Chapter X (5)

FIFE HOUSE, _7th October 1841._

MY DEAR BARON,--Peel sent for me this morning to speak to me about the contents of his letter to me. After some general conversation on matters respecting the Royal Household, he said that he had had much satisfaction in his intercourse lately with Her Majesty, and specifically yesterday, and he asked me whether I had seen Her Majesty or the Prince yesterday, and whether they were satisfied with him. I told him that except in public I had not seen Her Majesty, and except for a moment in your room I had not seen the Prince; but that as he spoke to me on this matter, I must take the opportunity of saying a word to him about _you_, from whom I had learnt yesterday that both the Queen and Prince are extremely well pleased with him. That I had known you very long, but that our great intimacy began when King Leopold sent you over just previous to the Queen's accession; that we had acted together on that occasion, and that our mutual esteem and intimacy had increased; that your position was a very peculiar one, and that you might be truly said to be a species of second parent to the Queen and the Prince; that your only object was their welfare, and your only ambition to be of service to them; that in this sense you had communicated with Melbourne, and that I wished that in this sense you should communicate with him (Peel). He said that he saw the matter exactly as I did, that he wished to communicate with you, and felt the greatest anxiety to do everything to meet the wishes of the Queen and Prince in all matters within his power, and as far as consistent with his known and avowed political principles; that in all matters respecting the Household and their private feelings that the smallest hint sufficed to guide him, as he would not give way to any party feeling or job which should in any way militate against Her Majesty or His Royal Highness's comfort; that he wished particularly that it should be known that he never had a thought of riding _roughshod_ over Her Majesty's wishes; that if you would come to him at any time, and be candid and explicit with him, you might depend upon his frankness and discretion; that above all, if you had said anything to him, and expressed a wish that it might not be communicated even to the Duke of Wellington, (that was his expression), that he wished me to assure you that your wishes should be strictly attended to. Pray give me a line to say that you do not disapprove of what I have done. We had a great deal more conversation, but with this I will not now load my letter, being ever sincerely yours,

LIVERPOOL.

Direct your answer to this house.

[Footnote 118: This letter was submitted to the Queen.]

[Pageheading: AUDIENCES OF PEERS]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _8th October 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has this morning received your Majesty's letter of yesterday. There can be no doubt that your Majesty is right about the Audiences which have been requested....

Sir Robert Peel is probably right in supposing that the claim of a Peer to an Audience of the Sovereign originated in early times, and before the present course of government by responsible advisers was fully and decidedly established, which it hardly can be said to have been until after the accession of the House of Hanover, but the custom of asking for such Audiences, and of their being in general granted, was well known, and has for the most part been observed and adhered to. Lord Melbourne remembers that during the part of the French War, when considerable alarm began to prevail respecting its duration, and the serious aspect which it was assuming, George III. gave Audiences to the Duke of Norfolk and others which he certainly would not have been inclined to do if he had not thought himself bound by his duty and by Constitutional precedent. At the time of the passing of the Roman Catholic Relief Act, George IV. received very many Peers, much no doubt against his will, who came to remonstrate with him upon the course which his Ministers were pursuing. William IV. did the same at the time of the Reform Bill, and certainly spoke upon the subject in a manner which Lord Melbourne always thought indiscreet and imprudent. Upon the whole, the practice has been so much acted upon and established, that Lord Melbourne will certainly not think it wise to make any alteration now, especially as it has in itself beneficial effects, especially as in a time of strong political feeling it is a satisfaction to the people to think that their wishes and opinions are laid before the Sovereign fairly and impartially. It is not likely to be a very heavy burthen, inasmuch as such Audiences are only asked at particular moments, and they are not in themselves very burthensome nor difficult to deal with. It is only for the Sovereign to say that he is convinced of the good motives which have actuated the step, and that consideration will be given to the matter and arguments which have been stated.

Lord Melbourne has one vague recollection of a correspondence upon this subject between Lord Holland and some King, but does not remember the circumstances with any accuracy.

Duncannon[119] persuaded Brougham to give up asking an Audience upon condition of Lord Melbourne's promising to place his letters in your Majesty's hands, which he did.[120] Lord Charlemont[121] also was prevented in some manner or another, which Lord Melbourne forgets.

Upon the whole, Lord Melbourne thinks that it is best to concede this privilege of the Peerage, whether it actually exists or not, but to restrain it within due and reasonable bounds, which in ordinary times it is not difficult to do. Extraordinary times must be dealt with as they can be....

Lady A---- is, as your Majesty says, good-natured. She talks three or four times as much as she ought, and like many such women often says exactly the things she ought not to say. Lady B---- has ten times the sense of her mother, and a little residue of her folly.

[Footnote 119: Ex-First Commissioner of Land Revenue.]

[Footnote 120: See _ante_, pp. 293 and 335-6.
(Ch. X, 'Lord Brougham'; 'Peers and Audiences')]

[Footnote 121: Francis William, fifth Viscount Charlemont
(1775-1863), created a Peer of the United Kingdom in 1837.]

[Pageheading: GOVERNOR-GENERALSHIP OF INDIA]

[Pageheading: LORD ELLENBOROUGH]

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

_9th October 1841._

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to inform your Majesty that in consequence of the opinion which your Majesty was graciously pleased to express when Sir Robert Peel last had the honour of waiting upon your Majesty, with respect to the superior qualifications of Lord Ellenborough for the important trust of Governor-General of India, Sir Robert Peel saw his Lordship yesterday, and enquired whether he would permit Sir Robert Peel to propose his appointment to your Majesty.

Lord Ellenborough was very much gratified by the proposal, admitted at once that it was very difficult to find an unexceptionable candidate for an office of such pre-eminent importance, but made some difficulty on two points.

First--Considerations of health, which though disregarded personally, might, he feared, interfere with the execution of such unremitting and laborious duties as would devolve upon the Governor-General of India.

Secondly--The consideration that on his acceptance of the office he would be required by law to give up during his tenure of it no less than £7,500 per annum, the amount of compensation now paid to him in consequence of the abolition of a very valuable office[122] which he held in the Courts of Law.

During Lord Ellenborough's conversation with Sir Robert Peel, and while the mind of Lord Ellenborough was very much in doubt as to the policy of his acceptance of the office, the box which contained your Majesty's note of yesterday was brought to Sir Robert Peel.

Sir Robert Peel humbly acquaints your Majesty that he ventured to read to Lord Ellenborough on the instant the concluding paragraph of your Majesty's note, namely--

"The more the Queen thinks of it, the more she thinks that Lord Ellenborough would be far the most fit person to send to India."

Sir Robert Peel is perfectly convinced that this opinion of your Majesty, so graciously expressed, removed every doubt and difficulty from Lord Ellenborough's mind, and decided him to forgo every personal consideration rather than appear unmindful of such a favourable impression of his qualifications for public service on the part of his Sovereign.

Sir Robert Peel humbly hopes that your Majesty will not disapprove of the use which he made of a confidential note from your Majesty.

As your Majesty kindly permitted Sir Robert Peel to send occasionally letters to your Majesty of a private rather than a public character, he ventures to enclose one from the Duke of Wellington on the subject of the appointment of Governor-General.

Sir Robert Peel had observed to the Duke of Wellington that he had great confidence in Lord Ellenborough's integrity, unremitting industry, and intimate knowledge of Indian affairs; that his only fear was that Lord Ellenborough might err from _over-activity_ and eagerness--but that he hoped his tendency to hasty decisions would be checked by the experience and mature judgment of Indian advisers on the spot.

The Duke of Wellington's comments have reference to these observations of Sir Robert Peel. Your Majesty will nevertheless perceive that the Duke considers, upon the whole, "that Lord Ellenborough is better qualified than any man in England for the office of Governor-General."

[Footnote 122: He was Joint Chief Clerk of the Pleas in the
Queen's Bench, a sinecure conferred on him by his father, who
was Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, 1802-1818.]

[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN SPAIN]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th October 1841._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--- ... Respecting the Spanish affairs,[123] I can give you perfectly satisfactory intelligence concerning the Infants' return. Espartero sees them return with the greatest regret, but said he felt he could not prevent them from doing so. If, however, they should be found to intrigue at all, they will not be allowed to remain. Respecting a marriage with the eldest son of Dona Carlotta, I know _positively_ that Espartero _never_ would _hear_ of it; but, on the other hand, he is equally strongly opposed to poor little Isabel marrying any French Prince, and I must add that _we_ could _never allow that_. You will see that I have given you a frank and fair account....

[Footnote 123: The Queen-mother, who was living in Paris, had
been deprived by a vote of the Cortes of the guardianship of
the young Queen, Isabella II., and risings in her interest now
took place at Pampeluna and Vittoria. On the 7th October, a
bold attempt was made at Madrid to storm the Palace and get
possession of the person of the young Queen. Queen Christina
denied complicity, but the Regent, Espartero, suspended
her pension on the ground that she had encouraged the
conspirators.]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _12th October 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and returns many thanks for the letter received yesterday informing Lord Melbourne of the time of your Majesty's coming to London. Lord Melbourne earnestly hopes that your Majesty continues well.

Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear of the appointment of Lord Ellenborough. The reasons which your Majesty gives are sound and just, and it is of great importance that a man not only of great ability but of high station, and perfectly in the confidence of the Government at home, should be named to this important post. Lord Ellenborough is a man of great abilities, of much knowledge of India, of great industry and of very accurate habits of business, and Lord Melbourne knows of no objection to his appointment, except the loss of him here, where, whether in or out of office, he has always been of great service. He has hitherto been an unpopular man and his manners have been considered contemptuous and overbearing, but he is evidently much softened and amended in this respect, as most men are by time, experience, and observation. Lord Fitzgerald[124] is a very able public man, Lord Melbourne would say one of the most able, if not the most able they have; but Lord Melbourne is told by others, who know Lord Fitzgerald better, that Lord Melbourne overrates him. He is a very good speaker, he has not naturally much industry, and his health is bad, which will probably disable him from a very close and assiduous attention to business. It is, however, upon the whole an adequate appointment, and he is perhaps more likely to go on smoothly with the Court of Directors, which is a great matter, than Lord Ellenborough.

[Footnote 124: On Lord Ellenborough becoming Governor-General,
Lord Fitzgerald and Vesci, an ex-M.P., and former Chancellor
of the Irish Exchequer, succeeded him at the Board of
Control.]

[Pageheading: FRANCE AND SPAIN]

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _16th October 1841._

Lord Aberdeen, with his most humble duty, begs to lay before your Majesty a private letter from M. Guizot, which has just been communicated to him by M. de Ste-Aulaire, on the recent attempt in favour of Queen Christina in Spain. Your Majesty will see that although M. Guizot denies, with every appearance of sincerity, all participation of the French Government in this attempt, he does not conceal that it has their cordial good wishes for its success. These feelings, on the part of such a Government as that of France, will probably be connected with practical assistance of some kind, although M. Guizot's declarations may perhaps be literally true.

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

The Queen must say that she fears the French are at the bottom of it, for their jealousy of our influence in Spain is such, that the Queen fears they would not be indisposed to see civil war to a certain degree restored rather than that Spain should go on quietly supported by us.[125] The Queen, however, hopes that, as far as it is possible, the English Government will support the present Regent, who is thoroughly attached to England, and who, from all that the Queen hears of him, is the fittest man they have in Spain for the post he occupies; and indeed matters till now had gone on much more quietly than they had for some time previous, since Espartero is at the head of the Government. The French intrigues should really be frustrated. The Queen certainly thinks that M. Guizot's veracity is generally not to be doubted, but the conduct of France regarding Spain has always been very equivocal.

[Footnote 125: See _post_, p. 349. (Ch. X, 17th October, 1841)]

[Pageheading: MASTERSHIP OF TRINITY]

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

_16th October 1841._

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that the Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, has formally signified his wish to retire from the duties of that important trust.

Sir Robert Peel has reason to believe that it would be advantageous that the selection of a successor to Dr. Wordsworth should be made from members of Trinity College who are or have been fellows of the College. Of these, the most eminent in respect to the qualifications required in the office of Master, and to academical distinction, are:--

Professor Whewell.[126]
The Rev. Mr Martin,[127] Bursar of the College.
The Rev. Dr Wordsworth,[128] Head Master of Harrow School,
and son of the present Master of Trinity.

The latter is a highly distinguished scholar, but his success as Head Master of Harrow has not been such as to overcome the objection which applies on general grounds to the succession of a father by a son in an office of this description.

Professor Whewell is a member of Trinity College of the highest scientific attainments. His name is probably familiar to your Majesty as the author of one of the Bridgewater Treatises,[129] and of other works which have attracted considerable notice.

He is a general favourite among all who have had intercourse with him from his good temper and easy and conciliatory manners. Though not _peculiarly_ eminent as a divine (less so at least than a writer on scientific and philosophical subjects), his works manifest a deep sense of the importance of religion and sound religious views. The Archbishop of Canterbury[130] and the Bishop of London[131] (himself of Trinity College) incline to think that the most satisfactory appointment upon the whole would be that of Professor Whewell.

Sir Robert Peel, after making every enquiry into the subject, and with a deep conviction of the importance of the appointment, has arrived at the same conclusion, and humbly therefore recommends to your Majesty that Professor Whewell should succeed Dr Wordsworth as Master of Trinity College, Cambridge.

[Footnote 126: Then Knightsbridge Professor of Moral
Philosophy.]

[Footnote 127: Francis Martin, afterwards Vice-Master, died
1868.]

[Footnote 128: Christopher Wordsworth, afterwards Bishop of
Lincoln.]

[Footnote 129: By the will (dated 1825) of the eighth Earl
of Bridgewater--who must not be confounded with the third and
last Duke, projector of inland navigation--£8,000 was left
for the best work on the "Goodness of God as manifested in
the Creation." The money was divided amongst eight persons,
including Whewell, who wrote on Astronomy considered in
reference to Natural Theology.]

[Footnote 130: William Howley.]

[Footnote 131: O. J. Blomfield.]

[Pageheading: QUEEN ISABELLA]

[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGE]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

_17th October 1841._

The Queen received Lord Aberdeen's letter yesterday evening, and quite approves of the draft to Mr Aston, and of Lord Aberdeen's having sent it off at once. Her earnest wish is that the English Government should be firm, and uphold the Regent as far as it is in our power. The Queen has perused M. Guizot's letter with great attention, but she cannot help fearing that assistance and encouragement has been given in some shape or other to the revolts which have taken place. The Queen Christina's residence at Paris is very suspicious, and much to be regretted; every one who saw the Queen and knew her when Regent, knew her to be clever and _capable_ of governing, had she but attended to her duties. This she did not, but wasted her time in frivolous amusements and neglected her children sadly, and finally left them. It was her _own_ doing, and therefore it is not the kindest conduct towards her children, but the very _worst_, to try and disturb the tranquillity of a country which was just beginning to recover from the baneful effects of one of the most bloody civil wars imaginable.

The Queen is certain that Lord Aberdeen will feel with her of what importance it is to England that Spain should not become subject to French interests, as it is evident _France wishes_ to make it. The marriage of Queen Isabel is a most important question, and the Queen is likewise certain that Lord Aberdeen sees at once that we could never let her marry a French Prince. Ere long the Queen must speak to Lord Aberdeen on this subject. In the meantime the Queen thought it might be of use to Lord Aberdeen to put him in possession of her feelings on the state of Spain, in which the Queen has always taken a very warm interest.

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

PANSHANGER, _21st October 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He received here yesterday your Majesty's letter of the 19th inst., and he earnestly hopes that your Majesty has arrived quite safe and well in London. Besides the family, we have had hardly anybody here except Lady Clanricarde.[132] Yesterday Sir Edward L. Bulwer[133] came, beating his brother hollow in ridiculousness of attire, ridiculous as the other is. He has, however, much in him, and is agreeable when you come to converse with him....

Lord Melbourne is rather in doubt about his own movements. Lord Leicester[134] presses him much to go to Holkham, where Lord Fortescue,[135] Mr Ellice[136] and others are to be, and considering Lord Leicester's age, Lord Melbourne thinks that it will gratify him to see Lord Melbourne again there. But at Holkham they shoot from morning until night, and if you do not shoot you are like a fish upon dry land. Lord Melbourne hardly feels equal to the exertion, and therefore thinks that he shall establish himself for the present at Melbourne, where he will be within reach of Trentham, Beau Desert,[137] Wentworth,[138] and Castle Howard,[139] if he likes to go to them. The only annoyance is that it is close to Lord and Lady G----, whom he will be perpetually meeting.

[Footnote 132: A daughter of George Canning, the Prime
Minister.]

[Footnote 133: Afterwards Lord Lytton, the novelist.]

[Footnote 134: The famous country gentleman, "Mr Coke of
Norfolk."]

[Footnote 135: Hugh, second Earl, K.G.]

[Footnote 136: The Right Hon. Edward Ellice, M.P. ("Bear"
Ellice).]

[Footnote 137: Near Lichfield, a seat of Lord Anglesey.]

[Footnote 138: Lord Fitzwilliam's house, near Rotherham.]

[Footnote 139: Lord Carlisle's house, near York, built by
Vanbrugh.]

[Pageheading: HOLLAND AND BELGIUM]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _22 October 1841._

... In France there is a great outcry that a Bourbon must be the future husband of the Queen of Spain, etc. I must say that as the Spaniards and the late King changed themselves the Salic custom which Philip V. had brought from France,[140] it is natural for the rest of Europe to wish that no Bourbon should go there. Besides, it must be confessed that the thing is not even easy, as there is great hatred amongst the various branches of that family. The King of the French himself has always been _opposed_ to the idea of one of his sons going there; in France, however, that opinion still exists, and Thiers had it, strongly.

I confess that I regret that Queen Christina was encouraged to settle at Paris, as it gave the thing the appearance of something preconcerted. I believe that a wish existed that Christina would retire peaceably and _par la force des circonstances_, but now this took a turn which I am sure the King does not like; it places him, besides, into _une position ingrate_; the Radicals hate him, the Moderates will cry out that he has left them in the lurch, and the Carlists are kept under key, and of course also not much pleased. I meant to have remained in my wilds till yesterday, but my Ministers were so anxious for my return, there being a good many things on the _tapis_, that I came back on Tuesday, the 19th....

Here one is exactly shut up as if one was in a menagerie, walking round and round like a tame bear. One breathes here also a mixture of all sorts of moist compounds, which one is told is fresh air, but which is not the least like it. I suppose, however, that my neighbour in Holland, where they have not even got a hill as high as yours in Buckingham Gardens, would consider Laeken as an Alpine country. The tender meeting of the old King and the new King,[141] as one can hardly call him a young King, must be most amusing. I am told that if the old King had not made that love-match, he would be perfectly able to dethrone his son; I heard that yesterday from a person rather attached to the son and hating the father. In the meantime, though one can hardly say that he is well at home, some strange mixture of cut-throats and ruined soldiers of fortune had a mind to play us some tricks here; we have got more and more insight into this. Is it by instigation from him personally, or does he only know of it without being a party to it? That _is_ difficult to tell, the more so as he makes immense demonstration of friendly dispositions towards us, and me in particular. I would I could make a _chassez croisez_ with Otho;[142] he would be the gainer in solids, and I should have sun and an interesting country; I will try to make him understand this, the more so as you do not any longer want me in the West.

[Footnote 140: The Pragmatic Sanction of Philip V. was
repealed in 1792 by the Cortes, but the repeal was not
promulgated by the King. Under the Salic Law, Don Carlos would
have been on the throne. See _ante_, p. 44. (Ch. V, Footnote 9)]

[Footnote 141: William I., who had abdicated in order to marry
again, and William II., his son, who was nearly fifty.]

[Footnote 142: The King of Greece, elected in 1833.]

[Pageheading: AMBASSADORS' AUDIENCES]

_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

_25th October 1841._

With respect to the appointment of Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench, the Queen approves of Mr Pennefather[143] for that office. The Queen may be mistaken, for she is not very well acquainted with the judicial officers in Ireland, but it strikes her that Serjeant Jackson belonged to the very violent Orange party in Ireland, and if this should be the case she suggests to Sir Robert Peel whether it would not be better _not_ to appoint him. If, on the other hand, the Queen should be mistaken as to his political opinions, she would not disapprove of his succeeding Mr Pennefather.

The Queen saw in the papers that Lord Stuart de Rothesay is already gone. The Queen can hardly believe this, as no Ambassador or Minister _ever_ left England without previously asking for an Audience and receiving one, as the Queen wishes always to see them before they repair to their posts. Would Sir Robert be so very good as to ask Lord Aberdeen whether Lord Stuart de Rothesay is gone or not, and if he should be, to tell Lord Aberdeen that in future she would wish him always to inform her when they intend to go, and to ask for an Audience, which, if the Queen is well, she would always grant. It is possible that as the Queen said the other day that she did not wish to give many Audiences after the Council, that Lord Aberdeen may have misunderstood this and thought the Queen would give none, which was _not_ her intention. The Queen would be thankful to Sir Robert if he would undertake to clear up this mistake, which she is certain (should Lord Stuart be gone) arose entirely from misapprehension.

The Queen also wishes Sir Robert to desire Lord Haddington to send her some details of the intended reductions in the Fleet which she sees by a draft of Lord Aberdeen's to Mr Bulwer have taken place.[144]

[Footnote 143: Recently appointed Solicitor-General; Sergeant
J. D. Jackson now succeeded him.]

[Footnote 144: The statement of the Royal Navy in Commission
at the beginning of 1841 sets out 160 vessels carrying 4,277
guns.]

[Pageheading: STOCKMAR AND MELBOURNE]

[Pageheading: STOCKMAR'S ADVICE]

_Memorandum by Baron Stockmar._

_25th October 1841._

... I told [Lord Melbourne] that, as I read the English Constitution, it meant to assign to _the Sovereign in his functions a deliberative part_--that I was not sure the Queen had the means within herself to execute this deliberative part properly, but I was sure that the only way for her to execute her functions at all was to be strictly honest to those men who at the time being were her Ministers. That it was chiefly on this account that I had been so very sorry to have found now, on my return from the Continent, that on the change of the Ministry a capital opportunity to read a great Constitutional maxim to the Queen had not only been lost by Lord Melbourne, but that he had himself turned an instrument for working great good into an instrument which must produce mischief and danger. That I was afraid that, from what Lord Melbourne had been so weak as to have allowed himself to be driven into, _against his own and better conviction_, the Queen must have received a most pernicious bias, which on any future occasion would make her inclined to act in a similar position similarly to that what she does now, being convinced that what she does _now_ must be right on all future occasions, or else Lord Melbourne would not have sanctioned it. Upon this, Lord Melbourne endeavoured to palliate, to represent the danger, which would arise from his secret correspondence with the Queen as very little, to adduce precedents from history, and to screen his present conduct behind what he imagined Lord Bute's conduct had been under George III.[145] I listened patiently, and replied in the end: All this might be mighty fine and quite calculated to lay a flattering unction on his own soul, or it might suffice to tranquillize the minds of the Prince and Anson, but that I was too old to find the slightest argument in what I had just now heard, nor could it in any way allay my apprehension. I began then to dissect all that he had produced for his excusation, and showed him--as I thought clearly, and as he admitted convincingly--that it would be impossible to carry on this secret commerce with the Sovereign for any length of time without exposing the Queen's character and creating mighty embarrassments in the quiet and regular working of a Constitutional machine.

My representations seemed to make a very deep impression, and Lord Melbourne became visibly nervous, perplexed, and distressed. After he had recovered a little I said, "I never was inclined to obtrude advice; but if you don't dislike to hear my opinion, I am prepared to give it to you." He said, "What is it?" I said, "You allow the Queen's confinement to pass over quietly, and you wait till her perfect recovery of it. As soon as this period has arrived, you state of your own accord to Her Majesty that this secret and confidential correspondence with her must cease; that you gave in to it, much against your feelings, and with a decided notion of its impropriety and danger, and merely out of a sincere solicitude to calm Her Majesty's mind in a critical time, and to prevent the ill effects which great and mental agitation might have produced on her health. That this part of your purpose now being most happily achieved, you thought yourself in duty bound to advise Her Majesty to _cease all her communications_ to you on political subjects, as you felt it wrong within yourself to receive them, and to return your political advice and opinions on such matters; that painful as such a step must be to your feelings, which to the last moment of your life will remain those of the most loyal attachment and devotion to the Queen's person, it is dictated to you by a deep sense of what you owe to the country, to your Sovereign, and to yourself."

[Footnote 145: For some time after the accession of George
III., Bute, though neither in the Cabinet nor in Parliament,
was virtually Prime Minister, but he became Secretary of State
on 25th March 1761. George II. had disliked him, but he was
generally believed to have exercised an undue influence over
the consort of Prince Frederic of Wales, mother of George
III.]

_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._

_26th October 1841._

With respect to Serjeant Jackson, the Queen will not oppose his appointment, in consequence of the high character Sir Robert Peel gives him; but she cannot refrain from saying that she very much fears that the favourable effect which has hitherto been produced by the formation of so mild and conciliatory a Government in Ireland, may be endangered by this appointment, which the Queen would sincerely regret.

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _26th October 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and returns your Majesty the letters of the King of the Belgians, with many thanks. It certainly is a very unfortunate thing that the Queen Christina was encouraged to fix her residence at Paris, and the suspicion arising, therefore, cannot but be very injurious both to the King of the French and to the French nation.

Lord Melbourne returns his warmest thanks for your Majesty's kind expressions. He felt the greatest pleasure at seeing your Majesty again and looking so well, and he hopes that his high spirits did not betray him into talking too much or too heedlessly, which he is conscious that they sometimes do.

The King Leopold, Lord Melbourne perceives, still hankers after Greece; but Crowns will not bear to be chopped and changed about in this manner. These new Kingdoms are not too firmly fixed as it is, and it will not do to add to the uncertainty by alteration....

[Pageheading: DISPUTE WITH UNITED STATES]

_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _28th October 1841._

... Sir Robert Peel humbly assures your Majesty that he fully participates in the surprise which your Majesty so naturally expresses at the extraordinary intimation conveyed to Mr Fox[146] by the President of the United States.[147]

Immediately after reading Mr Fox's despatch upon that subject, Sir Robert Peel sought an interview with Lord Aberdeen. The measure contemplated by the President is a perfectly novel one, a measure of a hostile and unjustifiable character adopted with pacific intentions.

Sir Robert Peel does not comprehend the object of the President, and giving him credit for the desire to prevent the interruption of amicable relations with this country, Sir Robert Peel fears that the forcible detention of the British Minister, after the demand of passports, will produce a different impression on the public mind, both here and in the United States, from that which the President must (if he be sincere) have anticipated. It appears to Sir Robert Peel that the object which the President professes to have in view would be better answered by the immediate compliance with Mr Fox's demand for passports, and the simultaneous despatch of a special mission to this country conveying whatever explanations or offers of reparation the President may have in contemplation.

Sir Robert Peel humbly assures your Majesty that he has advised such measures of preparation to be taken in respect to the amount of disposable naval force, and the position of it, as without bearing the character of menace or causing needless disquietude and alarm, may provide for an unfavourable issue of our present differences with the United States.

Sir Robert Peel fears that when the President ventured to make to Mr Fox the communication which he did make, he must have laboured under apprehension that M'Leod might be executed in spite of the efforts of the general Government of the United States to save his life.

[Footnote 146: British Minister at Washington.]

[Footnote 147: One Alexander M'Leod was tried at Utica on
the charge of being implicated in the destruction of the
_Caroline_ (an American vessel engaged in carrying arms to the
Canadian rebels), in 1837, and in the death of Mr Durfee, an
American. The vessel had been boarded by Canadian loyalists
when lying in American waters, set on fire and sent over
Niagara Falls, and in the affray Durfee was killed. M'Leod
was apprehended on American territory, and hence arose the
friction between the two countries. M'Leod was acquitted 12th
October 1841.]

[Pageheading: PORTUGAL]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _31st October 1841._

The Queen received yesterday evening Lord Aberdeen's letter with the accompanying despatches and draft. She certainly _is_ surprised at the strange and improper tone in which Lord Howard's[148] despatches are written, and can only attribute them to an over-eager and, she fully believes, mistaken feeling of the danger to which he believes the throne of the Queen to be exposed.

The Queen has carefully perused Lord Aberdeen's draft, which she highly approves, but wishes to suggest to Lord Aberdeen whether upon further consideration it might not perhaps be as well to _soften_ the words under which she has drawn a pencil line, as she fears they might irritate Lord Howard very much.

The Queen is induced to copy the following sentences from a letter she received from her cousin, the King of Portugal, a few days ago, and which it may be satisfactory to Lord Aberdeen to see:--

"_Je dois encore vous dire que nous avons toutes les raisons de nous louer de la manière dont le Portugal est traité par votre Ministre des Affaires Étrangères, et nous ferons de notre côté notre possible pour prouver notre bonne volonté."_

[Footnote 148: Lord Howard de Walden, Minister Plenipotentiary
at Lisbon.]

[Pageheading: SECRETARIES OF STATE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _1st November 1841._

... Now for His Royal Highness's questions....

How the power of Prime Ministry grew up into its present form it is difficult to trace precisely, as well as how it became attached, as it were, to the office of First Commissioner of the Treasury. But Lord Melbourne apprehends that Sir Robert Walpole was the first man in whose person this union of powers was decidedly established, and that its being so arose from the very great confidence which both George I. and George II. reposed in him, and from the difficulty which they had in transacting business, particularly George I., from their imperfect knowledge of the language of the country.

With respect to the Secretary of State, Lord Melbourne is not prepared from memory to state the dates at which the different arrangements of that office have taken place. There was originally but one officer, and at the present the three are but the heads of the different departments of one office. The first division was into two, and they were called the Secretary for the Northern and the Secretary for the Southern department. They drew a line across the world, and each transacted the business connected with the countries within his own portion of the globe. Another division then took place, and the Foreign affairs were confided to one Secretary of State, and the Home and Colonial affairs to the other; but the present arrangement was finally settled in the year 1793, when the junction was formed between Mr Pitt on the one hand, and those friends of Mr Fox who left him because they differed with him upon the French Revolution. The Home affairs were placed in the hands of one Secretary of State, the Foreign of another, and the Colonial and Military affairs of a third, and this arrangement has continued ever since.[149] The persons then appointed were the Duke of Portland,[150] Lord Grenville,[151] and Mr Dundas,[152] Home, Foreign, and Colonial Secretaries.

Writing from recollection, it is very possible that Lord Melbourne may be wrong in some of the dates which he has ventured to specify.[153]

[Footnote 149: A fourth Secretary of State was added at
the time of the Crimean War, so as to separate Colonial and
Military affairs, and a fifth after the Indian Mutiny to
supersede the President of the Board of Control. _See_ Lord
Melbourne's letter of 31st December 1837, _ante_, p. 100.
(Ch. VI, 'State Departments')]

[Footnote 150: Third Duke (1738-1809).]

[Footnote 151: William Wyndham, Lord Grenville (1759-1834).]

[Footnote 152: Henry Dundas (1742-1811), afterwards Lord
Melville.]

[Footnote 153: See _post_, pp. 358, 359.
(Ch. X, 'The English Constitution', et seq.)]

[Pageheading: THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _4th November 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has this morning had the honour and pleasure of receiving your Majesty's letter of yesterday....

Lord Melbourne sends a letter which he has received from his sister, which may not be unentertaining. Lady Palmerston is struck, as everybody is who goes to Ireland, with the candid warmth and vehement demonstration of feeling. England always appears cold, heartless, and sulky in comparison....

With respect to the questions put to me by your Majesty at the desire of His Royal Highness, Lord Melbourne begs leave to assure your Majesty that he will be at all times most ready and anxious to give any information in his power upon points of this sort, which are very curious, very important, very worthy to be enquired into, and upon which accurate information is not easily to be found. All the political part of the English Constitution is fully understood, and distinctly stated in Blackstone and many other books, but the Ministerial part, the work of conducting the executive government, has rested so much on practice, on usage, on understanding, that there is no publication to which reference can be made for the explanation and description of it. It is to be sought in debates, in protests, in letters, in memoirs, and wherever it can be picked up. It seems to be stupid not to be able to say at once when two Secretaries of State were established; but Lord Melbourne is not able. He apprehends that there was but one until the end of Queen Anne's reign, and that two were instituted by George I., probably because upon his frequent journeys to Hanover he wanted the Secretary of State with him, and at the same time it was necessary that there should be an officer of the same authority left at home to transact the domestic affairs.

_Prime Minister_ is a term belonging to the last century. Lord Melbourne doubts its being to be found in English Parliamentary language previously. Sir Robert Walpole was always accused of having introduced and arrogated to himself an office previously unknown to the Law and Constitution, that of Prime or Sole Minister, and we learn from Lady Charlotte Lindsay's[154] accounts of her father, that in his own family Lord North would never suffer himself to be called _prime_ Minister, because it was an office unknown to the Constitution. This was a notion derived from the combined Whig and Tory opposition to Sir Robert Walpole, to which Lord North and his family had belonged.

Lord Melbourne is very sorry to hear that the Princess Royal continues to suffer from some degree of indisposition. From what your Majesty had said more than once before, Lord Melbourne had felt anxiety upon this subject, and he saw the Baron yesterday, who conversed with him much upon it, and informed him of what had taken place. Lord Melbourne hopes that your Majesty will attribute it only to Lord Melbourne's anxious desire for the security and increase of your Majesty's happiness, if he ventures to say that the Baron appears to him to have much reason in what he urges, and in the view which he takes. It is absolutely required that confidence should be reposed in those who are to have the management and bear the responsibility, and that they should not be too much interrupted or interfered with.

[Footnote 154: Daughter of Lord North (afterwards Earl of
Guilford) and wife of Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. John Lindsay.
She lived till 1849--a link with the past.]

[Pageheading: SECRETARIES OF STATE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _5th November 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Not feeling satisfied of the correctness of the information which he had given to your Majesty respecting the office of Secretary of State, he yesterday evening requested Mr Allen[155] to look into the matter, and he has just received from him the enclosed short memorandum, which he has the honour of transmitting to your Majesty. This shows that Lord Melbourne was quite wrong with respect to the period at which two Secretaries of State were first employed, and that it was much earlier than he had imagined.

The year 1782, when the third Secretary of State was abolished, was the period of the adoption of the great measure of Economical Reform which had been introduced by Mr. Burke in 1780.

The present arrangement was settled in 1794, which is about the time which Lord Melbourne stated.

[Footnote 155: Secretary and Librarian at Holland House.]

[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE'S POSITION]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _7th November 1841._

... Your Majesty asks whether Lord Melbourne thinks that Prince Metternich holds the opinion of Sir Robert Gordon, which he expresses to Lord Beauvale. It is difficult to say what Prince Metternich's real sentiments are. Lord Melbourne takes him not to have a very high opinion of the abilities of others in general, and he is not unlikely to depreciate Sir Robert Gordon to Lord Beauvale. Sir Robert Gordon is a man of integrity, but he is tiresome, long and pompous, which cannot be agreeable to the Prince, who has about him much of the French vivacity, and also much of their settled and regular style of argument....

With respect to the latter part of your Majesty's letter, Lord Melbourne returns for the expressions of your Majesty's kindness his warm and grateful thanks. Your Majesty may rest assured that he will always speak to your Majesty without scruple or reserve, and that he will never ask anything of your Majesty, or ever make a suggestion, which he does not consider to be for your Majesty's service and advantage. Lord Melbourne is of opinion that his visits to the Palace should not only avoid exciting suspicion and uneasiness in your Majesty's present advisers, a result of which he has very little apprehension, but they should not be so frequent as to attract public notice, comment, and observation, of which he would be more fearful. A public rumour, however unfounded and absurd, has more force in this country than objections which have in them more of truth and reality. Upon these grounds, and as your Majesty will probably not see much company at present, and the parties therefore will be a good deal confined to the actual Household, Lord Melbourne thinks it would perhaps be as well if he were not again to dine at the Palace at present.

The course which it may be prudent to take hereafter will depend very much upon that which cannot now be foreseen, namely, upon the general course which will be taken by politics and political parties. In this Lord Melbourne does not at present discern his way, and he will not therefore hazard opinions which would not be founded upon any certainty, and might be liable to immediate change and alteration.

[Pageheading: STOCKMAR'S ADVICE]

[Pageheading: STOCKMAR'S EXPOSTULATIONS]

_Memorandum: Baron Stockmar to Viscount Melbourne._

_23 November 1841._

The apprehension which haunts me since my return to England is well known to you. It was my intention to have written to you upon it some time hereafter, but the contents of a certain letter, sent by you just before your departure, accelerates the execution of my design. From your own expressions used some time back, I was led to expect that you would be glad to take advantage _of any fair opportunity_ which might contribute towards that devoutly to be wished for object, viz., to let a certain correspondence die a natural death. You may easily conceive how much I felt disappointed when I heard that you had written again, without a challenge, and that, without apparent cause, you had volunteered the promise to write from time to time. This happens at a moment when _your_ harassing apprehension received new life and strength from two incidents which I think it my duty to make known to you, and of which the one came to pass _before_, the other after, your departure from here. Some weeks back I was walking in the streets with Dr Prætorius,[156] when, finding myself opposite the house of one of my friends, it came across my mind to give him a call. Prætorius wanted to leave me, on a conception that, as a stranger, he might obstruct the freedom of our conversation. I insisted, however, on his remaining with me, and we were shown into the drawing-room, where in all there were five of us. For some minutes the conversation had turned on insignificant things, when the person talking to me said quite abruptly: "So I find the Queen is in daily correspondence with Lord Melbourne." I replied, "Who told you this?" The answer was, "Mrs Norton; she told me the other evening. Don't you believe that Lord Melbourne has lost his influence over the Queen's mind; he daily writes to her, and receives as many answers, in which she communicates everything to him." Without betraying much emotion I said, "I don't believe a word of it; the Queen may have written once or twice on private matters, but the daily correspondence on all matters is certainly the amplification of a thoughtless and imprudent person, who is not aware of such exaggerated assertions." My speech was followed by a general silence, after which we talked of other things, and soon took our leave. When we were fairly in the open air, Prætorius expressed to me his amazement at what he had heard, and he remained for some time at a loss to comprehend the character of the person who, from mere giddiness, let out so momentous a secret.

The other fact took place the day after you had left. From the late events at Brussels, it had become desirable that I should see Sir Robert Peel. From Belgium we travelled over to Home politics. I expressed my delight at seeing the Queen so happy, and added a hope that more and more she would seek and find her real happiness in her domestic relations only. He evidently caught at this, and assured me that he should at all times be too happy to have a share in anything which might be thought conducive to the welfare of Her Majesty. That no consideration of personal inconvenience would ever prevent him from indulging the Queen in all her wishes relating to matters of a private nature, and that the only return for his sincere endeavours to please Her Majesty he looked to, was honesty in public affairs. Becoming then suddenly emphatic, he continued, "But on this I must insist, and I do assure you, that that moment I was to learn that the Queen takes advice upon public matters in another place, I shall throw up; for such a thing I conceive the country could not stand, and I would not remain an hour, whatever the consequences of my resignation may be."

Fully sensible that he was talking at me, I received the charge with the calmness of a good conscience, and our time being exhausted I prepared for retreat. But he did not allow me to do so, before he had found means to come a second time to the topic uppermost in his own mind, and he repeated, it appeared to me with increased force of tone, his determination to throw up, fearless of all consequences, that moment he found himself and the country dishonestly dealt by.