you a list) is well constituted--_for Tories_.

Lord Aberdeen has written to me to say Bourqueney has announced Ste Aulaire[90] as Ambassador. This is very well, but let me beg you, for decency's sake, to stop his coming immediately; if _even not meant_ to, it would have the effect of their sending an ambassador the moment the Government changed, which would be too marked, and most _offensive personally_ to _me_. Indeed Guizot behaved very badly about refusing to sign the Slave Trade Treaty[91] which they had so long ago settled to do; it is unwise and foolish to irritate the late Government who may so easily come in again; for Palmerston will _not_ forgive nor _forget_ offences, and then France would be worse off than before, with England. I therefore _beg_ you to stop Ste Aulaire for a little while, else _I_ shall feel it a great personal offence.

_9th._--I have had a letter from Lord Melbourne to-day, who is much gratified by yours to him.... Now adieu! Believe me, always, your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 90: See _post_, p. 334. (Ch. X, 1st October, 1841)]

[Footnote 91: A treaty on the subject was signed in London,
on 20th December, between Great Britain, France, Austria,
Prussia, and Russia.]

[Pageheading: QUEEN ADELAIDE]

_Queen Adelaide to Queen Victoria._

SUDBURY HALL, _8th September 1841._

MY DEAREST NIECE,--I have not ventured to disturb you with a letter since we parted, knowing how fully your time was employed with business of importance. I cannot any longer now refrain to enquire after you, after all you have gone through lately, and I must congratulate you with all my heart on having so well completed your difficult task.

There is but one voice of praise, I hear, of your perfect composure and beautiful conduct during the trying scenes of last week. It has gratified me more than I can express, for I had fully expected it of you, and it has made me very happy to find that it has been generally remarked and has given so much satisfaction. Everybody feels deeply for you, and the devotion and zeal in your service is redoubled by the interest your trying position has evoked. May our Heavenly Father support and guide you always as hitherto, is my constant prayer!

I hope that the selection of your Government is to your own satisfaction, and though the change must have been trying to you, I trust that you will have perfect confidence in the able men who form your Council. Our beloved late King's anxious wishes to see Wellington and Peel again at the head of the Administration is now fulfilled. His blessing rests upon you.

Excuse my having touched upon this subject, but I could not keep silent whilst the heart is so full of earnest good wishes for your and the country's prosperity.

I hope that an article of the newspapers, of the indisposition of your darling child, is not true, and that she is quite well. God bless and protect her!...

I am much amused with reading your Life by Miss Strickland,[92] which, though full of errors, is earnest on the whole, and very interesting to _me_. However, I wish she would correct the gross errors which otherwise will go down to posterity. She ought to have taken first better information before she published her work....

With my affectionate love to dear Prince Albert, believe me ever, my dearest Niece, your most devoted and affectionate Aunt,

ADELAIDE.

[Footnote 92: Miss Agnes Strickland (1808-1874), who also
edited _Letters of Mary Queen of Scots_, etc.]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

CLAREMONT, _9th September 1841._

The Ministerial arrangements are now nearly completed. Writs for new elections moved last night.

Wrote to Sir Robert, telling him the Queen ought to have heard from him respecting the adjournment of the House of Commons, instead of seeing it first in the public papers. Told him also of its being the Queen's wish that a short report of the debates in each House should always be sent to Her Majesty, from him in the Commons and from the Duke of Wellington in the Lords.

The Queen had a letter to-day from the Queen Dowager, which was kindly meant, but which made Her Majesty rather angry, complimenting Her Majesty on the good grace with which she had changed her Government, and saying that the late King's blessing rested upon her for calling the Duke of Wellington and Peel to her Councils, etc....

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN CRITICISES APPOINTMENTS]

_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

_9th September 1841._

The Queen takes this opportunity of writing to Sir Robert Peel _confidentially_ about another person: this is about Lord ----. The Queen is strongly of opinion that Lord ---- should _not_ be employed in any post of importance, as his being so would, in her opinion, be detrimental to the interests of the country. The Queen wishes Sir Robert to state this to Lord Aberdeen as her opinion. The Queen is certain that Sir Robert will take care that it should not be known generally that this is her opinion, for she is always most anxious to avoid anything that might appear personal towards anybody. The Queen cannot refrain from saying that she cannot quite approve of Sir Charles Bagot's appointment,[93] as from what she has heard of his qualities she does not think that they are of a character quite to suit in the arduous and difficult position in which he will be placed. At the same time the Queen does not mean to object to his appointment (for she has already formally approved of it), but she feels it her duty to state frankly and at all times her opinion, as she begs Sir Robert also to do unreservedly to her. For the future, it appears to the Queen that it would be best in all appointments of such importance that before a direct communication was entered into with the individual intended to be proposed, that the Queen should be informed of it, so that she might talk to her Ministers fully about it; not because it is likely that she would object to the appointment, but merely that she might have time to be acquainted with the qualities and abilities of the person. The Queen has stated this thus freely to Sir Robert as she feels certain that he will understand and appreciate the motives which prompt her to do so. The Queen would wish the Council to be at two on Tuesday, and she begs Sir Robert would inform her which of the Ministers besides him will attend.

[Footnote 93: As Governor-General of Canada.]

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

_9th September 1841._

... Sir Robert Peel will have the honour of writing to your Majesty to-morrow on the subjects adverted to in the note which he has just received from your Majesty.

He begs for the present to assure your Majesty that he shall consider every communication which your Majesty may be pleased to address to him in reference to the personal merits or disqualifications of individuals as of a most confidential character.

[Pageheading: PEEL APOLOGISES]

_Sir Robert Peel to Mr Anson._

WHITEHALL, _10th September 1841._

MY DEAR SIR,--I am sorry if I have failed to make any communication to Her Majesty respecting public matters, which Her Majesty has been in the habit of receiving, or which she would have wished to receive.

Having been occupied in the execution of the important trust committed to me not less than sixteen or eighteen hours of the twenty-four for several days past, it may be that I have made some omissions in this respect, which under other circumstances I might have avoided. I did not think Her Majesty would wish to be informed of the issue of writs, necessarily following the appointments to certain offices, of all which Her Majesty had approved. I certainly ought to have written to Her Majesty previously to the adjournment of the House of Commons until Thursday the _16th of September_. It was an inadvertent omission on my part, amid the mass of business which I have had to transact, and I have little doubt that if I had been in Parliament I should have avoided it.

The circumstances of my having vacated my seat, and of having thus been compelled to leave to others the duty of proposing the adjournment of the House, was one cause of my inadvertence.

Both the Duke of Wellington and I fully intended to make a report to Her Majesty after the close of the Parliamentary business of each day, and will do so without fail on the reassembling of Parliament.

I am, my dear Sir, very faithfully yours,

ROBERT PEEL.

[Pageheading: DIPLOMATIC APPOINTMENTS]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _10th September 1841._

... Lord Melbourne has no doubt that Sir Robert Peel has the most anxious wish to do everything that can be agreeable to your Majesty.

Your Majesty should not omit to speak fully and seriously to him upon the disposal of great appointments. Their Diplomatic Corps, from which Ambassadors and Governors are generally taken, is the weakest part of their establishment. They have amongst them men of moderate abilities and of doubtful integrity, who yet have held high offices and have strong claims upon them. The public service may suffer most essentially by the employment of such men. Lord Melbourne would say to Peel that "affairs depend more upon the hands to which they are entrusted than upon any other cause, and that you hope he will well consider those whose appointment to high and important situations he sanctions, and that he will not suffer claims of connection or of support to overbalance a due regard for your Majesty's service and the welfare of the country." Such an expression of your Majesty's opinion may possibly be a support to Sir Robert Peel against pretensions which he would be otherwise unable to resist; but this is entirely submitted to your Majesty's judgment, seeing that your Majesty, from an exact knowledge of all that is passing, must be able to form a much more correct opinion of the propriety and discretion of any step than Lord Melbourne can do....

Lord Melbourne has a letter from Lord John Russell, rather eager for active opposition; but Lord Melbourne will write to your Majesty more fully upon these subjects from Woburn.

[Pageheading: CANADA]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

WOBURN ABBEY, _12th September 1841._

Lord Melbourne has this morning received your Majesty's letter of yesterday. Lord Melbourne entirely agrees with your Majesty about appointments. He knows, as your Majesty does from experience, that with all the claims which there are to satisfy, with all the prejudices which are to be encountered, and with all the interests which require to be reconciled, it is impossible to select the best men, or even always those properly qualified. He is the last man who would wish that a Minister who has the whole machine of the Government before him should be necessarily thwarted or interfered with in the selection of those whom he may be desirous to employ. Lord Melbourne would therefore by no means advise your Majesty to throw difficulty in the way of the diplomatic arrangements which may be proposed, unless there should be in them anything manifestly and glaringly bad. The nomination of Lord ---- would have been so, but otherwise it cannot very greatly signify who is the Ambassador at Vienna, or even at Petersburg or Paris. Stuart de Rothesay[94] and Strangford[95] are not good men, either of them, but it will be difficult for Lord Aberdeen to neglect their claims altogether. Heytesbury[96] is an able man, the best they have. Sir Robert Gordon[97] is an honest man, slow but not illiberal. It would be well if your Majesty showed Lord Aberdeen that you know these men, and have an opinion upon the subject of them.

Canada is another matter. It is a most difficult and most hazardous task. There has been recent rebellion in the country. A new Constitution has lately been imposed upon it by Parliament. The two Provinces have been united, and the united Province is bordered by a most hostile and uncontrollable community, the United States of North America. To govern such a country at such a moment requires a man of great abilities, a man experienced and practical in the management of popular assemblies.... It is possible that matters may go smoothly there, and that if difficulties do arise Sir C. Bagot may prove more equal to them than from his general knowledge of his character Lord Melbourne would judge him to be....

Upon the subject of diplomatic appointments Lord Melbourne has forgotten to make one general observation which he thinks of importance. Upon a change of Government a very great and sudden change of all or many of the Ministers at Foreign Courts is an evil and to be avoided, inasmuch as it induces an idea of a general change of policy, and disturbs everything that has been settled. George III. always set his face against and discouraged such numerous removals as tending to shake confidence abroad in the Government of England generally and to give it a character of uncertainty and instability. It would be well if your Majesty could make this remark to Lord Aberdeen.

[Footnote 94: The new Ambassador to St Petersburg.]

[Footnote 95: Percy, sixth Viscount Strangford (1780-1855),
formerly Ambassador to Constantinople, whom Byron described as

"Hibernian Strangford, with thine eyes of blue,
And boasted locks of red or auburn hue."]

[Footnote 96: See _post_, p. 329. (Ch. X, 19th September, 1841)]

[Footnote 97: The new Ambassador to Vienna.]

[Pageheading: INDIA AND AFGHANISTAN]

[Pageheading: LORD ELLENBOROUGH'S REPORT]

[Pageheading: INDIAN FINANCES]

_Lord Ellenborough[98] to Queen Victoria._

Lord Ellenborough presents his most humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly acquaints your Majesty that having, on the morning after the Council held at Claremont on the third of this month, requested the clerks of the India Board to put him in possession of the latest information with respect to the Political, Military, and Financial affairs of India, he ascertained that on the 4th of June instructions had been addressed to the Governor-General of India in Council in the following terms:--"We direct that unless circumstances now unknown to us should induce you to adopt a different course, an adequate force be advanced upon Herat, and that that city and its dependencies may be occupied by our troops, and dispositions made for annexing them to the kingdom of Cabul."[99]

The last letters from Calcutta, dated the 9th of July, did not intimate any intention on the part of the Governor-General in Council of directing any hostile movement against Herat, and the Governor-General himself having always evinced much reluctance to extend the operations of the army to that city, it seemed almost probable that the execution of the orders of the 4th of June would have been suspended until further communication could be had with the Home Authorities.

Nevertheless, in a matter of so much moment it did not appear to be prudent to leave anything to probability, and at Lord Ellenborough's instance your Majesty's confidential servants came to the conclusion that no time should be lost in addressing to the Governor-General in Council a letter in the following terms--such letter being sent, as your Majesty must be aware, not directly by the Commissioners for the Affairs of India, but, as the Act of Parliament prescribes in affairs requiring secrecy, by their direction through and in the name of the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors:--

"From the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors of the East India Company to the Governor-General of India in Council.

"Her Majesty having been pleased to form a new Administration, we think it expedient that no step should be taken with respect to Herat which would have the effect of compelling the prosecution of a specific line of Policy in the countries beyond the Indus, until the new Ministers shall have had time to take the subject into their deliberate consideration, and to communicate to us their opinions thereupon.

"We therefore direct that, unless you should have already taken measures in pursuance of our Instructions of the 4th of June 1841--which commit the honour of your Government to the prosecution of the line of Policy which we thereby ordered you to adopt, or which could not be arrested without prejudice to the Public interests, or danger to the troops employed--you will consider those Instructions to be suspended.

"We shall not fail to communicate to you at an early period our fixed decision upon this subject."

It was not possible to bring this subject before your Majesty's confidential servants before the afternoon of Saturday the 4th. The mail for India, which should have been despatched on the 1st, had been detained till Monday the 6th by the direction of your Majesty's late Ministers, in order to enable your Majesty's present servants to transmit to India and China any orders which it might seem to them to be expedient to issue forthwith. Further delay would have been productive of much mercantile inconvenience, and in India probably of much alarm. In this emergency your Majesty's Ministers thought that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to approve of their exercising at once the power of directing the immediate transmission to India of these Instructions.

Your Majesty must have had frequently before you strong proofs of the deep interest taken by Russia in the affairs of Herat, and your Majesty cannot but be sensible of the difficulty of maintaining in Europe that good understanding with Russia which has such an important bearing upon the general peace, if serious differences should exist between your Majesty and that Power with respect to the States of Central Asia.

But even if the annexation of Herat to the kingdom of Cabul were not to have the effect of endangering the continuance of the good understanding between your Majesty and Russia, still your Majesty will not have failed to observe that the further advance of your Majesty's forces 360 miles into the interior of Central Asia for the purpose of effecting that annexation, could not but render more difficult of accomplishment the original intention of your Majesty, publicly announced to the world, of withdrawing your Majesty's troops from Afghanistan as soon as Shah Sooja should be firmly established upon the throne he owes to your Majesty's aid.

These considerations alone would have led Lord Ellenborough to desire that the execution of the orders given on the 4th of June should at least be delayed until your Majesty's confidential servants had had time to consider maturely the Policy which it might be their duty to advise your Majesty to sanction with respect to the countries on the right bank of the Indus; but financial considerations strengthened this desire, and seemed to render it an imperative duty to endeavour to obtain time for mature reflection before any step should be taken which might seriously affect the tranquillity of Europe, and must necessarily have disastrous effects upon the Administration of India.

It appeared that the political and military charges now incurred beyond the Indus amounted to £1,250,000 a year--that the estimate of the expense of the additions made to the Army in India, since April 1838, was £1,138,750 a year, and that the deficit of Indian Revenue in 1839-40 having been £2,425,625, a further deficit of £1,987,000 was expected in 1840-41.

Your Majesty must be too well informed of the many evils consequent upon financial embarrassment, and entertains too deep a natural affection for all your Majesty's subjects, not to desire that in whatever advice your Majesty's confidential servants may tender to your Majesty with respect to the Policy to be observed in Afghanistan, they should have especial regard to the effect which the protracted continuance of military operations in that country, still more any extension of them to a new and distant field, would have upon the Finances of India, and thereby upon the welfare of eighty millions of people who there acknowledge your Majesty's rule.

[Footnote 98: President of the Board of Control.]

[Footnote 99: For the progress of affairs in Afghanistan,
_see_ Introductory Notes for 1839-1842.
(to Ch. VIII; Ch. IX; Ch. X; Ch. XI)]

_Queen Victoria to Lord Ellenborough._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _19th September 1841._

The Queen thanks Lord Ellenborough for this clear and interesting Memorandum he has sent. It seems to the Queen that the course intended to be pursued--namely to take time to consider the affairs of India without making any precipitate change in the Policy hitherto pursued, and without involving the country hastily in expenses, is far the best and safest.

[Pageheading: DIPLOMATIC APPOINTMENTS]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _19th September 1841._

In the conversation that the Queen had with Lord Aberdeen last week, she omitted mentioning two persons to him. The one is Lord Heytesbury; the Queen believes him to be a very able man, and would it not therefore be a good thing to employ him in some important mission? The other person is Mr Aston, who is at Madrid; the Queen hopes it may be possible to leave him there, for she thinks that he acted with great discretion, prudence, and moderation since he has been there, and the post is one of considerable importance. He was, the Queen believes, long Secretary to the Legation at Paris.

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _21st September 1841._

Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty....

Lord Aberdeen has seen the favourable opinion which your Majesty has been graciously pleased to express of Lord Heytesbury, and he humbly presumes to think that this honour is not unmerited. The situation of Governor-General of India has recently been proposed by Sir Robert Peel for Lord Heytesbury's acceptance, which has been declined by him, and it is understood that Lord Heytesbury is not at present desirous of public employment.[100]

Your Majesty's servants have not yet fully considered the propriety of submitting to your Majesty any proposal of a change in the Spanish Mission; but the opinion which your Majesty has been pleased to signify respecting the conduct of Mr Aston at Madrid appears, in the humble judgment of Lord Aberdeen, to be fully confirmed by the correspondence in this Office.

Lord Aberdeen would, however, venture humbly to mention that the person filling this Mission has usually been replaced on a change of the Administration at home. Should this be the case in the present instance, Lord Aberdeen begs to assure your Majesty that the greatest care will be taken to select an individual for your Majesty's approbation who may be qualified to carry into effect the wise, just, and moderate policy which your Majesty has been graciously pleased to recognise in the conduct of Mr Aston.

[Footnote 100: He was made Governor and Captain of the Isle of
Wight, and Governor of Carisbrooke Castle.]

[Pageheading: MELBOURNE AND PEEL]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

ROYAL LODGE, _21st September 1841._

Saw Baron Stockmar this morning at the Castle, and had a good deal of conversation with him on various matters. He is very apprehensive that evil will spring out of the correspondence now carried on between the Queen and Lord Melbourne. He thinks it is productive of the greatest possible danger, and especially to Lord Melbourne; he thought no Government could stand such undermining influence. I might tell this to Lord Melbourne, and say that if he was totally disconnected from his Party, instead of being the acknowledged head, there would not be the same objection. He said, Remind Lord Melbourne of the time immediately after the Queen's accession, when he had promised the King of the Belgians to write to him from time to time an account of all that was going on in this country; and upon Lord Melbourne telling him of this promise, he replied, This will not do. It cannot be kept a secret that you keep up this correspondence, and jealousy and distrust will be the fruit of a knowledge of it. "Leave it to me," he said, "to arrange with the King; you cease to write, and I will put it straight with the King."

The Baron seemed to expect Lord Melbourne to draw the inference from this that a correspondence between Lord Melbourne and the Queen was fraught with the same danger, and would, when known, be followed by distrust and jealousy on the part of Sir Robert Peel. I said I reconciled it to myself because I felt that it had been productive of much good and no harm--and that, feeling that it was conducted on such honourable terms, I should not, if it were necessary, scruple to acquaint Sir Robert Peel of its existence. The Baron said, "Ask Lord Melbourne whether he would object to it." He said Peel, when he heard it, would not, on the first impression, at all approve of it; but prudence and caution would be immediately summoned to his aid, and he would see that it was his policy to play the generous part--and would say he felt all was honourably intended, and he had no objection to offer--"but," said the Baron, "look to the result. Distrust, being implanted from the first, whenever the first misunderstanding arose, or things took a wrong turn, all would, in Peel's mind, be immediately attributed to this cause."

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th September 1841._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have already thanked you for your two kind letters, but I did not wish to answer them but by a Messenger. I feel thankful for your praise of my conduct; all is going on well, but it would be needless to attempt to deny that I _feel_ the _change_, and I own I am much happier when I need _not_ see the Ministers; luckily they do not want to see me often. I feel much the King's kindness about Ste Aulaire;[101] I shall see him here on Tuesday next.

I return you our excellent friend Melbourne's letter, which I had already seen, as he sent it me to read, and then seal and send. I miss him much, but I often hear from him, which is a great pleasure to me. It is a great satisfaction to us to have Stockmar here; he is a great resource, and is now in excellent spirits.

Mamma is, I suppose, with you now, and we may expect her here either next Thursday or Friday. How much she will have to tell us! I am very grateful for what you say of Claremont, which could so easily be made perfect; and I must say we enjoy ourselves there always _particulièrement_.... Albert begs me to make you his excuses for not writing, but I can bear testimony that he really has not time to-day. And now _addio!_ dearest Uncle, and pray believe me, always, your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 101: See _post_, p. 334. (Ch. X, 1st October, 1841)]

[Pageheading: FINE ARTS COMMISSION]

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

_26th September 1841._

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to be permitted to submit for your Majesty's consideration a suggestion which has occurred to Sir Robert Peel, and which has reference to the communication which he recently addressed to your Majesty on the subject of the promotion of the Fine Arts in connection with the building of the new Houses of Parliament.

Sir Robert Peel would humbly enquire from your Majesty whether (in the event of your Majesty's being graciously pleased to approve of the appointment of a Royal Commission for the further investigation and consideration of a subject of such deep importance and interest to the encouragement of art in this country) your Majesty would deem it desirable that the Prince should be invited in the name of your Majesty to place himself at the head of this Commission, and to give to it the authority and influence of his high name, and the advantage of his taste and knowledge.

Sir Robert Peel will not of course mention this subject to any one, until he has had the honour of receiving from your Majesty an intimation of your Majesty's opinions and wishes on this subject.

[Pageheading: DIPLOMATIC APPOINTMENTS]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _28th September 1841._

... The diplomatic appointments are as well as they could be made. At least Lord Melbourne thinks so--at least as much in consequence of those whom they exclude, as of those whom they admit. The Duke of Beaufort will do better for Petersburg than for Vienna. He is hardly equal to the place, which requires a clever man, it being more difficult to get information there, and to find out what is going on, than in any other country in Europe.... But Lord Melbourne does not much regard this, and the Duke of Beaufort possesses one advantage, which is of the greatest importance in that country. He is a soldier, was the Duke of Wellington's Aide-de-Camp, and served during much of the Peninsular War. He will therefore be able to accompany the Emperor to reviews, and to talk with him about troops and man[oe]uvres. Sir Robert Gordon and Sir S. Canning will do very well.[102]

Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear that your Majesty was pleased and impressed with Archdeacon Wilberforce's[103] sermon and his manner of delivering it. Lord Melbourne has never seen nor heard him. His father had as beautiful and touching a voice as ever was heard. It was very fine in itself. He spoiled it a little by giving it a methodistical and precatory intonation.

Hayter has been to Lord Melbourne to-day to press him to sit to him, which he will do as soon as he has done with Chantrey. Chantrey says that all Lord Melbourne's face is very easy except the mouth. The mouth, he says, is always the most difficult feature, and he can rarely satisfy himself with the delineation of any mouth, but Lord Melbourne's is so flexible and changeable that it is almost impossible to catch it.

[Footnote 102: For Vienna and Constantinople.]

[Footnote 103: Samuel, son of William Wilberforce, at this
date Archdeacon of Surrey, and chaplain to Prince Albert;
afterwards, in 1844, appointed Bishop of Oxford, and
eventually translated to the See of Winchester.]

[Pageheading: MELBOURNE'S ADVICE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _1st October 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He received your Majesty's letter yesterday evening, and cannot express to your Majesty how much obliged he feels by your Majesty's taking the trouble to give him so much information upon so many points. Ste Aulaire's hair-powder seems to make a very deep and general impression.[104] Everybody talks about it. "He appears to be very amiable and agreeable," everybody says, but then adds, "I never saw a man wear so much powder." A head so whitened with flour is quite a novelty and a prodigy in these times. Lord Melbourne has not yet seen him, but means to call upon him immediately. Lord Melbourne is upon the whole glad that the Duke of Beaufort has declined St Petersburg. It is an appointment that might have been acquiesced in, but would not have been approved. Bulwer[105] will not be a bad choice to accompany Sir Charles[106] to Canada. Your Majesty knows Bulwer well. He is clever, keen, active; somewhat bitter and caustic, and rather suspicious. A man of a more straightforward character would have done better, but it would be easy to have found many who would have done worse. Lord Melbourne is very glad that it has been offered to the Prince to be at the head of this Commission, and that His Royal Highness has accepted it. It is an easy, unexceptionable manner of seeing and becoming acquainted with a great many people, and of observing the mode of transacting business in this country. The Commission itself will be a scene of very considerable difference of opinion. Lord Melbourne is for decorating the interior of the Houses of Parliament, if it be right to do so, but he is not for doing it, whether right or wrong, for the purpose of spending the public money in the encouragement of the Fine Arts. Whether it is to be painting or sculpture, or both; if painting, what sort of painting, what are to be the subjects chosen, and who are to be the artists employed? All these questions furnish ample food for discussion, difference, and dispute. Chantrey says fresco will never do; it stands ill in every climate, will never stand long in this, even in the interior of a building, and in a public work such as this is, durability is the first object to be aimed at. He says that there is in the Vatican a compartment of which the middle portion has been painted by Giulio Romano[107] in fresco, and at each of the ends there is a figure painted by Raphael in oil. The fresco painting has been so often repaired in consequence of decay, that not a vestige of the original work remains; while the two figures painted by Raphael in oil still stand out in all their original freshness, and even improved from what they were when first executed....

Lord Melbourne dined and slept on Wednesday at Wimbledon.[108] He met there Lord and Lady Cottenham, Lord[109] and Lady Langdale, Lord Glenelg and his brother, Mr Wm. Grant, who was his private secretary, and is an amusing man. Lord Melbourne is going there again to-morrow to stay until Monday. The place is beautiful; it is not like Claremont, but it is quite of the same character, and always puts Lord Melbourne in mind of it. The Duchess has many merits, but amongst them is the not small one of having one of the best cooks in England.

[Footnote 104: Madame de Lieven wrote to Aberdeen, 12th
September 1841: "Ne jugez pas cet Ambassadeur par son
exterieur; il personnifie un peu les Marquis de Molière....
Passez-lui ses cheveux poudrés, son air galant et papillon
auprès des femmes. He cannot help it."]

[Footnote 105: Sir Henry Bulwer, afterwards Lord Dalling.]

[Footnote 106: Sir Charles Bagot.]

[Footnote 107: He was a pupil of Raphael, celebrated for
(among other works) his "Fall of the Titans."]

[Footnote 108: The word is almost illegible. Wimbledon was at
that time in the occupation of the Duke of Somerset.]

[Footnote 109: Master of the Rolls.]

[Pageheading: PEERS AND AUDIENCES]

_Sir James Graham to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _2nd October 1841._

Sir James Graham with humble duty begs to lay before your Majesty two letters, which he has received from the Earl of Radnor,[110] together with the copy of the answer which Sir James Graham returned to the first of the two letters.

If the presentation of Petitions were the sole subject of the Audience, it might be needless to impose on your Majesty the trouble incident to this mode of receiving them, since they might be transmitted through the accustomed channel of one of the Secretaries of State; but Sir James Graham infers from a conversation which, since the receipt of the letters he has had with Lord Radnor, that the Audience is asked in exercise of a right claimed by Peers of the Realm.

The existence of this right is not recognised by Statute; but it rests in ancient usage, and is noticed by Judge Blackstone in his Commentaries on the Laws of England in the following terms:--

"It is usually looked upon to be the right of each particular Peer of the Realm to demand an Audience of the King, and to lay before him, with decency and respect, such matters as he shall judge of importance to the public weal."

The general practice on the part of the Sovereign has been not to refuse these Audiences when Peers have asked them....

The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's dutiful Subject and Servant,

J. R. G. GRAHAM.

[Footnote 110: William, third Earl, formerly M.P. for
Salisbury.]

_Queen Victoria to Sir James Graham._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd October 1841._

The Queen has received Sir James Graham's communication with the enclosures. She thinks that it would be extremely inconvenient if Audiences were to be granted to Peers for the purpose of presenting Petitions or Addresses. The Queen knows that it has always been considered a sort of right of theirs to ask for and receive an Audience of the King or Queen. But the Queen knows that upon several occasions Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell wrote to the Peers who requested Audiences, stating that it would be very inconvenient for the Queen, particularly in the country, and that they had better either put off asking for it, till the Queen came to town, or send what they had to say; communicate in writing--which was complied with. If, therefore, Sir James Graham would state this to Lord Radnor, he may probably give up pressing for an Audience. Should he, however, urge his wish very strongly, the Queen will see him in the manner proposed by Sir James. The Queen would wish to hear from Sir James again before she gives a final answer.

[Pageheading: THE CHINESE CAMPAIGN]

_Lord Ellenborough to Queen Victoria._

INDIA BOARD, _2nd October 1841._

Lord Ellenborough, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, humbly acquaints your Majesty that your Majesty's Ministers, taking into consideration the smallness of the force with which the campaign in China was commenced this year, and the advanced period of the season at which the reinforcements would arrive (which reinforcements would not so raise the strength of the Army as to afford any reasonable expectation that its operations will produce during the present year any decisive results), have deemed it expedient that instructions would be at once issued to the Indian Government with a view to the making of timely preparations for the campaign of 1842.[111]

Your Majesty's Ministers are of opinion that the War with China should be conducted on an enlarged scale, and the Indian Government will be directed to have all their disposable military and naval force at Singapore in April, so that the operations may commence at the earliest period which the season allows.

Lord Ellenborough cannot but entertain a sanguine expectation that that force so commencing its operations, and directed upon a point where it will intercept the principal internal communication of the Chinese Empire, will finally compel the Chinese Government to accede to terms of Peace honourable to your Majesty, and affording future security to the trade of your Majesty's subjects.

[Footnote 111: Ningpo was taken by Sir Hugh Gough on 13th
October 1841, and no further operations took place till the
spring of the following year. _See_ Introductory Note, _ante_,
p. 254. (Intro Note to Ch. X)]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd October 1841._

Sat by the Queen last night at dinner. Her Majesty alluded to Sir Robert Peel's awkward manner, which she felt she could not get over. I asked if Her Majesty had yet made any effort, which I was good-humouredly assured Her Majesty "thought she really had done."

Sir Robert's ignorance of character was most striking and unaccountable; feeling this, made it difficult for Her Majesty to place reliance upon his judgment in recommendations.

[Pageheading: ENGLISH AND FOREIGN ARTISTS]

[Pageheading: SIR FRANCIS CHANTREY]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _4th October 1811._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He had the honour of receiving your Majesty's letter of the 2nd inst. yesterday, at Wimbledon. If Lord Melbourne should hear of anything of what your Majesty asks respecting the impression made upon Sir Robert and Lady Peel, he will take care and inform your Majesty, but, of course, they will speak very favourably, and if they feel otherwise will not breathe it except in the most secret and confidential manner.

Lord Melbourne is very much rejoiced to hear that the Duchess of Kent arrived safe and well and in good spirits.

Lord Melbourne sat to Sir F. Chantrey on Saturday last. He will, Lord Melbourne believes, require only one more sitting, which he wishes to be at the distance of a week from the last, in order that he may take a fresh view of the bust, and not become reconciled to its imperfections by continually looking at it. It may give the Prince some idea of the national feeling which prevails here, when he is told that Lord Melbourne upon asking Sir F. Chantrey what ought to be done if foreign artists were employed to paint the Houses of Parliament, received from him the following answer: "Why, their heads ought to be broke and they driven out of the country, and, old as I am, I should like to lend a hand for that purpose."

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _5th October 1841._

... Lord Melbourne, by telling your Majesty what Sir Francis Chantrey said respecting foreign artists, and by requesting your Majesty to repeat it to the Prince, by no means intended to imply that there was any disposition on the part of His Royal Highness to recommend the employment of foreigners. He only meant to convey the idea of the strength of the prejudice which is felt by enlightened and able men upon the subject. Lord Melbourne has been sitting this morning to Hayter for the picture of the marriage, and he (Hayter) held an entirely contrary language. His tone is: "If foreign artists are more capable than English, let them be employed. All I require is that the work should be done as well as it can be." The English are certainly very jealous of foreigners, and so, Lord Melbourne apprehends, are the rest of mankind, but not knowing himself any nation except the English, he cannot venture to make positively that assertion. Lord Melbourne has been reading the evidence given before the committee of the House of Commons upon this subject. It is well worth attention, particularly Mr Eastlake's,[112] which appears to Lord Melbourne to be very enlightened, dispassionate, and just....

[Footnote 112: Afterwards Sir Charles Eastlake, Keeper of the
National Gallery, 1843-1847, President of the Royal Academy,
1850-1865.]

[Pageheading: THE PRINCE'S GRANT]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _6th October 1841._

Sat by Her Majesty last night at dinner.

The Queen had written to Lord Melbourne about coming to the Castle, but in his answer he had made no allusion to it; she did not know whether this was accidental or intentional, for he very often gave no answer to questions which were put.

I told Her Majesty that I feared he had raised an obstacle to his visit by making a strong speech against the Government just at the time he was thinking of coming. That this attack had identified him as the leader of his Party, at a moment when I had been most anxious that he should abstain from taking an active part, and by withdrawing himself from politics he would enable himself to become the more useful friend to Her Majesty. The Queen had not seen the speech, was sorry he had felt himself obliged to make it, but it would be difficult for him to avoid it after having been so long Prime Minister.

Her Majesty told me that previous to the exit of the late Government, Lord John had earnestly cautioned Her Majesty not to propose any new grant of money, as it would in the case of £70,000 for the new stables, however unfairly, bring great unpopularity upon the Queen. I said in regard to any increase to the Prince's annuity, I thought it would be very imprudent in him to think of it, except under very peculiar circumstances which might arise, but which could not yet be foreseen. The Queen said that _nothing_ should induce Her Majesty to accept such a favour from these Ministers. Peel probably now regretted his opposition to the grant, but it was, and was intended to be, a personal insult to herself, and it was followed up [by] opposition to her private wishes in the precedency question, where the Duke of Wellington took the lead against her wishes, as Peel had done in the Commons against the Prince's grant. She never could forget it, and no favour to her should come from such a quarter. I told Her Majesty I could not rest the Prince's case on Her Majesty's objections if they were the only ones which could be brought forward. If the case again rose I feared Her Majesty would find many who before, from Party views, voted according to Her Majesty's wishes, would now rank on the opposite side.

Her Majesty asked Dr Hawtrey the evening before who was the cleverest boy at Eton.

Dr Hawtrey made a profound bow to the Queen and said, "I trust your Majesty will excuse my answering, for if I did I make 600 enemies at once."

_Memorandum by Baron Stockmar._

_6th October 1841._

The Queen had asked Lord Melbourne whether he would soon visit her at Windsor. He had not replied on that point, but had written to Prince Albert in order to learn first the Prince's opinion on the feasibility of the matter.

The Prince sent for me and consulted with me. I was of opinion that the Prince had better refrain from giving an answer, and that I should give my opinion in the written form of a Memorandum, with which Anson should betake himself to town. He was to read it aloud to Melbourne, and orally to add what amplifications might be necessary.

And so it was done.

[Pageheading: RELATIONS WITH PEEL]

My Memorandum was as follows:--

Sir Robert Peel has yet to make his position opposite[113] the
Queen, which for him to obtain is important and desirable for
obvious reasons. I have good cause to doubt that Sir Robert
is sure within himself of the good-will and confidence of the
Queen. As long as the secret communication exists between Her
Majesty and Lord Melbourne, this ground, upon which alone Sir
Robert could obtain the position necessary to him as Premier,
must remain cut away from under his feet. I hold, therefore,
this secret interchange an _essential injustice_ to Sir
Robert's present situation. I think it equally wrong to call
upon the Prince to give an opinion on the subject, as he has
not the means to cause his opinion to be either regarded or
complied with. In this particular matter nobody has paramount
power to do right or wrong but the Queen, and more especially
Lord Melbourne himself. To any danger which may come out of
this to Her Majesty's character, the caution and objection
must come from him, and from him alone; and if I was standing
in his shoes I would show the Queen, of my own accord,
and upon constitutional grounds _too_, that a continued
correspondence of that sort must be fraught with imminent
danger to the Queen, especially to Lord Melbourne, and to the
State.

[Footnote 113: _I.e._ with.]

I then gave Anson the further arguments with which he was to accompany the reading out of this Memo.

[Pageheading: DISCRETION URGED ON MELBOURNE]

[Pageheading: MELBOURNE'S INFLUENCE]

On the next day Anson went to Melbourne and told him that his note to him had raised a great consultation, that the Prince felt much averse to giving any opinion in a case upon which he could exercise no control, and in which, if it was known that he had given his sanction, he would be held responsible for any mischief which might arise. He had consulted Baron Stockmar, who had written the enclosed opinion, which the Prince had desired Anson to read to Lord Melbourne. Melbourne read it attentively twice through, with an occasional change of countenance and compression of lips. He said on concluding it: "This is a most decided opinion indeed, quite an '_apple[114] opinion_.'" Anson told him that the Prince felt that if the Queen's confidence in Peel was in a way to be established, it would be extremely shaken by his (Lord Melbourne's) visit at such a moment. He felt that it would be better that Lord Melbourne's appearance should be in London, where he would meet the Queen only on the terms of general society, but at the same time he (the Prince) was extremely reluctant to give an opinion upon a case which Lord Melbourne's own sense of right ought to decide. Anson added how he feared his speech of yesterday in the House of Lords[115] had added another impediment to his coming at this moment, as it had identified him with and established as the head of the Opposition party, which he (Anson) had hoped Melbourne would have been able to avoid. Melbourne, who was then sitting on the sofa, rushed up upon this, and went up and down the room in a violent frenzy, exclaiming--"God eternally d--n it!" etc., etc. "Flesh and blood cannot stand this. I only spoke upon the defensive, which Ripon's speech at the beginning of the session rendered quite necessary. I cannot be expected to give up my position in the country, neither do I think that it is to the Queen's interest that I should."

Anson continued that the Baron thought that no Ministry could stand the force of such an undercurrent influence, that all the good that was to be derived from pacifying the Queen's mind at the change had been gained, and that the danger which we were liable to, and which threatened him in particular, could only be averted by his own straightforward decision with the Queen. Anson asked him if _he_ saw any danger likely to arise from this correspondence. After a long pause he said, "_I certainly cannot think it right_," though he felt sure that some medium of communication of this sort was no new precedent. He took care never to say anything which could bring his opinion in opposition _to Sir Robert's, and he should distinctly advise the Queen to adhere to her Ministers in everything,[116] unless he saw the time had arrived at which it might be resisted_.[117] The principal evil, replied Anson, to be dreaded from the continuance of Lord Melbourne's influence was, according to the Baron's opinion, that so long as the Queen felt she could resort to Lord Melbourne for his advice, she never would be disposed (from not feeling the necessity) to place any real confidence in the advice she received from Peel.

[Footnote 114: No doubt Lord Melbourne said an "apple-pie"
opinion.]

[Footnote 115: At the opening of the Session Lord Ripon had
reprobated the late Government for resorting to temporary
expedients, and Lord Melbourne, on the second reading of the
Exchequer-bills Funding Bill, caustically but good-humouredly
replied to the attack.]

[Footnote 116: _Note by Baron Stockmar._--If he wishes to
carry this out consistently and quite honestly, what then is
the value of his advice, if it be only the copy of that of Sir
R. Peel?]

[Footnote 117: _Note by Baron Stockmar._--This means, in my
way of reading it: "The Queen, by her correspondence with
me, puts Peel into my hands, and there I mean to let him stay
unhurt, until time and extraneous circumstances--but more
especially the advantage that will accrue to me by my secret
correspondence with the Queen--shall enable me to plunge, in
all security, the dagger into his back."]

_The Earl of Liverpool to Baron Stockmar._[118]