Chapter V: The Ascension (4)

[146] The adoption of this opinion is best explained by a passage—with respect to this matter classical—in the Evangelium de nativitate Mariæ, in Fabricius codex apocryphus N. Ti. 1, p. 22 f., and in Thilo 1, p. 322, “Deus”—it is here said,—cum alicujus uterum claudit, ad hoc facit, ut mirabilius denuo aperiat, et non libidinis esse, quod nascitur, sed divini muneris cognoscatur. Prima enim gentis vestræ Sara mater nonne usque ad octogesimum annum infecunda fuit? et tamen in ultimâ senectutis ætate genuit Isaac, cui repromissa erat benedictio omnium gentium. Rachel quoque, tantum Domino grata tantumque a sancto Jacob amata diu sterilis fuit, et tamen Joseph genuit, non solum dominum Ægypti, sed plurimarum gentium fame periturarum liberatorem. Quis in ducibus vel fortior Sampsone, vel sanctior Samuele? et tamen hi ambo steriles matres habuere.—ergo—crede—dilatos diu conceptus et steriles partus mirabiliores esse solere.

[147] Neuestes theol. Journal, vii. 1, s. 402 f.

[148] In Henke’s Museum, i. 4, s. 702 ff.

[149] Hase in his Leben Jesu makes the same admission; compare § 52 with § 32.

[150] Wetstein zu Luke i. 11, s. 647 f. adduces passages from Josephus and from the Rabbins recording apparitions seen by the high priests. How readily it was presumed that the same thing happened to ordinary priests is apparent from the narrative before us.

[151]

Judges xiii. 14 (LXX.): Luc. i. 15.:

καὶ οἶνον καὶ σίκερα (al. μέθυσμα, καὶ οἶνον καὶ σίκερα οὐ μὲ hebr. שֵׁכָר) μὴ πιέτω. πίῃ.

[152]

Judg. xiii. 5: Luc. i. 15.:

ὅτι ἡγιασμένον ἔσται τῷ θεῷ (al. Ναζὶρ καὶ πνεύματος ἁγίου θεοῦ ἔσται) τὸ παιδάριον οὐκ τῆς πλησθήσεται ἔτι ἐκ κοιλίας γαστρός (al. ἀπὸ τῆς κοιλίας). μητρός αὐτοῦ.

[153]

Judg. xiii. 24 f.: Luc. i. 80:

καὶ ηὐλόγησεν αὐτὸν Κύριος, καὶ η τὸ δὲ παιδίον ηὔξανε καὶ ’ξήθη (al. ἡδρύνθη) τὸ παιδάριον· καὶ ἐκραταιοῦτο πνεύματι, κὰι ἦν ἐν ἤρξατο πνεῦμα Κυρίου συμπορεύεσθαι ταῖς ἐρήμοις, ἕως ἡμέρας αὐτῷ ἐν παρεμβολῇ Δὰν, ἀναμὲσον Σαρὰ ἁναδείξεως αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν καὶ ἀναμέσον Ἐσθαόλ. Ἰσραήλ.

Comp. Gen. xxi. 20.

[154]

Gen. xvi. 11. (LXX.): Luc. i. 13:

καὶ καλέσεις τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ Ἰσμαήλ. καὶ καλέσεις τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ
Ἰωάννην.

xvii. 19: — — Ἰσαάκ.

[155] Olshausen, bibl. Commentar, 1. s. 116. Hoffmann, s. 146.

[156] With this view of the passage compare De Wette, Exeg. Handbuch zum N. T., 1, 2, s. 12.

[157] Kuinöl, Comm. in Matth. Proleg., p. xxvii. f.

[158] Paulus, p. 292.

[159] Hieron. in Daniel. init.

[160] See Wetstein.

[161] e.g. Fritzsche, Comm. in Matth., p. 13.

[162] Exegt. Handbuch, i. 1, s. 12 f.

[163] The expedient of Kuinöl, Comm. in Matth. p. 3, to distinguish the Rahab here mentioned from the celebrated one, becomes hence superfluous, besides that it is perfectly arbitrary.

[164] Hoffmann, s. 154, according to Hug, Einl., ii. s. 271.

[165] Compare Fritzsche, Comm. in Matth., p. 19; Paulus, exeget. Handbuch, i. s. 289; De Wette, exeg. Handb. in loco.

[166] Fritzsche in Matth., p. 11.

[167] Paulus, s. 292.

[168] Bibl. Comm., p. 46, note.

[169] See Schneckenburger, Beiträge zur Einleitung in das N. T., s. 41 f., and the passage cited from Josephus, B. j. vi. 8. Also may be compared the passage cited by Schöttgen, horæ hebr. et talm. zu Matth. i. from Synopsis Sohar, p. 132, n. 18. Ab Abrahamo usque ad Salomonem XV. sunt generationes; atque tunc luna fuit in plenilunio. A Salomone usque ad Zedekiam iterum sunt XV. generationes, et tunc luna defecit, et Zedekiæ effossi sunt oculi.

[170] De Wette has already called attention to the analogy between these Old Testament genealogies and those of the Gospels, with regard to the intentional equality of numbers. Kritik der mos. Geschichte, s. 69. Comp. s. 48.

[171] See Chrysostom and Luther, in Credner, Einleitung in d. N. T., 1, s. 143 f. Winer, bibl. Realwörterbuch, 1., s. 659.

[172] Orig. homil. in Lucam 28.

[173] Luther, Werke, Bd. 14. Walch. Ausg. s. 8 ff.

[174] De consensu Evangelistarum, ii. 3, u. c. Faust., iii. 3; amongst the moderns, for example, E. F. in Henke’s Magazin 5, 1, 180 f. After Augustine had subsequently become acquainted with the writing of Africanus, he gave up his own opinion for that of the latter. Retract, ii. 7.

[175] Eusebius, H. E. i. 7, and lately e.g. Schleiermacher on Luke, p. 53.

[176] S. 53. Comp. Winer, bibl. Realwörterbuch, 1 Bd. s. 660.

[177] Comp. Michaelis, Mos. Recht. ii. s. 200. Winer, bibl. Realwörterb. ii. s. 22 f.

[178] Thus e.g. Spanheim, dubia evang. p. 1. s. 13 ff. Lightfoot, Michaelis, Paulus, Kuinöl, Olshausen, lately Hoffmann and others.

[179] Epiphanius, Grotius. Olshausen, s. 43.

[180] Testament XII. Patriarch., Test. Simeon c. 71. In Fabric. Codex pseudepigr. V. T. p. 542: ἐξ αὐτῶν (the races of Levi and Juda) άνατελεῖ ὑμῖν τὸ σωτήριον τοῦ θεοῦ. Ἀνασήσει γὰρ Κύριος ἐκ τοῦ Αευῒ ὡς ἀρχιερέα, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ Ἰουδα ὡς βασιλέα κ.τ.λ.

[181] Comp. Thilo, cod. apocr. N.T. 1, s. 374 ff.

[182] Thus e.g. the Manichæan Faustus in Augustin. contra Faust. L. xxiii. 4.

[183] Protevangel. Jacobi c. 1 f. u. 10. and evangel. de nativitate Mariæ c. 1. Joachim and Anna, of the race of David, are here mentioned as the parents of Mary. Faustus on the contrary, in the above cited passage, gives Joachim the title of Sacerdos.

[184] Dial. c. Tryph. 43. 100. (Paris, 1742.)

[185] Paulus. The Jews also in their representation of a Mary, the daughter of Heli, tormented in the lower world (see Lightfoot), appear to have taken the genealogy of Luke, which sets out from Heli, for that of Mary.

[186] e.g. Lightfoot, horæ, p. 750; Osiander, s. 86.

[187] Juchasin f. 55, 2. in Lightfoot s. 183, and Bava bathra, f. 110, 2. in Wetstein s. 230 f. Comp. Joseph. Vita, 1.

[188] Thus Eichhorn, Einl. in das N. T. 1 Dd s. 425. Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 232. Wegscheider, Institut. § 123, not. d. de Wette, bibl. Dogm. § 279, and exeget. Handbuch 1, 2, s. 32. Winer, bibl. Realwörterb. 1, s. 660 f. Hase, Leben Jesu, § 33. Fritzsche, Comm. in Matt, p. 35. Ammon, Fortbildung des Christenthums zur Weltreligion 1, s. 196 ff.

[189] See De Wette, bibl. Dogm. and exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 14; Hase, L. J. Eusebius gives a not improbable explanation of this disagreement (ad. Steph. quæst. iii., pointed out by Credner, 1, p. 68 f.) that besides the notion amongst the Jews, that the Messiah must spring from the royal line of David, another had arisen, that this line having become polluted and declared unworthy of continuing on the throne of David (Jerem. xxii. 30), by the wickedness of its later reigning members, a line more pure though less famed was to be preferred to it.

[190] The farther considerations on the origin and import of these genealogies, which arise from their connexion with the account of the miraculous birth of Jesus, must be reserved till after the examination of the latter point.

[191] Fabricius, Codex apocryphus N. T. 1, p. 19 ff. 66 ff.; Thilo, 1, p. 161 ff. 319 ff.

[192] Gregory of Nyssa or his interpolator is reminded of this mother of Samuel by the apocryphal Anna when he says of her: Μιμεῖται τοίνυν καὶ αὕτη τὰ περὶ τῆς μετρὸς τοῦ Σαμουὴλ διηγήματα κ.τ.λ. Fabricius, 1, p. 6.

[193] Evang. de nativ. Mar. c. 7: cunctos de domo et familia David nuptui habiles, non conjugatos.

[194] Protev. Jac c. 8: τοὺς χηρεύοντας τοῦ λαοῦ.

[195] It is thus in the Evang. de nativ. Mariae vii. and viii.; but rather different in the Protev. Jac. c. ix.

[196] Protev. c. 9: πρεσβύτης. Evang. de nativ. Mar. 8.: grandaevus. Epiphan. adv. haeres. 78, 8: λαμβάνει τὴν Μαρίαν χῆρος, κατάγων ἡλικίαν περί που ὀγδοήκοντα ἐτῶν καὶ πρόσω ὁ ἀνήρ.

[197] Παράλαβε αὐτὴν εἰς τήρησιν σεαυτῷ. c. ix. Compare with Evang. de nativ. Mar. viii. and x.

[198] See the variations in Thilo, p. 227, and the quotations from the Fathers at p. 365 not.

[199] Numb. v. 18.

[200] Protev. Jac. x.–xvi. The account in the Evang. de nativ. Mar. is less characteristic.

[201] “Die natürliche Geschichte des grossen Propheten von Nazaret,” 1ter Band, s. 119 ff.

[202] Augustin, de consens. evangelist. ii. 5.

[203] Paulus, Olshausen, Fritzsche, Comm. in Matth. p. 56.

[204] Comp. de Wette’s exeg. Handbuch, i. 1, s. 18. Schleiermacher, Ueber die Schriften des Lukas, s. 42 ff.

[205] Protev. Jac. c. 12: Μαριὰμ δέ ἐπελάθετο τῶν μυστηρίων ὧν εἶπε πρὸς αὐτὴν Γαβριήλ. When questioned by Joseph she assures him with tears: οὐ γινώσκω, πόθεν ἐστὶ τοῦτο τὸ ἐν τῇ γαστρί μου. c. 13.

[206] Geschichte der drei letzten Lebensjahre Jesu u. s. w. 1. Thl. s. 36. Comp. Hoffmann, s. 176 f.

[207] Ch. viii.–x.

[208] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1 a, s. 121. 145.

[209] To this opinion Neander inclines, L. J. Ch. s. 18.

[210]

Gen. xvii. 19; LXX. (Annunciation of Matt. i. 21. Isaac): (μὴ φοβηθῆς παραλαβεῖν Μαριὰμ ἰδοὺ Σάῤῥα ἡ γυνή σου τέξεται σοι τὴν γυναῖκα σου—) τέξεται δὲ υἱὸν, καὶ καλέσεις τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ υἱὸν, καὶ καλέσεις τὸ ὄνομα Ἰσαάκ. αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦν· αὐτὸς γὰρ σώσει τὸν λαὸν αὑτοῦ ἀπὸ· τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν Judg. xiii. 5. (Annunciation of αὐτῶν. Samson): Luke i. 30 ff. καὶ αὐτὸς ἄρξεται σῶσαι τὸν Ἰσραὴλ ἐκ χειρὸς φυλιστιΐμ. καὶ εἶπεν ὁ ἄγγελος αὐτῇ—ἰδοὺ συλλήψῃ ἐν γαστρὶ, καὶ τέξῃ Gen. xvi. 11 ff. (Annunciation of υἱὸν, καὶ καλέσεις τὸ ὄνομα Ishmael): αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦν. Οὗτος ἔσται.——.

καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῆ ὁ ἄγγελος Κυρίου· ἰδοὺ σὺ ἐν γαστρὶ ἔχεις, καὶ τέξη υἱὸν καὶ καλέσεις τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ Ἰσμαήλ. Οὗτος ἔσται — —.

[211] Comp. de Wette, Kritik der mos. Geschichte, s. 86 ff.

[212] The vision which, according to Matthew, Joseph had in his sleep, had besides a kind of type in the vision by which, according to the Jewish tradition related by Josephus, the father of Moses was comforted under similar circumstances, when suffering anxiety concerning the pregnancy of his wife, although for a different reason. Joseph. Antiq. II. ix. 3. “A man whose name was Amram, one of the nobler sort of Hebrews, was afraid for his whole nation, lest it should fail, by the want of young men to be brought up hereafter, and was very uneasy at it, his wife being then with child, and he knew not what to do. Hereupon he betook himself to prayer to God.... Accordingly God had mercy on him, and was moved by his supplication. He stood by him in his sleep, and exhorted him not to despair of his future favours.... For this child of thine shall deliver the Hebrew nation from the distress they are under from the Egyptians. His memory shall be famous while the world lasts.”

[213] Comp. Ammon, Fortbildung des Christenthums, i. s. 208 f.

[214] Ueber die Schriften des Lukas, s. 23.

[215] Compare Gesenius and Hitzig. Commentaren zum Jesaia; Umbreit, Ueber die Geburt des Immanuel durch eine Jungfrau, in den theol. Studien u. Krit., 1830, 3. Heft, s. 541 ff.

[216] This explanation does away with the importance of the controversy respecting the word עָלְמָה. Moreover it ought to be decided by the fact that the word does not signify an immaculate, but a marriageable young woman (see Gesenius). So early as the time of Justin the Jews maintained that the word עָלְמָה ought not to be rendered by παρθένος but by νεᾶνις. Dial c. Tryph. no. 43. p. 130 E. Comp. Iren. adv. haer. iii. 21.

[217] Christologie des A. T. s. 1, b, s. 47.

[218] See Winer, Grammatik des neutest. Sprachidioms, 3te Aufl. s. 382 ff. Fritzsche, Comm. in Matth. p. 49. 317 und Excurs. 1, p. 836 ff.

[219] See the Introduction, § 14.

[220] See Bleek in den theol. Studien u. Kritiken, 1835, 2, s. 441 ff.

[221] The whole rationalistic interpretation of Scripture rests upon a sufficiently palpable paralogism, by which it stands or falls:

The New Testament authors are not to be interpreted as if they said something irrational (certainly not something contrary to their own modes of thinking).

Now according to a particular interpretation their assertions are irrational (that is contrary to our modes of thinking).

Consequently the interpretation cannot give the original sense, and a different interpretation must be given.

Who does not here perceive the quaternio terminorum and the fatal inconsequence, when Rationalism takes its stand upon the same ground with supernaturalism; that, namely, whilst with regard to all other men the first point to be examined is whether they speak or write what is just and true, to the New Testament writers the prerogative is granted of this being, in their case, already presupposed?

[222] Conjugial. præcept. Opp. ed. Hutton, Vol. 7. s. 428.

[223] Irenäus, adv. haer. 1, 26: Cerinthus, Jesum subjecit non ex virgine natum, impossibile enim hoc ei visum est.

[224] In Henke’s neuem Magazin, iii. 3, s. 369.

[225] Homil. in Lucam xiv. Comp. my Streitschriften, i. 2, s. 72 f.

[226] Olshausen, Bibl. Comm. s. 49. Neander, L. J. Ch. s. 16 f.

[227] e.g. by Eichhorn, Einleitung in das N. T. 1. Bd. s. 407.

[228] Glaubenslehre, 2 Thl. § 97. s. 73 f. der zweiten Auflage.

[229] This side is particularly considered in der Skiagraphie des Dogma’s von Jesu übernatürlicher Geburt, in Schmidt’s Bibliothek, i. 3, s. 400 ff.; in den Bemerkungen über den Glaubenspunkt: Christus ist empfangen vom heil. Geist, in Henke’s neuem Magazin, iii. 3, 365 ff.; in Kaiser’s bibl. Theol. 1, s. 231 f.; De Wette’s bibl. Dogmatik, § 281; Schleiermacher’s Glaubenslehre, 2 Thl. § 97.

[230] Brought to bear upon this point by Neander, L. J. Ch. s. 12.

[231] Augustinus contra Faustum Manichaeum, L. 23. 3. 4. 8.

[232] See Schmidt, Schleiermacher, and Wegscheider, Instit. § 123 (not. d).

[233] Eichhorn thinks this probable, Einl. in das N. T. i. s. 425, De Wette possible, exeg. Handb. i. 1, s. 7.

[234] Justin Mart. Dial. cum Tryphone, 48; Origines contra Celsum, L. 5, 61. Euseb. H. E. 3, 27.

[235] Epiphan. haeres. 30, 14.

[236] Haeres. 29, 9.

[237] Credner, in den Beiträgen zur Einleitung in das N. T. 1, s. 443. Anm.

[238] Orig. ut sup.

[239] See Neander, K. G. 1, 2, s. 615 f.

[240] Credner, über Essener, und einen theilweisen Zusammenhang beider, in Winer’s Zeitschrift f. wissenschaftliche Theologie, 1. Bd. 2tes and 3tes Heft; see Baur, Progr. de Ebionitarum origine et doctrinâ ab Essenis repetendâ, und christl. Gnosis, s. 403.

[241] De carne Christi, c. 14: Poterit haec opinio Hebioni convenire, qui nudum hominem, et tantum ex semine David, i.e. non et Dei filium, constituit Jesum, ut in illo angelum fuisse edicat.

[242] Neander and Schneckenburger are of the latter, Gieseler and Credner of the former opinion.

[243] I here refer to the account of Hegesippus in Eusebius, H. E. iv. 22.

[244] Homil. 3, 23–27.

[245] Epiphan. haeres. 30, 18. comp. 15.

[246] That these were the traits in David’s character which displeased the Christian sect in question, is sufficiently evident from a passage in the Clementine Homilies, though the name is not given: Homil. 3, 25; ἕτι μὴν καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ θης τούτου (τοῦ Καΐν) διαδοχης προεληλυθότες πρωτοι μοιχοὶ ἐγένοντο, καὶ ψαλτήρια, καὶ κιθάραι, καὶ χαλκεῖς ὅπλων πολεμικῶν ἐγένοντο. Δὶ ὃ καὶ ἡ τῶν ἐγγὁνων προφητεία, μοιχῶν καὶ ψαλτηρίων γέμουσα, λανθανόντως διὰ τῶν ἡδυπαυειων ὡς τοὺς πολέμους ἐγείρει.

[247] Epiphan. haer. 30, 14. 16. 34.

[248] Homil. 3, 17.

[249] Schneckenburger, über das Evang. der Aegypter, s. 7; Baur, christl. Gnosis, s. 760 ff. See on the other side Credner and Hoffmann.

[250] Orig. Comm. in Matth. T. 16, 12. Tertullian, De carne Christi, 14, s. Anm. 13 (a passage in which indeed the speculative and ordinary Ebionites are mingled together).

[251] Clement, homil. 18, 13. They referred the words of Matth. xi. 27: οὐδεὶς ἔγνω τὸν πατέρα, εἰ μὴ ὁ υἱὸς κ.τ.λ. to τοὺς πατέρα νομίζοντας χριστοῦ τὸν Δαβὶδ, καὶ αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν χριστὸν υἱὸν ὄντα, καὶ υἱὸν θεοῦ μὴ ἐγνωκότας, and complained that αἰτὶ τοῦ θεοῦ τὸν Δαβὶδ πάντες ἔλεγον.

[252] Haeres. 30, 14: ὁ μὲν γὰρ Κήρινθος καὶ Κάρποκρας τῷ αὐτῷ χρώμενοι παρ’ αὐτοῖς (τοῖς Ἑβιωναίοις) εὐαγγελίῳ, ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχις τοῦ κατὰ Ματθαῖον εὐαγγελίου διὰ τῆς γενεαλογίας Βούλονται παριστᾷν ἐκ σπέρματος Ἰωσὴφ καὶ Μαρίας εἶναι τὸν χριστόν.

[253] Dial. c. Tryph. 100. 120.

[254] Br..., die Nachricht, dass Jesus durch den heil. Geist und von einer Jungfrau geboren sei, aus Zeitbegriffen erläutert. In Schmidt’s Bibl. 1, 1. s. 101 ff.—Horst, in Henke’s Museum 1, 4, 497 ff., über die beiden ersten Kapitel in Evang. Lukas.

[255] Bemerkungen über den Glaubenspunkt: Christus ist empfangen vom heil. Geist. In Henke’s neuem Magazin, 3, 3, 399.

[256] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 26 f.

[257] Im neuesten theol. Journal, 7. Bd. 4. Stück, s. 407 f.

[258] Antiq. xviii. 3, 4.

[259] Iter Theil, s. 140 ff.

[260] The legend has undergone various modifications, but the name of Panthera or Pandira has been uniformly retained. Vid. Origenes c. Cels. 1, 28., 32. Schöttgen, Horæ 2, 693 ff. aus Tract. Sanhedrin u. A.; Eisenmenger, entdecktes Judenthum, 1, s. 105 ff. aus der Schmähschrift: Toledoth Jeschu; Thilo, cod. apocr. s. 528. Comp. my Abhandlung über die Namen Panther, Pantheras, Pandera, in jüdischen und patristischen Erzählungen von der Abstammung Jesu. Athenäum, Febr. 1839, s. 15 ff.

[261] Orig. c. Celsus i. 32.

[262] Ibid. vi. 8.

[263] Ibid. i. 37.

[264] Gabler, in seinem neuesten theol. Journal, 7, 4. s. 408 f.; Eichhorn, Einleitung in das N. T. 1, s. 428 f.; Bauer, hebr. Mythol. 1, 192 e ff.; Kaiser, bibl. Theologie, 1, s. 231 f.; Wegscheider, Instit. § 123; De Wette, bibl. Dogmat. § 281, und exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 18 f., Ammon, Fortbildung des Christenth. s. 201 ff.; Hase, L. J. § 33; Fritzsche, Comment. in Matth. s. 56. The latter justly remarks in the title to the first chapter: non minus ille (Jesus) ut ferunt doctorum Judaicorum de Messiâ sententiæ, patrem habet spiritum divinum, matrem virginem.

[265] Jamblich. vita Pythagoræ. cap. 2, ed. Kiessling.

[266] Adv. Jovin. 1, 26. Diog. Laërt., 3, 1, 2.

[267] Glaubwürdigkeit, s. 64.

[268] Apologie des L. J. s. 92.

[269] Diog. Laërt a. a. O.: Σπεύσιππος (Sororis Platonis filius, Hieron.) δ’· ἐν τῷ ἐπιγραφομένῳ Πλάτωνος περδείπνῳ καὶ Κλέαρχος ἐν τῷ Πλάτωνος ἐγκωμίῳ καὶ Ἀναξιλίδης ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ περὶ φιλοσόφων, φασὶν, Ἀθήνησιν ἦν λόγος, κ.τ.λ.

[270] Neander, L. J. Ch. s. 10.

[271] Antiq. 15. 2. 6.

[272]

Gen. xviii., 14 Sept. Luke i. 37.

μὴ ἀδυνατήσει παρὰ τῷ θεῷ ῥῆμα; ὅτι οὐκ ἀδυνατήσει παρὰ τῷ θεῷ πᾶν
ῥῆμα.

[273] De Wette, Exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 17.

[274] They are to be found however in the more modern Rabbins, s. Matthæi, Religionsgl. der Apostel 2, a. s. 555 ff.

[275] Bibl. Comm. 1, s. 47. Also Daub. 2 a. s. 311 f; Theile, § 14. Neander, s. 9.

[276] Diog. Laërt. a. a. O. See Origenes c. Cels. 1, 37.

[277] Demonax, 29.

[278] S. Origenes in Matthæum, Opp. ed. de la Rue, Vol. 3. s. 463.

[279] The Arian Eunomius according to Photius taught τὸν Ἰωσὴφ μετὰ τὴν ἄφραστον κυοφορίαν συνάπτεσθαι τῇ παρθένῳ. This was also, according to Epiphanius, the doctrine of those called by him Dimaerites and Antidicomarianites, and in the time of Jerome, of Helvidius and his followers. Compare on this point the Sammlung von Suicer, im Thesaurus ii., s. v. Μαρία, fol. 305 f.

[280] Comp. Hieron. adv. Helv. 6, 7, Theophylact and Suidas in Suicer, 1, s. v. ἔως, fol. 1294 f.

[281] Hieron. z. d. St.

[282] See Orig. in Matth. Tom. 10, 17; Epiphan. haeres. 78, 7; Historia Josephi, c. 2; Protev. Jac. 9. 18.

[283] Chrysostomus, hom. 142, in Suicer, s. v. Μαρία, most repulsively described in the Protev. Jac. xix. and xx.

[284] Hieron. ad Matth. 12, und advers. Helvid. 19.

[285] Die Brüder Jesu. In Winer’s Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie, 1, 3. s. 364 f.

[286] Biblisches Realwörterbuch, 1 Bd. s. 664, Anm. De Wette, z. d. St. Neander L. J. Ch., s. 34.

[287] Comment. in Matth. s. 53 ff., vgl. auch s. 835.

[288] Olshausen is exceedingly unhappy in the example chosen by him in support of his interpretation of ἕως οὗ. For when it is said, we waited till midnight but no one came, certainly this by no means implies that after midnight some one did come, but it does imply that after midnight we waited no longer; so that here the expression till retains its signification of exclusion.

[289] On this subject compare in particular Clemen, die Brüder Jesu, in Winer’s Zeitschrift für wiss. Theol. 1, 3, s. 329 ff.; Paulus, Exeg. Handbuch, 1 Bd. s. 557 ff.; Fritzsche, a. a. O. s. 480 ff.; Winer, bibl. Realwörterbuch, in den A. A.; Jesus, Jacobus, Apostel.

[290] See the different names assigned them in the legend in Thilo, Codex apocryphus N.T., 1. s. 360 note.

[291] Euseb. H. E. 2, 1.

[292] Euseb. H. E. 3, 11.

[293] Fritzsche, Comm. in Matth. p. 482.

[294] Theile, Biographie Jesu, § 18.

[295] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1. a, s. 120 ff.

[296] S. Olshausen und de Wette, z. d. St.

[297] Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 1, s. 26; Olshausen, bibl. Comm. z. d. St.; Hoffmann, s. 226; Lange, s. 76 ff.

[298] Compare Luke i. 47 with 1 Sam. ii. 1.
,, i. 49 ,, ,, ii. 2.
,, i. 51 ,, ,, ii. 3, 4.
,, i. 52 ,, ,, ii. 8.
,, i. 53 ,, ,, ii. 5.

Particularly Compare Luke i. 48 with 1 Sam. i. 11.
Luke i. 50 Deut. vii. 9.
,, i. 52 Ecclesiasticus x. 14.
,, i. 54 Ps. xcviii. 3.

[299] 5 Band, 1. Stück, s. 161. f.

[300] In Henke’s Museum, 1, 4, s. 725.

[301] Ueber den Lukas, s. 23 f.

[302] Olshausen, Paulus, Kuinöl.

[303] Tholuck, s. 194 ff. Neander, s. 19.

[304] Cassiodor. Variarum, 3, 52. Isidor. Orig. 5, 36.

[305] To refer here to the Monumentum Ancyranum, which is said to record a census of the whole empire in the year of Rome 746 (Osiander, p. 95), is proof of the greatest carelessness. For he who examines this inscription will find mention only of three assessments census civium Romanorum, which Suetonius designates census populi, and of which Dio Cassius speaks, at least of one of them, as ἀπογραφὴ τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ κατοικούντων. See Ideler, Chronol. 2, s. 339.

[306] In the authoritative citations in Suidas are the words taken from Luke, αὔτη ἡ ἀπογραφὴ πρώτη ἐγένετο.

[307] Hoffmann, s. 231.

[308] Joseph. Antiq. 17, 13, 2. B. j. 2, 7, 3.

[309] Antiq. 17, 13, 5. 18, 1, 1. B. j. 2, 8, 1.

[310] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, a, s. 171. Winer, bibl. Realwörterbuch.

[311] Tacit. Annal. 1, 11. Sueton. Octav. 191. But if in this document opes publicæ continebantur: quantum civium sociorumque in armis; quot classes, regna, provinciæ, tributa aut vectigalia, et necessitates ac largitiones: the number of troops and the sum which the Jewish prince had to furnish, might have been given without a Roman tax being levied in their land. For Judea in particular Augustus had before him the subsequent census made by Quirinus.

[312] Ὅτι, πάλαι χρώμενος αὐτῷ φιλω, νῦν ὑπηκόῳ χρήσεται. Joseph. Antiq. 16, 9, 3. But the difference was adjusted long before the death of Herod. Antiq. 16, 10, 9.

[313] Joseph. Ant. 17, 2, 4. παντὸς τοῦ Ἰουδαϊκοῦ βεβαιώσαντος δι’ ὅρκων ἣ μὴν εὐνοῆσαι Καίσαρι καὶ τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασι. That this oath, far from being a humiliating measure for Herod, coincided with his interest, is proved by the zeal with which he punished the Pharisees who refused to take it.

[314] Tholuck, s. 192 f. But the insurrection which the ἀπογραφὴ after the depositions of Archelaus actually occasioned—a fact which outweighs all Tholuck’s surmises—proves it to have been the first Roman measure of the kind in Judea.

[315] Antiq. 17, 9, 10, 1 ff. B. j. 2. 2. 2. His oppressions however had reference only to the fortresses and the treasures of Herod.

[316] Antiq. 18, 1, 1.

[317] Bell. jud. 2, 8, 1. 9. 1. Antiq. 17, 13, 5.

[318] Kuinöl, Comm. in Luc. p. 320.

[319] Winer.

[320] Adv. Marcion. 4, 19.

[321] Storr, opusc. acad. 3, s. 126 f. Süskind, vermischte Aufsätze, s. 63. Tholuck, s. 182 f.

[322] Michaelis, Anm. z. d. St. und Einl. in d. N.T. 1, 71.

[323] Münter, Stern der Weisen, s. 88.

[324] Paulus. Wetstein.

[325] Credner.

[326] In Schmidt’s Bibliothek für Kritik und Exegese, 3, 1. s. 124. See Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 230; Ammon, Fortbildung, 1, s. 196; Credner, Einleitung, in d. N.T. 1, s. 155; De Wette, exeget. Handbuch.

[327] Chap. 17. Compare Historia de nativ. Mariae et de infantiâ Servatoris, c. 13.

[328] Fabricius, im Codex Apocryph. N.T. 1, s. 105, not. y.

[329] Ambrosius and Jerome. See Gieseler, K. G. 1, s. 516.

[330] Dial. c. Tryph. 78.

[331] C. Cels. 1, 51.

[332] Hess, Olshausen, Paulus.

[333] Paulus.

[334] Chap. 14.

[335] Chap. 4 in Thilo, s. 69.

[336] In seinem Versuch über die Wundergeschichten des N. T. See Gabler’s Neuestes theol. Journal, 7, 4, s. 411.

[337] Exeg. Handb. s. 180 ff. As Paulus supposes an external natural phenomenon so Matthæi imagines a mental vision of angels. Synopse der vier Evangelien, s. 3.

[338] Hebräische Mythologie, 2. Thl. s. 223 ff.

[339] Recension von Bauer’s hebr. Mythologie in Gabler’s Journal für auserlesene theol. Literatur, 2, 1, s. 58 f.

[340] Neuestes theol. Journal, 7, 4, s. 412 f.

[341] In Luc. 2. in Suicer, 2, p. 789.

[342] Servius ad Verg. Ecl. 10, 26.

[343] Liban. progymn. p. 138, in Wetstein, s. 662.

[344] Thus Cyrus, see Herod. 1, 110 ff. Romulus, see Livy, 1, 4.

[345] Thilo, Codex Apocr. N. T. 1, s. 383 not.

[346] Vid. Schöttgen, 2, s. 531.

[347] Sota, 1, 48: Sapientes nostri perhibent, circa horam nativitatis Mosis totam domum repletam fuisse luce (Wetstein).

[348] Ueber den Lukas, s. 29. f. With whom Neander and others now agree.—L. J. Ch. s. 21 f.

[349] Comp. De Wette, Kritik der mosaischen Geschichte, s. 116; George, Mythus u. Sage, s. 33 f.

[350]

Gen. xxxvii. 11 (LXX.): Luc. 2, 18 f.:

Ἐζήλωσαν δὲ οὐτὸν οἱ ἀδελφοὶ καὶ πάντες οἱ ἀκούσαντες ἐθαύμασαν — — αὐτοῦ, ὁ δὲ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ ἡ δὲ Μαριὰμ πάντα συνετήρει τὰ ῥήματα διετήρησε τὸ ῥῆμα.—Schöttgen, ταῦτα, συμβάλλουσα ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ αὐτῆς. horae, 1, 262. 2, 51: καὶ ἡ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ διετήρει πάντα τὰ ῥήματα ταῦτα ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ αὐτῆς.

[351] See Introduction.

[352] Perhaps as a precautionary measure to obviate objections on the part of the Jews. (Ammon, Fortbildung, 1, s. 217.)

[353] Pirke R. Elieser, 33: Sex hominum nomina dicta sunt, antequam nascerentur: Isaaci nempe, Ismaëlis, Mosis, Salomonis, Josiæ et nomen regis Messiæ. Bereschith rabba, sect. 1, fol. 3, 3.—(Schöttgen, horae, 2, s. 436): Sex res prævenerunt creationem mundi: quædam ex illis creatæ sunt, nempe lex et thronus gloriæ; aliæ ascenderunt in cogitationem (Dei) ut crearentur, nimirum Patriarchæ, Israël, templum, et nomen Messiæ.

[354] Comp. Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung des ersten kanonischen Evangeliums, s. 69 ff.

[355] Joseph. B. J. vi. vi. 4: Tacit. Histor. v. 13; Sueton. Vespas. 4. All the extant allusions to the existence of such a hope at the era of Christ’s birth, relate only in an indeterminate manner to a ruler of the world. Virg. Eclog. 4; Sueton. Octav. 94.

[356] In saying that it is inadmissible to suppose a divine intervention directly tending to countenance superstition, I refer to what is called immediate intervention. In the doctrine of mediate intervention, which includes the co-operation of man, there is doubtless a mixture of truth and error. Neander confuses the two. L. J. Ch., s. 29.

[357] Paulus and De Wette, exeg. Handb. in loc.

[358] According to Hoffmann (p. 256), that he might control the assertion of the magi by inquiring of his own astrologers, whether they had seen the star at the same time. This is not merely unsupported by the text—it is in direct contradiction to it, for we are there told that Herod at once gave terrified credence to the magi.

[359] Fritzsche, in loc. aptly says—comperto, quasi magos non ad se redituros statim scivisset, orti sideris tempore, etc.

[360] K. Ch. L. Schmidt, exeg. Beiträge, 1, s. 150 f. Comp. Fritzsche and De Wette in loc.

[361] Hoffman thinks that Herod shunned this measure as a breach of hospitality; yet this very Herod he represents as a monster of cruelty, and that justly, for the conduct attributed to the monarch in chap. ii. of Matthew is not unworthy of his heart, against which Neander superfluously argues (p. 30 f.), but of his head.

[362] Schmidt, ut sup. p. 155 f.

[363] Stark, Synops. bibl. exeg. in N. T., p. 62.

[364] This was the opinion of some of the Fathers, e.g. Euseb. Demonstr. evang. 9, ap. Suicer, 1, s. 559; Joann. Damasc. de fide orthod. ii. 7.

[365] Chrysostomus and others ap. Suicer, ut sup. and the Evang. infant. arab. c. vii.

[366] See Kuinöl, Comm. in Matth., p. 23.

[367] Vermischte Aufsätze, s. 8.

[368] Bibl. Comm. in loc, Hoffmann, s. 261.

[369] Schmidt, exeg. Beiträge, 1, 152 ff.

[370] This is shown in opposition to Olshausen by Steudel in Bengel’s Archiv. vii. ii. 425 f. viii. iii. 487.

[371] Schmidt, ut sup. p. 156.

[372] Babylon. Sanhedr. f. cvii. 2, ap. Lightfoot, p. 207. Comp. Schöttgen, ii. p. 533. According to Josephus Antiq. xiii. xiii. 5, xiv. 2, they were Jews of each sex and of all ages, and chiefly Pharisees.

[373] Joseph. B. J. i. xxx. 3. Comp. Antiq. xvii. iv. 1.

[374] Macrob. Saturnal. ii. 4: Quum audisset (Augustus) inter pueros, quos in Syriâ Herodes rex Judæorum intra bimatum jussit interfici, filium quoque ejus occisum, ait: melius est, Herodis porcum (ὗν) esse quam filium (υἱόν).

[375] Vid. Wetstein, Kuinöl, Olshausen in loc. Winer d. A. Herodes.

[376] Fritzsche, Comm. in Matt., p. 93 f.

[377] Chrysostom and others.

[378] Vid. Gratz, Comm. zum Ev. Matth. 1, s. 115.

[379] Kuinöl, ad Matth. p. 44 f.

[380] Wetstein, in loc.

[381] Schneckenburger, Beiträge zur Einleitung in das N. T., s. 42.

[382] Gieseler, Studien und Kritiken, 1831, 3. Heft, s. 588 f. Fritzsche, s. 104. Comp. Hieron. ad Jesai. xi. 1.

[383] For both these explanations, see Kuinöl, in loc.

[384] Kepler, in various treatises; Münter, der Stern der Weisen; Ideler, Handbuch der mathemat. und technischen Chronologie, 2. Bd. s. 399 ff.

[385] Olshausen, s. 67.

[386] Paulus, ut sup. s. 202, 221.

[387] Bengel’s Archiv. vii. ii. p. 424.

[388] At a later period, it is true, this journey of Jesus was the occasion of calumnies from the Jews, but those were of an entirely different nature, as will be seen in the following chapter.

[389] Ueber formelle oder genetische Erklärungsart der Wunder. In Henke’s Museum, 1, 3, 399 ff. Similar essays see in the Abhandlungen über die beiden ersten Kapitel des Matthäus u. Lukas, in Henke’s Magazin, 5, 1, 171 ff., and in Matthäi, Religionsgl. der Apostel, 2, s. 422 ff.

[390] L. J. Ch., s. 29 ff.

[391] Orig. c. Cels. i. 60. Auctor, op. imperf. in Matth. ap. Fabricius Pseudepigr. V. T., p. 807 ff.

[392] Schmidt’s Bibliothek, 3, 1, s. 130.

[393] In loc. Num. (Schöttgen, horæ, ii. p. 152): Multi Interpretati sunt hæc de Messiâ.

[394] Justin, Hist. 37.

[395] Sueton. Jul. Cæs. 88.

[396] Jalkut Rubeni, f. xxxii. 3 (ap. Wetstein): quâ horâ natus est Abrahamus, pater noster, super quem sit pax, stetit quoddam sidus in oriente et deglutivit quatuor astra, quæ erant in quatuor cœli plagis. According to an Arabic writing entitled Maallem, this star, prognosticating the birth of Abraham, was seen by Nimrod in a dream. Fabric. Cod. pseudepigr. V. T. i. s. 345.

[397] Testamentum XII. Patriarcharum, test. Levi, 18 (Fabric. Cod. pseud. V. T. p. 584 f.): καὶ ἀνατελεῖ ἄστρον αὐτοῦ (of the Messianic ἱερεὺς καινὸς) ἐν οὐρανῷ,—φωτίζον φῶς γνώσεως κ.τ.λ. Pesikta Sotarta, f. xlviii. 1 (ap. Schöttgen, ii. p. 531): Et prodibit stella ab oriente, quæ est stella Messiæ, et in oriente versabitur dies X V. Comp. Sohar Genes. f. 74. Schöttgen, ii. 524, and some other passages which are pointed out by Ideler in the Handbuch der Chronologie, 2 Bd. s. 409, Anm. 1, and Bertholdt, Christologia Judæorum, § 14.

[398] Compare with the passages cited Note 7. Protevang. Jac. cap. xxi.: εἴδομεν ἀστέρα παμμεγέθη, λάμψαντα ἐν τοῖς ἄστροις τοὺτοις καὶ ἀμβλύνοντα αὐτοὺς τοῦ φαίνειν. Still more exaggerated in Ignat. ep. ad Ephes. 19. See the collection of passages connected with this subject in Thilo, cod. apocr. i. p. 390 f.

[399] Exeg. Beiträge, i. s. 159 ff.

[400] Fritzsche in the paraphrase of chap. ii. Etiam stella, quam judaica disciplina sub Messiæ natale visum iri dicit, quo Jesus nascebatur tempore exorta est.

[401] As in Matt. ii. 11 it is said of the magi τροσήνενκαν αὐτῷ—χρυσὸν καὶ λίβανον: so in Isa. lx. 6 (LXX.): ἥξουσί, φέροντες χρυσίον, καὶ λίβανον οἴσουσι. The third present is in Matt. σμύρνα, in Isa. λίθος τίμιος.

[402] V. 1. und 3: כִּי בָא אוֹרֵךְ וּכְבוֹד יהוָֹה עָלַיִךְ (LXX: Ἰερουσαλὴμ) קוּמִי אוֹרִי זָרָח:—וְהָלְכוּ גּוֹיִם לְאוֹרֵךְ וּמְלָכִים לְנֹגַהּ זָרְחֵךְ

[403] Æneid, ii. 693 ff.

[404] Wetstein, in loc.

[405] Herod, i. 108 ff. Liv. i. 4.

[406] Octav. 94:—ante paucos quam nasceretur menses prodigium Romæ factum publice, quo denuntiabatur, regem populi Romani naturam parturire. Senatum exterritum, censuisse, ne quis illo anno genitus educaretur. Eos, qui gravidas uxores haberent, quo ad se quisque spem traheret, curasse, ne Senatus consultum ad ærarium deferretur.

[407] Bauer (über das Mythische in der früheren Lebensper. des Moses, in the n. Theol. Journ. 13, 3) had already compared the marvellous deliverance of Moses with that of Cyrus and Romulus; the comparison of the infanticides was added by De Wette, Kritik der Mos. Geschichte, s. 176.

[408] Joseph. Antiq. ii. ix. 2.

[409] Jalkut Rubeni (cont. of the passage cited in Note 6): dixerunt sapientes Nimrodi: natus est Tharæ filius hâc ipsâ horâ, ex quo egressurus est populus, qui hæreditabit præsens et futurum seculum; si tibi placuerit, detur patri ipsius domus argento auroque plena, et occidat ipsum. Comp. the passage of the Arabic book quoted by Fabric. Cod. pseudepigr. ut sup.

[410] Protev. Jacobi, c. xxii. f.

[411]

Ex. iv. 19, LXX: Matt. ii. 20:

βάδιζε, ἄπελθε εἰς Αἴγυπτον, ἐγερθεὶς—πορεύου εἰς γῆν Ἰσραήλ· τεθνήκασι γὰρ πάντες οἱ ζητοῦντές τεθνήκασι γὰρ οἱ ζητοῦντες τὴν σου τὴν ψυχὴν. ψυχὴν τοῦ παιδίου.

We may remark that the inappropriate use of the plural in the evangelical passage, can only be explained on the supposition of a reference to the passage in Exod. See Winer, N. T. Gramm. s. 149. Comp. also Exod. iv. 20 with Matt. ii. 14, 21.

[412] Vide e.g. Schöttgen, Horæ, ii. p. 209.

[413] Theile, zur Biographie Jesu, § 15, Anm. 9. Hoffmann, s. 269.

[414] Comp. my Streitschriften, i. 1, s. 42 f.; George, s. 39.

[415] Neander, L. J. Ch. s. 27.

[416] Schleiermacher (Ueber den Lukas, s. 47), explains the narrative concerning the magi as a symbolical one; but he scorns to take into consideration the passages from the O. T. and other writings, which have a bearing on the subject, and by way of retribution, his exposition at one time rests in generalities, at another, takes a wrong path.

[417] Lightfoot, Horæ, p. 202.

[418] Schneckenburger, Ueber den Ursprung des ersten kanonischen Evangeliums, s. 69 ff.

[419] Thus, e.g. Augustin de consensu evangelistarum, ii. 5. Storr, opusc. acad. iii. s. 96 ff. Süskind, in Bengel’s Archiv. i. 1, s. 216 ff.

[420] E.g. Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 1, s. 51 ff. Paulus, Olshausen, in loc.

[421] Süskind, ut sup. s. 222.

[422] The same difference as to the chronological relation of the two incidents exists between the two different texts of the apocryphal book: Historia de nativitate Mariæ et de inf. Serv., see Thilo, p. 385, not.

[423] This incompatibility of the two narratives was perceived at an early period by some opponents of Christianity. Epiphanius names one Philosabbatius, together with Celsus and Porphyry (hæres. li. 8).

[424] Neander, L. J. Ch. s. 33, Anm.

[425] Schleiermacher, Ueber den Lukas, s. 47. Schneckenburger, ut sup.

[426] Antiq. xiv. ix. 4, xv. i. 1 and x. 4.

[427] The Evang. Nicodemi indeed calls him, c. xvi. ὁ μέγας διδάσκαλος, and the Protev. Jacobi, c. xxiv. makes him a priest or even high priest, vid. Varr. ap. Thilo Cod. Apocr. N. T. 1, s. 271, comp. 203.

[428] 1 Th. s. 205 ff.

[429] Cap. vi. Viditque illum Simeon senex instar columnæ lucis refulgentem, cum Domina Maria virgo, mater ejus, ulnis suis eum gestaret,—et circumdabant eum angeli instar circuli, celebrantes illum, etc. Ap. Thilo, p. 71.

[430] Thus E. F. in the treatise, on the two first chapters of Matth. and Luke. In Henke’s Mag. 5 bd. s. 169 f. A similar half measure is in Matthäi, Synopse der 4 Evan. s. 3, 5 f.

[431] With the words of Simeon addressed to Mary: καὶ σοῦ δὲ αὐτῆς τὴν ψυχὲν διελεύσεται ῥομφαία (v. 35) comp. the words in the messianic psalm of sorrow, xxii. 21: ῥῦσαι ἀπὸ ῥομφαίας τὴν ψυχέν μου.

[432] Schleiermacher, Ueber den Lukas, s. 37. Compare on the other hand the observations in § 18, with those of the authors there quoted, Note 19.

[433] Neander here (s. 24 f.) mistakes the apocryphal for the mythical, as he had before done the poetical.

[434] Olshausen, bibl. Comm. 1. s. 142 f.

[435] Dial. c. Trypho, 78: Joseph came from Nazareth, where he lived, to Bethlehem, whence he was, to be enrolled, ἀνεληλύθει (Ἰωσὴφ) ἀπὸ Ναζαρὲτ, ἔνθα ὤκει, εἰς Βηθλεὲμ, ὅθεν ἦν, ἀπογράψασθαι. The words ὅθεν ἦν might however be understood as signifying merely the place of his tribe, especially if Justin’s addition be considered: For his race was of the tribe of Judah, which inhabits that land, ἀπο γὰρ τῆς κατοικούσης τὴν γῆν ἐκείνην φυλῆς Ἰούδα τὸ γένος ἦν.

[436] Beiträge zur Einleit. in das N. T. 1. s. 217. Comp. Hoffmann, s. 238 f. 277 ff.

[437] C. I. 8. 10.

[438] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, a, s. 178.

[439] Ueber die Unzulässigkeit der mythischen Auffassung u. s. f. 1, s. 101.

[440] L. J. Ch. s. 33.

[441] Tertull. adv. Marcion iv. 8. Epiphan. hær. xxix. 1.

[442] Comp K. Ch. L. Schmidt, in Schmidt’s Bibliothek, 3, 1, s. 123 f.; Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 230.

[443] On this Heydenreich rests his defence, Ueber die Unzulässigkeit. 1. s. 99.

[444] Ueber den Lukas, s. 49. There is a similar hesitation in Thelte, Biographie Jesu, § 15.

[445] Ueber den Ursprung u. s. w., s. 68 f. u. s. 158.

[446] Comp. Ammon. Fortbildung, 1, s. 194 ff.; De Wette, exeget. Handb. 1, 2, s. 24 f.; George, s. 84 ff. That different narrators may give different explanations of the same fact, and that these different explanations may afterwards be united in one book, is proved by many examples in the O. T. Thus in Genesis, three derivations are given of the name of Isaac; two of that of Jacob (xxv. 26., xxvii. 16), and so of Edom and Beersheba (xxi. 31., xxvi. 33). Comp. De Wette, Kritik der mos. Gesch., s. 110. 118 ff. and my Streitschriften, I, 1, s. 83 ff.

[447] Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 1, s. 110.

[448] Olshausen, bibl. Comm. 1, s. 145 f.

[449] Olshausen, ut sup. 1. 150.

[450] Hase, Leben Jesu, § 37.

[451] Heydenreich, über die Unzulässigkeit u. s. f. 1, s. 103.

[452] Megillah, f. 21, apud Lightfoot, in loc.

[453] Vid. Kuinöl, in Luc. p. 353.

[454] Evang. Thomæ, c. vi. ff. Ap. Thilo. p. 288 ff. and Evang. infant, arab. c. xlviii. p. 123, Thilo.

[455] Ibid.

[456] Evang. infant, arab. c. l.

[457] Ibid. c. l. and li.; comp. ev. Thomæ, c. xix.

[458] Olshausen confesses this, s. 151.

[459] For proofs (e.g. Hieros. Taanith, lxvii. 4) see Wetstein and Lightfoot, in loc.

[460] Lightfoot, Horæ, p. 742.

[461] Paulus, s. 279.

[462] Kuinöl, s. 353 f.

[463] Horæ, ii. p. 886.

[464] Bibl. Comm. p. 151.

[465] Geschichte Jesu, 1, s. 112.

[466] In the similar account also which Josephus gives us of himself when fourteen, it is easy to discern the exaggeration of a self-complacent man. Life, 2: Moreover, when I was a child, and about fourteen years of age, I was commended by all for the love I had to learning, on which account the high priests and principal men of the city came there frequently to me together, in order to know my opinion about the accurate understanding of points of the law.

[467]

1 Sam. ii. 26 (LXX): Luc. ii. 52:

καὶ τὸ παιδάριον Σαμουὴλ ἐπορεύετο καὶ Ἰησοῦς προέκοπτε σοφία καὶ μαγαλυνόμενον, καὶ ἀγαθὸν καὶ μετὰ ἡλικίᾳ, καὶ χάριτι παρὰ θεῷ καὶ Κυρίου καὶ μετὰ ἀνθρώπων. ἀνθρώποις.

Compare also what Josephus says Antiq. ii. ix. 6 of the χάρις παιδικὴ of Moses.

[468] Gabler neuest. theol. Journal 3, 1, s. 39.

[469] Joseph. Antiq. ii. ix. 6.

[470] Philo, de vita Mosis, Opp. ed. Mangey, Vol. 2. p. 83 f. οὐχ οἷα κομιδῆ νήπιος ἥδετο τωθασμοῖς καὶ γέλωσι καὶ παιδιαῖς—ἀλλ’ αἰδω καὶ σεμνότητα παραφαίνων, ἀπούσμασι καὶ θεάμασιν, ἃ τὴν ψυχὴν ἔμελλεν ὠφελήσειν προσεῖχε. διδάσκαλοι δ’ εὐθὺς, ἀλλαχόθεν ἄλλος, παρῆσαν·—ὧν ἐν οὐ μακρῷ χρόνῳ τὰς δυνάμεις ὑπερέβαλεν, εὐμοιρίᾳ φύσεως φθάνων τὰς ὑφηγὴσεις.

[471] Chagiga, ap. Wetstein, in loc. A XII anno filius censetur maturus. So Joma f. lxxxii. 1. Berachoth f. xxiv. 1; whereas Bereschith Rabba lxiii. mentions the 13th year as the critical one.

[472] Schemoth R. ap. Wetstein: Dixit R, Chama: Moses duodenarius avulsus est a domo patris sui etc.

[473] Joseph. Antiq. v. x. 4: Σαμούηλος δὲ πεπληρωκὼς ἔτος ἤδη δωδέκατον, προεφήτευς.

[474] Ignat. ep. (interpol.) ad Magnes. c. iii.: Σολομῶν δὲ—δωδεκαετὴς βασιλεύσας, τὴν φοβερὰν ἑκείνην καὶ δυσερμήνευτον ἐπὶ ταῖς γυναιξὶ κρίσιν ἕνεκα τῶν παιδίων ἐποιήσατο.—Δανιὴλ ὁ σοφὸς δωδεκαετὴς γέγονε κάτοχος τῷ θείῳ πνεύματι, καὶ τοὺς μάτην τὴν πολιὰν φέροντας πρεσβύτας συκοφάντας καὶ ἐπιθυμητὰς ἀλλοτρίου κάλλους ἀπήλεγξε. But Solomon, ... being king at the age of twelve years, gave that terrible and profound judgment between the women with respect to the children.... Daniel, the wise man, when twelve years old, was possessed by the divine spirit, and convicted those calumniating old men who, carrying gray hairs in vain, coveted the beauty that belonged to another. This, it is true, is found in a Christian writing, but on comparing it with the above data, we are led to believe that it was drawn from a more ancient Jewish legend.

[475] This Kaiser has seen, bibl. Theol. 1, 234.

[476] Neither do we learn what Hase (Leben Jesu § 37) supposes to be conveyed in this narrative, namely, that as it exhibits the same union with God that constituted the idea of the later life of Jesus, it is an intimation that his later excellence was not the result of conversion from youthful errors, but of the uninterrupted development of his freedom.

[477] Ueber die Unzulässigkeit u. s. f. 1, s. 92.

[478] Ueber den Lukas, s. 39 f.

[479] Cap. v. In the Greek text also the more probable reading is καὶ μάλιστα οὐ σοφῶς, vid. Thilo, p. 287.

[480] Hence the title of an Arabian apocryphal work (according to the Latin translation in Thilo, 1, p. 3): historia Josephi, fabri lignarii.

[481] Vid. Thilo, Cod. Apocr. N. T. p. 368 f. not.

[482] Justin. Dial. c. Tryph. 88. According to him Jesus makes these implements, doubtless under the direction of Joseph. In the Evang. Thomæ c. xiii. Joseph is the workman.

[483] Cap. xxxviii. ap. Thilo, p. 112 ff.

[484] C. ix. and xiii.

[485] C. Cels. vi. 36.

[486] Fritzsche, in Marc. p. 200.

[487] Vid. Wetstein and Paulus, in loc.; Winer, Realwörterbuch, 1, s. 665. Note; Neander, L. J. Chr. s. 46 f. Note.

[488] Ut sup.: ταῦτα γὰρ τὰ τεκτονικὰ ἔργα εἰργάζετο ἐν ἀνθρώποις ὢν, ἄροτρα καὶ ζυγά. διὰ τούτων καὶ τὰ τῆς δικαιοσύνης σύμβολα διδάσκων, καὶ ενεργῆ βίον.

[489] Cap. xxxviii.

[490] Theodoret. H. E. iii. 23.

[491] Hase, Leben Jesu, § 70; Winer, bibl. Realw. 1, s. 665.

[492] Winer, ut sup.

[493] This is done by both the above-named theologians.

[494] Paulus, exeget. Handb. 1, a, s. 273 ff.

[495] Such, however, are the arguments of Paulus, ut sup. 275 ff.

[496] Comp. Hase, Leben Jesu, § 38; Neander, L. J. Chr. s. 45 f.

[497] Paulus, ut sup.

[498] To this Schöttgen appeals, Christus rabbinorum summus, in his horæ, ii. p. 890 f.

[499] As e.g. Reinhard does, in his Plan Jesu.

[500] Evang. infant. arab. c. i. p. 60 f. ap. Thilo, and the passages quoted § 40 out of the same Gospel and the Evang. Thomæ.

[501] Cap. ii. p. 278, Thilo.

[502] Cap. x. ff.

[503] E.g. Evang. Thomæ, c. iii.–v. Evang. infant. arab. c. xlvi. f. Evang. Thomæ, c. ii. Evang. inf. arab. c. xxxvi.

[504] Yet some isolated instances occur, vid. Semler, Baumgarten’s Glaubenslehre, 1, s. 42, Anm. 8.

[505] Orig. c. Cels. 1. 28: καὶ (λέγει) ὅτι οὗτος (ὁ Ἰησοῦς) διὰ πενίαν εἰς Αἴγυπτον μισθαρνήσας, κᾀκεῖ δυνάμεων τίνων πειραθεὶς, ἐφ’ αἷς Αἰγύπτιοι σεμνύνονται, ἐπανῆλθεν, ἐν ταῖς δυνάμεσι μέγα φρονῶν, καὶ δι’ αὐτὰς θεὸν αὐτὸν ἀνηγόρευσε.

[506] Sanhedr. f. cvii. 2: R. Josua f. Perachja et ישו Alexandrian Aegypti profecti sunt — — ישו ex illo tempore magiam exercuit, et Israëlitas ad pessima quævis perduxit. (An important anachronism, as this Josua Ben Perachja lived about a century earlier. See Jost, Geschichte des Isr., 2, s. 80 ff. and 142 of the Appendices.) Schabbath f. civ. 2: Traditio est, R. Elieserem dixisse ad viros doctos: annon f. Satdae (i.e. Jesus) magiam ex Aegypto adduxit per incisionem in carne suâ factam? vid. Schöttgen, horæ, ii. p. 697 ff. Eisenmenger, entdecktes Judenthum, 1, s. 149 f.

[507] E.g. Des Côtes, Schutzschrift für Jesus von Nazaret, s. 128 ff.

[508] Neander, L. J. Chr. s. 39 ff.

[509] Vid. Joseph. B. j. ii. viii. 2–13. Antiq. xviii. i. 5. Comp. Philo, quod omnis probus liber and de vita contemplativa.

[510] This opinion is judiciously developed by Stäudlin, Geschichte der Sittenlehre Jesu, 1, s. 570 ff.; and in a romantic manner in the Geschichte des Grossen Propheten von Nazaret, 1. Band.

[511] H. E. ii. 16 f.

[512] Comp. Bengel, Bemerkungen über den Versuch. das Christenthum aus dem Essäismus abzuleiten, in Flatt’s Magazin, 7, s. 126 ff.; Neander, L. J. Chr. s. 41 ff.

[513] This is stated with exaggeration by Bahrdt, Briefe über die Bibel, zweites Bändchen, 18ter, 20ster Brief ff. 4tes Bändchen, 49ster Brief.

[514] Comp. Paulus ut sup. 1, a, 273 ff. Planck, Geschichte des Christenthums in der Periode seiner ersten Einführung 1, s. 84. De Wette, bibl. Dogm. § 212. Hase L. J. § 38. Winer, bibl. Realw. s. 677 f. Neander, L. J. Chr. s. 38 ff.

[515] Exeget. Handbuch. 1 a, s. 46. Schneckenburger agrees with him, über den Ursprung des ersten kanon. Evang., s. 30.

[516] Vermischte Aufsätze, s. 76 ff. Compare Schneckenburger, ut sup.

[517] De Wette and Fritzsche, in loc.

[518] See Paulus, ut sup., s. 336.

[519] I here collect all the passages in Josephus relative to Lysanias, with the parallel passages in Dion Cassius. Antiq. xiii. xvi. 3, xiv. iii. 2, vii. 8.—Antiq. xv. iv. 1. B. j. i. xiii. 1 (Dio Cassius xlix. 32). Antiq. xv. x. 1–3. B. j. i. xx. 4 (Dio Cass. liv. 9). Antiq. xvii. xi. 4. B. j. ii. vi. 3. Antiq. xviii. vi. 10. B. j. ii. ix. 6 (Dio Cass. lix. 8). Antiq. xix. v. 1. B. j. ii. xi. 5. Antiq. xx. v. 2, vii. 1. B. j. ii. xii. 8.

[520] Süskind, vermischte Aufsätze, s. 15 ff. 93 ff.

[521] Tholuck thinks he has found a perfectly corresponding example in Tacitus. When this historian, Annal. ii. 42 (A.D. 17), mentions the death of an Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, and yet, Annal. vi. 41 (A.D. 36), cites an Archelaus, also a Cappadocian, as ruler of the Clitæ, the same historical conjecture, says Tholuck, is necessary, viz., that there were two Cappadocians named Archelaus. But when the same historian, after noticing the death of a man, introduces another of the same name, under different circumstances, it is no conjecture, but a clear historic datum, that there were two such persons. It is quite otherwise when, as in the case of Lysanias, two writers have each one of the same name, but assign him distinct epochs. Here it is indeed a conjecture to admit two successive persons; a conjecture so much the less historical, the more improbable it is shown to be that one of the two writers would have been silent respecting the second of the like-named men, had such an one existed.

[522] Michaelis, Paulus, in loc. Schneckenburger, in Ullmann’s und Umbreit’s Studien, 1833, 4 Heft, s. 1056 ff. Tholuck, s. 201 ff.

[523] For, on the authority of a single manuscript to erase, with Schneckenburger and others, the second τετραρχοῦντος, is too evident violence.

[524] Compare with this view, Allgem. Lit. Ztg., 1803, No. 344, s. 552: De Wette, exeg. Handbuch, in loc.

[525] See Paulus, s. 294.

[526] See Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 62.

[527] Bengel was also of this opinion. Ordo temporum, s. 204 f. ed. 2.

[528] Antiq. xviii. v. 2.

[529] So Cludius, über die Zeit und Lebensdauer Johannis und Jesu. In Henke’s Museum, ii. iii. 502 ff.

[530] Cludius, ut sup.

[531] Stäudlin, Geschichte der Sittenlehre Jesu, 1, s. 580. Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1 a, s. 136. Comp. also Creuzer, Symbolik, 4, s. 413 ff.

[532] Ut sup. p. 347.

[533] Bell. jud. iii. x. 7.

[534] See Winer, bibl. Realwörterbuch, A. Wüste. Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung des ersten kanonischen Evangeliums, s. 39.

[535] Schneckenburger, ut sup., s. 38 f.

[536] Winer, ut sup., s. 691.

[537] Paulus, ut sup., s. 301.

[538] Schneckenburger, über das Alter der Jüdischen Proselytentaufe.

[539] Sanhedr. f. xcvii. 2: R. Elieser dixit: si Israëlitæ pœnitentiam agunt, tunc per Goëlem liberantur; sin vero, non liberantur. Schöttgen, horæ, 2, p. 780 ff.

[540] Antiq. xviii. v. 2.

[541] Thus Paulus, ut sup., s. 314 and 361, Anm.

[542] Fragment von dem Zwecke Jesu und seiner Jünger, herausgegeben von Lessing, s. 133 ff.

[543] So thinks Semler in his answer to the above Fragments, in loc.; so think most of the moderns; Plank, Geschichte des Christenthums in der Periode seiner Einführung, 1, K. 7. Winer, bibl. Realwörterbuch, 1, s. 691.

[544] Let the reader judge for himself whether Neander’s arguments be not forced: “Even if the Baptist could have expected” (say rather must necessarily have known) “from the circumstances of the birth of Jesus, that he was the Messiah, the divine witness in his own mind would eclipse all external testimony, and compared with this divine illumination, all previous knowledge would seem ignorance.” p. 68.

[545] Lücke, Commentar zum Evang. Johannis 1, s. 362.

[546] Osiander, in despair, answers, that the heavenly communications themselves might contain directions for—keeping the two youths apart! s. 127.

[547] Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 1, s. 117 f. Paulus, ut sup., s. 366.

[548] Comp. the Fragmentist, ut sup.

[549] Hæres, xxx. 13: Καὶ ὡς ἀνῆλθεν ἀπὸ τοῦ ὕδατος, ἡνοίγησαν οἱ οὐρανοὶ, καὶ εἶδε τὸ πνεῦμα τοῦ Θεοῦ τὸ ἅγιον ἐν εἴδει περιστερᾶς κ.τ.λ. καὶ φωνὴ ἐγένετο κ.τ.λ. καὶ εὐθὺς περιέλαμψε τὸν τόπον φῶς μέγα· ὃν ἰδών, φησὶν, ὁ Ἰωάννης λέγει αὐτῷ· σύ τὶς εἶ, Κύριε; καὶ πάλιν φωνὴ κ.τ.λ. καὶ τότε, φησὶν, ὁ Ἰωάννης παραπεσὼν αὐτῷ ἔλεγε· δέομαι σοῦ Κύριε, σύ με βάπτισον. And when he came from the water, the heavens were opened, and he saw the holy spirit of God in the form of a dove, etc., and a voice was heard, etc., and immediately a great light illuminated the place; seeing which, John said to him, Who art thou, Lord? and again a voice, etc. And then, John falling at his feet, said to him, I beseech thee, Lord, baptize me.

[550] Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung des ersten kanonischen Evangeliums, s. 121 f.; Lücke, Comm. z. Ev. Joh., 1, s. 361. Usteri, über den Täufer Johannes u. s. w., Studien, 2, 3. s. 446.

[551] Tertull. adv. Marcion, iv. 18. Comp. Bengel, historico-exegetical remarks in Matt. xi. 2–19, in his Archiv. 1, iii. p. 754 ff.

[552] See Paulus, Kuinöl, in loc. Bengel, ut sup., p. 763.

[553] Calvin, Comm. in harm. ex. Matth., Marc. et Luc. in loc.

[554] We agree with Schleiermacher, (über den Lukas, s. 106 f.) in thus designating the narrative of the third evangelist, first, on account of the idle repetition of the Baptist’s words, ver. 20; secondly, on account of the mistake in ver. 18 and 21, of which we shall presently treat, and to which ver. 29, 30, seem to betray a similar one.

[555] Compare Calvin in loc. and Bengel ut sup., s. 753 ff.

[556] Thus most recent commentators: Paulus, Kuinöl, Bengel, Hase, Theile, and even Fritzsche.

[557] This difficulty occurred to Bengel also, ut sup., p. 769.

[558] The gospel writers, after what they had narrated of the relations between Jesus and the Baptist, of course understood the question to express doubt, whence probably v. 6 (Matt.) and v. 23 (Luke) came in this connection. Supposing these passages authentic, they suggest another conjecture; viz. that Jesus spoke in the foregoing verses of spiritual miracles, and that the Baptist was perplexed by the absence of corporeal ones. The ἀκούσας τὰ ἔργα τ. Χ. must then be set down to the writer’s misapprehension of the expressions of Jesus.

[559] Gabler and Paulus.

[560] De Wette, de morte Christi expiatoria, in his Opusc. theol., s. 77 ff. Lücke, Comm. zum Ev. Joh. 1, s. 347 ff. Winer, bibl. Realwörterb. 1, s. 693, Anm.