Chapter V: The Ascension (6)

32: καὶ οἶδα, ὅτι ἀληθής ἐστιν ἡ Joh. xix. 35: καὶ ἀληθινή ἑστιν μαρτυρία, ἣν μαρτυρεῖ περὶ ἐμοῦ. αὐτοῦ ἡ μαρτυρία, κἀκεῖνος οἶδεν, ὃτι ἀληθῆ λέγει. Comp. xxi. 24. 1 34: ἑγὼ δὲ οὐ παρὰ ἀνθρώπου τὴν Joh. 3, 12. μαρτυρίαν λαμβάνω. 1 Joh. v. 9: εἰ τὴν μαρτυρίαν τῶν 36: ἐγὼ δὲ ἔχω μαρτυρίαν μείζω ἀνθρώπων λαμβάνομεν, ἡ μαρτυρία τοῦ τοῦ Ἰωάννου. θεοῦ, μείζων ἐστίν· ὅτι αὔτη ἐστιν ἡ μαρτυρία τοῦ θεοῦ, ἣν μεμαρτύρηκε 37: καὶ ὁ πέμψας με πατὴρ, αὐτὸς περὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ. μεμαρτύρηκε περὶ ἐμοῦ. Joh. i. 18: θεὸν οὐδεὶς ἑώρακε Ib.: ὄυτε τὴν φωνὴν αὐτοῦ πώποτε. Comp. 1 Joh. iv. 12. ἀκηκόατε πώποτε, οὕτε τὸ εἶδος αὐτοῦ ἑωράκατε. 1 Joh. i. 10: καὶ ὁ λόγος αὐτοῦ οὐκ ἐστιν ἐν ὑμῖν. 38: καὶ τὸν λόγον αὐτοῦ οὐκ ἔχετε μένοντα ἐν ὑμῖν. 1 Joh. v. 12: ὁ μὴ ἔχων τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ζωὴν οὐκ ἔχει. 40: καὶ οὐ θέλετε ἐλθείν πρός με, ἵνα ζωὴν ἔχητε. 1 Joh. ii. 15: οὐκ ἔστιν ἡ ἀγάπη τοῦ πατρὸς ἐν αὐτῷ. 42: ὅτι τὴν ἀγάπην τοῦ θεοῦ οὐκ ἔχετε ἐν ἑαυτοῖς. Joh. xi. 43: ἡγάπησαν γὰρ τὴν δόξαν τῶν ἀνθρώπων μᾶλλον, ἤπερ τὴν δόξαν 44: πῶς δύνασθε ὑμεῖς πιστεύειν, τοῦ θεοῦ. δόξαν παρὰ ἀλλήλων λαμβάνοντες, καὶ τὴν δόξαν τὴν παρὰ του μόνου θεοῦ οὐ ζητεῖτε·

[1041] Vid. the passages compared by Gfrörer, 1, s. 194, from Philo, de linguarum confusione.

[1042] Sup. § 14.

[1043] De profugis, Opp. Mang., i. s. 566, Gfrörer, 1, s. 202. What is farther said of the λόγος: ἀφ’ οὒ πᾶσαι παιδεῖαι καὶ σοφίαι ῥέουσιν ἀένναοι may be compared with John iv. 14, vi. 35, vii. 38.

[1044] See Lücke’s History of the interpretation of this passage in his Comm. 2, Appendix B, p. 727 ff.

[1045] Hase, L. J. § 99.

[1046] Comp. Bretschneider, Probab., pp. 56, 88 ff.

[1047] In relation to this chapter, I entirely approve the following remark in the Probabilia (p. 56): videretur—Jesus ipse studuisse, ut verbis illuderet Judæis, nec ab iis intelligeretur, sed reprobaretur. Ita vero nec egit, nec agere potuit, neque si ita docuisset, tanta effecisset, quanta illum effecisse historia testatur. Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 3, s. 6.

[1048] E.g. by Tholuck and Lücke. The latter, however, allows that it is rather an incipient than a complete parable. Olshausen also remarks, that the discourses of the Shepherd and the Vine are rather comparisons than parables; and Neander shows himself willing to distinguish the parable presented by the synoptists as a species, under the genus similitude, to which the παροιμίαι of John belong.

[1049]

x. 27: τὰ πρόβατα τὰ ἐμὰ τῆς x. 3: καὶ τὰ πρόβατα τῆς φωνῆς φωνῆς μου ἀκούει, αὐτοῦ ἀκούει.

κἀγὼ γινώσκω αὐτά· 14: καὶ γινώσκω τυ ἐμα

28: καὶ ἀκολουθοῦσί μοι. 4: καὶ τὰ πρόβατα αὐτῷ ἀκολουθεῖ.

Also κἀγω ζωὴν αἰώνιον δίδωμι αὐτοῖς corresponds to ἐγὼ ἠλθον, ἳνα ζωὴν ἔχωσι, v. 10, and καὶ οὐχ ἁρπάσει τις αὐτὰ ἐκ τῆς χειρός μου is the counterpart of what is said v. 12 of the hireling who allows the sheep to be scattered.

[1050] Comp. v. 44 with vii. 17; v. 46 with viii. 12; v. 47 with iii. 17; v. 48 with iii. 18, v. 45; v. 49 with viii. 28; v. 50 with vi. 40, vii. 17, viii. 28.

[1051] L. J., b, s. 142.

[1052] Lücke, Tholuck, Paulus, in loc.

[1053] Cyril, Erasmus. Tholuck’s expedient, which Olshausen approves, is to give ἐμαρτύρησεν the signification of the pluperfect, and to understand γὰρ as an explicative. But I do not see how this can be of any avail, for γὰρ and οὖν (v. 45) would still form a relation of agreement between two propositions, which one would have expected to be opposed to each other by μὲν and δὲ.

[1054] Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 251, 56.

[1055] This idea is so entirely in the spirit of the ancient harmonists, that I can scarcely believe Lücke to be the first to whom it had occurred (Comm. 1, s. 545 f.).

[1056] Vid. sup. § 39.

[1057] Paulus, L. J. 1, b, s. 158.

[1058] Lücke, 2, s. 478.

[1059] Tholuck, in loc.

[1060] Paulus, L. J. 1, b, s. 175; Lücke, Tholuck, Olshausen, in loc.; Hug, Einl. in das N. T. 2, s. 209.

[1061] Wegscheider, Einl. in das Evang. Joh., s. 271; Tholuck, Comm. s. 37 f.

[1062] Thus Eckermann, theol. Beiträge, 5, 2, s. 228; (Vogel) der Evangelist Johannes und seine Ausleger vor dem jüngsten Gericht, 1, s. 28 ff.; Wegscheider, s. 281; Bretschneider, Probabil., 33, 45, apud Wegscheider, ut sup. s. 281; Bretschneider, Probab., p. 33, 45.

[1063] De Wette, Einl. in das N. T., § 105; Tholuck, Comm. z. Joh., s. 38 f.; Glaubwürdigkeit, s. 344 ff.; Lücke, 1, s. 198 f.

[1064] Commentar, 4, s. 275 f.

[1065] Verosimilia de origine evangelii Joannis, opusc. p. 1 ff., Einleit. in das N. T., s. 1302 ff. This opinion is approved by Wegscheider, ut sup. p. 270 ff. and also Hug, 2. 263 f., and Tholuck, Comm. p. 38, think the supposition of early notes not to be altogether rejected.

[1066] Lücke, 1, s. 192 f.

[1067] Henke, programm. quo illustratur Johannes apostolus nonnullorum Jesu apophthegmatum et ipse interpres.

[1068] Bretschneider, Probab., p. 14 f.

[1069] Ut sup. p. 199.

[1070] Wegscheider, p. 286; Lücke, p. 195 f.

[1071] Wegscheider, p. 285; Lücke, ut sup.

[1072] Lücke, s. 124 f. 175. Kern, über den Ursprung des Evang. Matthäi, in der Tüb. Zeitschrift, 1834, 2, s. 109.

[1073] S. 39.

[1074] S. 197. “But lastly, why should we fear to adduce,” etc.

[1075] The aid promised to the disciples when brought before rulers and tribunals, Matt. x. 19 f., is quite distinct from a bringing to remembrance of the discourses of Jesus (John xiv. 26).

[1076] Bretschneider, Probab., p. 2, 3, 31 ff.

[1077] De Wette, Einl. in das N. T., § 103; Hase, L. J., § 7.

[1078] Lücke, ut sup. pp. 336, 337. Kern, ut sup.

[1079] Tholuck, ut sup.

[1080] Bretschneider, ut sup.

[1081] De Wette, ut sup. § 105.

[1082] Comp. Schulze, der schriftst. Charakter und Werth des Johannes. 1803.

[1083] Stronck—de doctrinâ et dictione Johannis apostoli, ad Jesu magistri doctrinam dictionemque exacte composita. 1797.

[1084] Lücke, Comm. z. Joh. 1, p. 200.

[1085] Ut. sup. p. 199.

[1086] In his review of the 2nd Ed. of Lücke’s Commentar., in the Litt. Blatt der allgem. Kirchenzeitung 1834, no. 18.

[1087] This peculiarity of the discourses in John cannot be better described than by Erasmus in his Epist. ad Ferdinandum, prefatory to his Paraphrase: habet Johannes suum quoddam dicendi genus, ita sermonem velut ansulis ex sese cohærentibus contexens, nonnunquam ex contrariis, nonnunquam ex similibus, nonnunquam ex iisdem, subinde repetitis,——ut orationis quodque membrum semper excipiat prius, sic ut prioris finis sit initium sequentis, etc.

[1088] Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 303 ff.; Sieffert, über den Urspr. des ersten kanon. Evang. s. 58, 73, u. s.; Schneckenburger, über den Urspr. s. 73.

[1089] Olshausen, b. Comm. 1. s. 15.

[1090] See the above named critics, passim; and Hug, Einl. in das N. T. 2, s. 212.

[1091] Comp. Saunier, über die Quellen des Markus, s. 42 ff.

[1092] Kern, über den Urspr. des Ev. Matt. ut sup. s. 70 f.

[1093] I say, examine whether—not, consider it decided that—so that the accusation of opponents, that I use both the particularity and the brevity of narratives as proofs of their mythical character, falls to the ground of itself.

[1094] Ueber den Lukas, s. 74, and elsewhere.

[1095] Ut sup. s. 311.

[1096] Schleiermacher (s. 175) does not perceive the connexion of the discourse on the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost, in Matthew (xii. 31 f.), though it links on excellently to the foregoing expression, ἐγὼ ἐν πνεύματι θεοῦ ἐκβάλλω τὰ δαιμόνια (v. 28). It is more easy, however, to understand this difficulty, than that he should think (s. 185 f.) that discourse better introduced in Luke (xii. 10). For here, between the preceding proposition, that whosoever denies the Son of Man before men, shall be denied before the angels of God, and the one in question, the only connexion is that the expression ἀρνεῖσθαι τὸν υἰὸν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου brought to the writer’s recollection the words εἰπεῶ λὸγος εἰς τὸν υίὸν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου. One proof of this is that between the latter passage and the succeeding declaration, that the necessary words would be given to the disciples, when before the tribunal, by the πνεῦμα ἅγιον, the connexion consists just as superficially in the expression πνεῦμα ἅγιον. What follows in Matthew (v. 33–37), had been partly given already in the Sermon on the Mount, but stands here in a better connexion than Schleiermacher is willing to admit.

[1097] Luke makes the demand of a sign follow immediately on the accusation, and then gives in succession the answers of Jesus to both. This representation modern criticism holds to be far more probable than that of Matthew, who gives first the accusation and its answer, then the demand of a sign and its refusal; and this judgment is grounded on the difficulty of supposing, that after Jesus had given a sufficiently long answer to the accusation, the very same people who had urged it would still demand a sign (Schleiermacher, s. 175; Schneckenburger, über den Urspr. s. 52 f.). But on the other hand, it is equally improbable that Jesus, after having some time ago delivered a forcible discourse on the more important point, the accusation concerning Beelzebub, and even after an interruption which had led him to a totally irrelevant declaration (Luke xi. 27 f.), should revert to the less important point, namely, the demand of a sign. The discourse on the departure and return of the unclean spirit, is in Matthew (v. 43–45) annexed to the reply of Jesus to this demand; but in Luke (xi. 24 ff.) it follows the answer to the imputation of a league with Beelzebub, and this may at first seem to be a more suitable arrangement. But on a closer examination, it will appear very improbable that Jesus should conclude a defence, exacted from him by his enemies, with so calm and purely theoretical a discourse, which supposes an audience, if not favourably prepossessed, at least open to instruction; and it will be found that here again there is no further connexion than that both discourses treat of the expulsion of demons. By this single feature of resemblance, the writer of the third gospel was led to sever the connexion between the answer to the oft-named accusation, and that to the demand of a sign, which accusation and demand, as the strongest proofs of the malevolent unbelief of the enemies of Jesus, seem to have been associated by tradition. The first Evangelist refrained from this violence, and reserved the discourse on the return of the unclean spirit, which was suggested by the suspicion cast on the expulsion of demons by Jesus, until he had communicated the answer by which Jesus parries the demand of a sign.

[1098] Vid. Griesbach, Comm. crit. in loc.

[1099] Comp. Schleiermacher, s. 190 f.

[1100] De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 139.

[1101] Ueber den Urspr. s. 115.

[1102] For the proof of this interpretation, see Fritzsche, comm. in Marc. p. 97 ff.

[1103] Ueber den Lukas, s. 121.

[1104] Schneckenburger (über den Ur. s. 54) finds an attempt at dramatic effect in the εἰπέτις, and the ἐκτείνας τὴν χεῖρα of Matthew, as compared with the εἶπον and περιβλεψάμενος κύκλῳ of Mark. This is a remarkable proof of the partial acumen which plays so distinguished a part to the disadvantage of Matthew in modern criticism. For who does not see that if Matthew had εἶπον, it would be numbered among the proofs that his narrative is wanting in dramatic life? As for the words ἐκτείνας τὴν χεῖρα, there is nothing to be discovered in them which could give to them more than to the περιβλεψάμενος of Mark, the stamp of artificiality; we might as well attribute the latter expression to Mark’s already discovered fondness for describing the action of the eyes, and consequently regard it as an addition of his own.

[1105]

Answer to the announcement, viii. Answer to the woman, xi. 28: 21: μήτηρ μοῦ καὶ ἀδελφοί μοῦ μενοῦγγε μακάριοι (sc. οὐχ ἡ μήτηρ οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ τὸν λὸγον τοῦ θεοῦ μοῦ, ἀλλ’) οἱ ἀκούοντες τὸν λόγον ἀκούντες καὶ ποιοῦντες αὐτόν. τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ φυλάσσοντες αὐτόν.

[1106] Ut sup s. 177 f.

[1107] That which decided the Evangelist to place the visit after the parable of the sower, was probably not, as Schleiermacher thinks, a real chronological connexion. On the contrary, we recognize the usual characteristic of his arrangement, in the transition from the concluding sentence in the explanation of the parable: these are they who having heard the word, keep it, and bring forth fruit with patience, to the similar expression of Jesus on the occasion of the visit: those who hear the word of God and do it.

[1108] Ut sup. s. 152.

[1109] Schulz (üb. d. Abendm. s. 320) speaks consistently with the tone of the recent criticism on Matthew when he asserts, that he does not doubt for a moment that every observant reader will, without hesitation, prefer the representation of Mark, who, without mentioning the mother, confines the whole transaction to Jesus and the two apostles. But so far as historical probability is concerned, I would ask, why should not a woman, who was one of the female companions of Jesus (Matt. xxvii. 56), have ventured on such a petition? As regards psychological probability, the sentiment of the church, in the choice of the passage for St. James’s day, has usually decided in favour of Matthew; for so solemn a prayer, uttered on the spur of the moment, is just in character with a woman, and more especially a mother devoted to her sons.

[1110] Compare Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 283.

[1111] Paulus and Tholuck, in loc.; Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 388, Anm.

[1112] Ueber den Urspr. s. 108 ff.

[1113] Lücke, 1, s. 435 ff.; De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 174 f.; i. 3, s. 40.

[1114] Ut sup. s. 109; comp. Schneckenburger, s. 26 f.

[1115] Lightfoot, s. 632, from Bab. Jevamoth, f. vi. 2.

[1116] Lücke, s. 438.

[1117] Lücke, s. 437; Sieffert, s. 110.

[1118] Comm. in Joh. tom. 10, § 17; Opp. 1, p. 322, ed. Lommatzsch.

[1119] Kuinöl, in loc.

[1120] Bretschneider, Probab. p. 43.

[1121] English Commentators, ap. Lücke, 1, s. 435 f., Anm.

[1122] Eng. Comm. ap. Lücke. According to Neander (s. 387, Anm.), Jesus, after his last entrance into Jerusalem, when the enthusiasm of the populace was on his side, must have shunned every act that could be interpreted into a design of using external force, and thus creating disturbances. But he must equally have shunned this at the beginning, as at the end, of his career, and the proceeding in the temple was rather a provocation of external force against himself, than a use of it for his own purposes.

[1123] Comm. in Joh. Tom. 10, 16, p. 321 f., ed. Lommatzsch.

[1124] Lücke, in loc.

[1125] Lücke, s. 413.

[1126] Ib. and Tholuck, in loc.

[1127] Olshausen, 1, s. 785.

[1128] Comm. 4, s. 164.

[1129] Hieros. Joh. tobh. f. lxi. 3, ap. Lightfoot, p. 411.

[1130] Lücke, Comm. 1, s. 410.

[1131] Ut sup., comp. also Woolston, Disc. 1.

[1132] Thus Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 766; L. J. 1, a, s. 292; Tholuck, Lücke, Olshausen, in loc.; Hase, L. J. § 96, Anm.

[1133] This difference struck Origen, who has given a critical comparison of these four narratives, to which, in point of acumen, there is no parallel in more modern commentaries. See his in Matth. Commentarior. series, Opp. ed. de la Rue, 3, s. 892 ff.

[1134] Origenes, ut sup.

[1135] Ib.

[1136] Ib.

[1137] Ib.

[1138] Comp. Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 111.

[1139] Origenes and Schleiermacher. Winer, N. T. Gramm., s. 149.

[1140]

Luke vii. 38: τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ—ταῖς John xii. 3: ἐξέμαξεν ταῖς θριξὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς αὑτῆς ἐξέμασσε. θριξὶν αὑτῆς τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ.

[1141] Kuinöl, Comm. in Matt., p. 687.

[1142] Sieffert, über den Ursprung, s. 125 f.

[1143] Bibl. Comm. 2, s. 277.

[1144] Vid. Kuinöl, ut sup. p. 688; also Tholuck, s. 228.

[1145] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 582; 3, b, s. 466.

[1146] Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung, u. s. f., s. 60. There is no trace in Mark’s account that the words συντρίψασα τὸ ἀλάβαστρον signify an accidental fracture; nor, on the other hand can they, without the harshest ellipsis, be understood to imply merely the removal of that which stopped the opening of the vessel, as Paulus and Fritzsche maintain. Interpreted without violence, they can only mean a breaking of the vessel itself. Is it asked with Paulus (Ex. Handb. 3. b. s. 471): To what purpose destroy a costly vessel? or with Fritzsche (in Marc. p. 602): To what purpose risk wounding her own hand, and possibly the head of Jesus also? These are questions which have a bearing on the matter considered as the act of the woman, but not as a narrative of Mark; for that to him, the destruction of a precious vessel should appear suited to the noble prodigality of the woman, is in perfect accordance with the exaggerating style which we have often observed in him.

[1147] Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 689.

[1148] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 466, and many others.

[1149] Ueber den Lukas, s. 111 ff.

[1150] Sieffert, ut sup. s. 123 f.

[1151] Schulz, ut sup. s. 320 f.

[1152] Schneckenburger, ut sup. s. 60.

[1153] Lücke, 2, s. 417; comp. Lightfoot, horæ, p. 468, 1081.

[1154] Schulz, ut sup.

[1155] Thus Grotius and Herder.

[1156] Ap. Wetstein, Paulus, Lücke, in loc.

[1157] Maimonides on Sanhedr. 7, 1.

[1158] Mischna, tr. Sanhedr. c. 10.

[1159] For a thorough discussion of this and the following points, vid. Paulus and Lücke in loc.

[1160] Probab., p. 72 ff.

[1161] Euseb. H. E. iii. 39: ἐκτέθειται δὲ (ὁ Παπίας) καὶ ἄλλην ἱστορίαν περὶ γυναικὸς ἐπὶ πολλαῖς ἁμαρτίαις διαβληθείσης ἐπὶ τοῦ Κυρίου, ἣν τὸ καθ’ Ἑβραίους εὐαγγέλιον περιέχει.

[1162] Lücke, 2, s. 217. Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 410.

[1163] Elsewhere also the two were confounded, vid. Fabricii Cod. apocryph. N. T. 1, s. 357, not.

[1164] 3, s. 379 f.

[1165] See the passages quoted in the first volume, Introd. § 14, notes 9, 10, to which may be added 4 Esdr. xiii. 50 (Fabric. Cod. pseudepigr. V. T. ii. p. 286), and Sohar Exod. fol. iii. col. 12 (Schöttgen, horæ, ii. p. 541, also in Bertholdt’s Christol. § 33, note 1).

[1166] See the rabbinical passages quoted in the 1st vol. ut sup.

[1167] That the σεληνιαζόμενοι associated with them by Matthew are only a particular species of demoniacs, whose malady appeared to be governed by the changes of the moon, is proved by Matt. xvii. 14 ff. where a δαιμόνιον is expelled from a σεληνιαζόμενος.

[1168] Compare the passages of ancient physicians, ap. Winer, bibl. Realwörterb. 1, s. 191.

[1169] Rabbinical and other passages, ap. Winer, ut sup. s. 192.

[1170] Exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 475; comp. Hase, L. J. s. 60.

[1171] Ut sup. s. 191.

[1172] Grätz, Comm. z. Matth. 1, s. 615.

[1173] B. Comm. 1, s. 424. According to this, the passage relates to the Jewish people, who before the exile were possessed by the devil in the form of idolatry, and afterwards in the worst form of Pharisaism.

[1174] Thus Fritzsche, in Matt., p. 447.

[1175] Exeg. Handb. 2, s. 566.

[1176] Ut sup. 1, b, s. 483; 2, s. 96.

[1177] Hence the words δαιμονᾷν, κακοδαιμονᾷν were used as synonymous with μελανχολᾷν μαίνεσθαι. Hippocrates had to combat the opinion that epilepsy was the effect of demoniacal influence. Vid. Wetstein, s. 282 ff.

[1178] Let the reader compare the רוּחַ רָעָה מֵאֵת יְהוָֹה, which made Saul melancholy, 1 Sam. xvi. 14. Its influence on Saul is expressed by בִּעֲתַתּוּ.

[1179] Vid. Creuzer, Symbolik, 3, s. 69 f.; Baur, Apollonius von Tyana und Christus, s. 144.

[1180] Bell. jud. vii. vi. 3.

[1181] Antiq. vi. xi. 2. On the state of Saul.

[1182] Philopseud., 16.

[1183] Vitæ Apollon. iv. 20, 25, comp. Baur, ut sup. s. 38 f. 42. Even Aristotle speaks of δαίμονί τινι γενομένοις κατόχοις. de mirab. 166, ed. Bekk.

[1184] Ut sup., bell. j.: τὰ γὰρ καλούμενα δαιμόνια—πονηρῶν ἐστιν ἀνθρώπων πνεύματα, τοῖς ζῶσιν εἰσδυόμενα καὶ κτείνοντα τοὺς βοηθείας μὴ τυνχάνοντας.

[1185] Apoll. i. 18.

[1186] Ut sup. iii. 38.

[1187] Vid. Eisenmenger, entdecktes Judenthum, 2, s. 427.

[1188] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 39; L. J. 1, a, s. 217. He appeals in support of this to Matt. xiv. 2, where Herod, on hearing of the miracles of Jesus, says: It is John the Baptist, he is risen from the dead. In this expression Paulus finds the rabbinical opinion of the עיבור, which is distinct from that of the גלגזל, or transmigration of souls properly so called, (that is, the passage of disembodied souls into the bodies of infants, while in the process of formation), and according to which the soul of a dead person might unite itself to that of a living one, and add to its power (vid. Eisenmenger 2, s. 85 ff.) But, as Fritzsche and others have shown, the word ἠγέρθη refers to an actual resurrection of the Baptist, and not to this rabbinical notion; which, moreover, even were it implied, is totally different from that of demoniacal possession. Here it would be a good spirit who had entered into a prophet for the strengthening of his powers, as according to a later Jewish idea the soul of Seth was united to that of Moses, and again the souls of Moses and Aaron to that of Samuel (Eisenmenger, ut sup.); but from this it would by no means follow, that it was possible for wicked spirits to enter into the living.

[1189] Justin, Apol. ii. 5., Eisenmenger, ut sup.

[1190] Homil. viii. 18 f., ix. 9 f.

[1191] Orat. contra Græcos, 16.

[1192] See his Commentatio de dæmoniacis quorum in N. T. fit mentio, and his minute consideration of demoniacal cases. So early as the time of Origen, physicians gave natural explanations of the state of those supposed to be possessed. Orig. in Matth. xvii. 15.

[1193] B. Comm. 1, s. 296, Anm.

[1194] S. 295 f.

[1195] S. 302, after the example of Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 474.

[1196] Homil. viii. 19.

[1197] Thus Asmodeus chooses Sara and her husband as objects of torment and destruction, not because either the former or the latter were particularly wicked, but because Sara’s beauty attracted him. Tob. vi. 12–15.

[1198] S. 294.

[1199] It fills s. 289–298.

[1200] I have endeavoured to present helps towards a scientific conception of the states in question in several essays, which are now incorporated in my Charakteristiken u. Kritiken. Comp. Wirth, Theorie des Somnambulismus. S. 311 ff.

[1201] See note 16, the passage quoted from Lucian.

[1202] Joseph., Antiq. viii. ii. 5.

[1203] Joseph., ut sup.

[1204] Gittin, f. lxvii. 2.

[1205] Justin Mart. dial. c. Tryph. lxxxv.

[1206] Exeg. Handb. 1, 6, s. 422; L. J. 1, a, s. 128.

[1207] Bibl. Comm. i. 296.

[1208] Comp. Bertholdt, Christol. Jud. §§ 36–41.

[1209] According to Pesikta in Jalkut Schimoni ii. f. lvi. 3 (s. Bertholdt, p. 185). Satan recognizes in the same manner the pre-existing Messiah at the foot of the throne of God with terror, as he qui me et omnes gentiles in infernum præcipitaturus est.

[1210] Fritzsche, in Marc., p. 35: In multis evangeliorum locis homines legas a pravis dæmonibus agitatos, quum primum conspexerint Jesum, eum Messiam esse, a nemine unquam de hac re commonitos, statim intelligere. In qua re hac nostri scriptores ducti sunt sententia, consentaneum esse. Satanæ satellites facile cognovisse Messiam, quippe insignia de se supplicia aliquando sumturum.

[1211] A favourite resort of maniacs, vid. Lightfoot and Schöttgen, in loc., and of unclean spirits, vid. rabbinical passages, ap. Wetstein.

[1212] The notion that the cutting himself with stones which Mark ascribes to the demoniac, was an act of penance in lucid moments, belongs to the errors to which Olshausen is led by his false opinion of a moral and religious point of view in relation to these phenomena. It is well known, however, that the paroxysms of such disorders are precisely the occasions on which a self-destructive fury is manifested.

[1213] Vid. the collection of such explanations, ap. Fritzsche, in Matt., p. 327.

[1214] Thus Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 309; Paulus, in loc. Hase, L. J. § 75.

[1215] Schulz, ut sup.

[1216] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 127.

[1217] Paulus, L. J. 1, a, s. 232.

[1218] Vid. Fritzsche, in Matt., p. 329.

[1219] Natürliche Geschichte, 2, 174.

[1220] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, 473; Olshausen, s. 302.

[1221] This even Paulus, s. 474, and Olshausen, s. 303, find surprising.

[1222] It is the narrative of the manner in which Apollonius of Tyana unmasked a demon (empusa), vit. Ap. iv. 35; ap. Baur, s. 145.

[1223] Ut sup. s. 128. When, however, he accounts for this incorrect supplement of Luke’s by supposing that his informant, being engaged in the vessel, had remained behind, and thus had missed the commencement of the scene with the demoniac, this is too laboured an exercise of ingenuity, and presupposes the antiquated opinion, that there was the most immediate relation possible between the evangelical histories and the facts which they report.

[1224] S. 305, Anm.

[1225] Clem. Horn. ix. 10.

[1226] Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 332. According to Eisenmenger, 2, 447 ff., the Jews held that demons generally had a predilection for impure places, and in Jalkut Rubeni f. x. 2. (Wetstein) we find this observation: Anima idololatrarum, quæ venit a spiritu immundo, vocatur porcus.

[1227] Ut sup. s. 474, 485. Winer, b. Realw. 1, s. 192.

[1228] Fritzsche, in Matth., s. 330.

[1229] Paulus, ut sup. s. 475 f.

[1230] Olshausen, s. 307.

[1231] Paulus, s. 474.

[1232] Paulus, s. 485; Winer, ut sup.

[1233] Olshausen, ut sup.

[1234] Ibid.

[1235] Ullmann, über die Unsündlichkeit Jesu, in seinen Studien, 1, 1, s. 51 f.

[1236] Olshausen, ut sup.

[1237] Paulus.

[1238] Ullmann.

[1239] E.g. Woolston, Disc. 1, p. 32 ff.

[1240] Jamblich. vita Pythag. no. 36. ed. Kiessling.

[1241] In the Abhandlung über genetische oder formelle Erklärungsart der Wunder in Henke’s Museum, 1, 3, s. 410 ff.

[1242] Exeg. Beiträge, 2, 109 ff.

[1243] Antiq. viii. ii. 5.

[1244] Philostr. v. Ap. iv. 20; ap. Baur, ut sup. s. 39.

[1245] Schulz. s. 319.

[1246] As Schulz appears to do, ut sup.

[1247] See the passages quoted by Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 569, and by Winer, 1, s. 191 f.

[1248] Thus Fritzsche, in loc.

[1249] Schleiermacher, s. 150.

[1250] Köster, Immanuel, s. 197; Fritzsche, in loc.

[1251] De abstinent. ii. p. 204 and 417 f.; Vid. Winer, 1, s. 191.

[1252] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 471 f.

[1253] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 438; L. J. 1, a, s. 223; De Wette, bibl. Dogm. § 222, Anm. c.

[1254] Exeg. Handb. in loc.

[1255] Natürliche Geschichte, 2, s. 429.

[1256] Bibl. Theol. 1, s. 196.

[1257] Among the transient disorders on which Jesus may have acted psychologically, we may perhaps number the fever of Peter’s mother-in-law, which Jesus is said to have cured, Matt. viii. 14 ff. parall.

[1258] It is so more or less by Eichhorn, in the allg. Bibliothek, 4, s. 435; Herder, von Gottes Sohn u. s. f., s. 20; Wegscheider, Einl. in das Evang. Joh., s. 313; De Wette, bibl. Dogm., § 269.

[1259] Exeg. Handb., 1, b, s. 698 ff.

[1260] Ut sup. s. 705, and elsewhere.

[1261] Compare Hase, L. J., § 86.

[1262] Paulus, L. J. 1, b, s. 68.

[1263] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 215.

[1264] Vid. Winer, Realw., Art. Blinde.

[1265] Gratz, Comm z. Matth. 2, s. 323.

[1266] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 44.

[1267] Schulz, Anmerkungen zu Michaelis, 2, s. 105.

[1268] Sieffert, ut sup. s. 104.

[1269] Ueber den Zweck der evang. Geschichte und der Briefe Joh., s. 345.

[1270] Ut sup. s. 237.

[1271] Paulus, L. J. 1, a, s. 249.

[1272] Natürl. Gesch. des Propheten von Naz. 2, s. 216.

[1273] Vid. vol. i. p. 81, note.

[1274] Elsewhere also we find proof that in those times the power of effecting miraculous cures, especially of blindness, was commonly ascribed to men who were regarded as favourites of the Deity. Thus Tacitus, Hist. iv. 81, and Suetonius, Vespas. vii. tell us, that in Alexandria a blind man applied to Vespasian, shortly after he was made emperor, alleging that he did so by the direction of the god Serapis, with the entreaty that he would cure him of his blindness by wetting his eyes with his spittle. Vespasian complied, and the result was that the blind man immediately had his sight restored. As Tacitus attests the truth of this story in a remarkable manner, Paulus is probably not wrong in regarding the affair as the contrivance of adulatory priests, who to procure for the emperor the fame of a miracle-worker, and by this means to secure his favour on behalf of their god, by whose counsel the event was occasioned, hired a man to simulate blindness. Ex. Handb. 2, s. 56 f. However this may be, we see from the narrative what was expected, even beyond the limits of Palestine, of a man who, as Tacitus here expresses himself concerning Vespasian, enjoyed favor e cœlis and an inclinatio numinum.

[1275] These are nearly the words of Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 312, 391.

[1276] De Wette, Beitrag zur Charakteristik des Evangelisten Markus, in Ullmann’s und Umbreit’s Studien, 1, 4, 789 ff. Comp. Köster, Immanuel, f. 72. On the other hand: comp. De Wette’s exeg. Handb. 1, 2, s. 148 f.

[1277] Pliny, H. N. xxviii. 7, and other passages in Wetstein.

[1278] Paulus, ut sup. s. 312 f. 392 ff.; Natürliche Geschichte, 3, s. 31 ff. 216 f.; Köster, Immanuel, s. 188 ff.

[1279] For the former explanation, Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 1, s, 390 f.; for the latter, Olshausen, b, Comm. 1. s. 510.

[1280] Kuinöl, in Marc., p. 110.

[1281] Olshausen, s. 509.

[1282] Comp. De Wette, Kritik der Mosaischen Geschichte, s. 36 f.

[1283] Fritzsche, Comm. in Marc., p. xliii.

[1284] Vid. ap. Wetstein and Lightfoot, John ix. 6.

[1285] Thus Fritzsche, after Euthymius, in Marc., p. 304.

[1286] The former is the supposition of Kuinöl, the latter of Schott.

[1287] Hess, Gesch. Jesu, 1, s. 391, Anm. 1.

[1288] Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 472.

[1289] Natürliche Gesch. 3, s. 215.

[1290] Vid. Tholuck and Lücke, in loc.

[1291] Vid. Paulus and Lücke, in loc.

[1292] Thus Euthymius and Paulus, in loc.

[1293] B. Comm. 2, s. 230, where, however, he refers the ἀπεσταλμένος to the outflow of the spirit proceeding from God.

[1294] S. 93.

[1295] Köster, Immanuel, s. 79; Bretschneider, Probab., s. 122.

[1296] Wetstein, in loc.

[1297] Nedarim f. xli. 1. (Schöttgen, 1, p. 93): Dixit R. Chija fil. Abba: nullus ægrotus a morbo suo sanatur, donec ipsi omnia peccata remissa sint.

[1298] Hase, L. J. § 73. Fritzsche, in Matt., p. 335.

[1299] Sanhedr. f. xci. 2, and Bereschith Rabba f. xxxviii. 1. (Lightfoot, p. 1050): Antonius interrogavit Rabbi (Judam): a quonam tempore incipit malus affectus prævalere in homine? an a tempore formationis ejus (in utero), an a tempore processionis ejus (ex utero)? Dicit ei Rabbi: a tempore formationis ejus.

[1300] Paulus Comm. 4, s. 264; Lücke, 2, s. 22.

[1301] This is done by Tholuck, in loc.

[1302] See the examples in Wetstein, N. T. 1, s. 284, and in Wahl’s Clavis.

[1303] Comp. Winer, Realw., and Fritzsche, in Matt. p. 194.

[1304] Winer, ut sup. Art. Dach.

[1305] Lightfoot, p. 601.

[1306] Woolston, Disc. 4.

[1307] 1, s. 310 f.

[1308] Köster, Immanuel, s. 166, Anm. 66.

[1309] This appears to be the meaning of Paulus, L. J. 1, a, s. 238. Otherwise exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 505.

[1310] Thus Lightfoot, Kuinöl, Olshausen, in loc.

[1311] Vid. Fritzsche, in Marc., p. 52.

[1312] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 498, 501.

[1313] Bengel, Gnomon, 1, 245, ed. 2. Paulus, s. 502, again takes an obvious fable in Livy ii. 36 for a history, capable of a natural explanation.

[1314] Paulus, ut sup. s. 501.

[1315] Ueber den Zweck der evang. Geschichte und der Briefe Joh., s. 351 f.

[1316] Schulz, ut sup. s. 317; Olshausen, 1, s. 322.

[1317] Exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 524 f.; bibl. Comm. 1, s. 324 f.; comp. Köster, Immanuel, s. 201 ff.

[1318] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 524 f. 530. L. J. 1, a, s. 244 f.; Venturini, 2, s. 204 ff.; Köster, ut sup.

[1319] Vid. Evangelium infantiæ arabicum, ap. Fabricius and Thilo.

[1320] See the observations of Paulus, Lücke, Tholuck, and Olshausen, in loc.

[1321] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 92.

[1322] Augustin, de consens. evang. i. 20; Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 709; Köster, Immanuel, s. 63.

[1323] Ueber den Zweck Jesu, u. s. f., s. 351.

[1324] Vid. Lücke, 1, s. 552.

[1325] Fritzsche, in Matth. p. 310: discrepat autem Lucas ita a Matthæi narratione, ut centurionem non ipsum venisse ad Jesum, sed per legatos cum eo egisse tradat; quibus dissidentibus pacem obtrudere, boni nego interpretis esse.

[1326] Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 92 f.

[1327] Kuinöl, in Matt., p. 221 f.

[1328] Tholuck, in loc.; Hase § 68, Anm. 2.

[1329] Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 253 f.; Venturini, 2, s. 140 ff.; comp. Hase, § 68.

[1330] Lücke, 1, s. 550 f.

[1331] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 710 f.; Natürliche Geschichte, 2, s. 285 ff.

[1332] Clem. homil. ix. 21; Fritzsche, in Matth., 313.

[1333] Wetstein, N. T. 1, p. 349; comp. Olshausen, in loc.

[1334] Köster, Immanuel, s. 195, Anm.

[1335] Lücke, 1, s. 550.

[1336] Bibl. Comm. 1, s. 268.

[1337] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 80 f.

[1338] Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung, u. s. f., s. 50.

[1339] Schleiermacher, ut sup.

[1340] Exeg. Handb. 2, s. 48 ff.

[1341] Natürliche Geschichte, 2, s. 421.

[1342] Winer, b. Realw. 1, s. 796.

[1343] Paulus, ut sup. s. 49, 54; Köster, Immanuel, s. 185 f.

[1344] Ut sup. s. 83, ex Tract. Schabbat.

[1345] Schabbat, f. 12, ap. Schöttgen, i. p. 123.

[1346] See the passage last cited.

[1347] Fritzsche, in Matt., p. 427; in Mar., p. 79.

[1348]

1 Kings xiii. 4, LXX: καὶ ἰδοὺ Matth. xii. 10: καὶ ἰδοὺ ἄνθρωπος ἐξηράνθη ἡ χεὶρ αὐτοῦ. ἐ͂ν τὴν χεῖρα ἔχων ξηράν (Mark, ἐξηραμμένην.) 6: καὶ ἐπέστρεψε τὴν χεῖρα τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς αὐτὸν, καὶ ἐγένετο 13: τότε λέγει τῷ ἀνθρωπῳ· ἔκτεινον καθὼς τὸ πρότερον. τὴν χεῖρα σου· καὶ ἐξέτεινε· καὶ ἀποκατεστάθη ὑγιὴς ὡς ἡ ἄλλη.

[1349] Tacit. Hist. iv. 81.

[1350] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 341 f.

[1351] Ut sup. s. 196.

[1352] Winer (bibl. Realw. 1, s. 796) says: We should be contented to refrain from seeking a natural explanation in individual cases (of the cures of Jesus), and ever bear in mind that the banishment of the miraculous out of the agency of Jesus can never be effected so long as the gospels are regarded historically.

[1353] Disc. 3.

[1354] Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 263 ff. L. J. 1, a, s. 298.

[1355] Vid. Lücke and Tholuck, in loc.

[1356] Comp. with Comm. 4, s. 290, his Leben Jesu, 1, a, s. 298.

[1357] Bretschneider, Probab., s. 69.

[1358] As by Hase, L. J. § 92.

[1359]

Mark ii. 9: (τί ἐστιν, εὐκοπώτερον, John v. 8: ἔγειραι, ἆρον τὸν εἰπεῖν——) ἔγειραι, καὶ ἆρόν σου τὸν κράββατόν σου, καὶ περιπάτει. κράββατον καὶ περιπάτει;

11:—ἔγειρα καὶ ἆρον τὸν κράββατόν σου 9: καὶ εὐθέως ἐγένετο ὑγιὴς ὁ καὶ ὕπαγε εἰς τὸν οἶκόν σου. ἄνθρωπος, καὶ ἦρε τὸν κράββατον αὑτοῦ καὶ 12: καὶ ἠγέρθη εὐθέως, καὶ ὤρας τὸν περιεπάτει. κράββατον ἐξῆλθεν ἐναντίον πάντων.

[1360] Ueber den Zweck des Evang. und der Briefe Joh., s. 351 ff.

[1361] Comm. in Matth. p. 263. Observe his argumentation: verba [N.B. Matthaei]: ἄρτι ἐτελεύτησεν, non possunt latine reddi: jam mortua est: nam, auctore [N.B. Luca] patri adhuc cum Christo colloquenti nuntiabat servus, filiam jam exspirasse; ergo [auctore Matthaeo?] nondum mortua erat, cum pater ad Jesum accederet.

[1362] Compare, on the subject of these vain attempts at reconciliation, Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 132, and Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 347 f.

[1363] Olshausen, in loc.

[1364] Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 131 ff.; Schulz, über d. Abendmahl, s. 316 f.

[1365] Vid. Fabricius, Cod. Apocr. N. T. 2, p. 449 ff.

[1366] Homil. ii. 19.

[1367] Cap. x.

[1368] Ut sup. s. 129.

[1369] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 526, 31 f.; Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 132; Olshausen, 1, s. 327. Even Neander does not express himself decidedly against this interpretation of the words of Jesus; while with regard to the girl’s real condition, he thinks the supposition of a merely apparent death probable. L. J. Chr., s. 343. Comp. 338 f.

[1370] Comp. de Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 95; Weisse, die ev. Geschichte, 1, s. 503.

[1371] Comp. Neander. L. J., s. 342.

[1372] Natürliche Geschichte, 2, s. 212.

[1373] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, b, s. 716, Anm. and 719 f.

[1374] Ibid, ut sup. s. 723. Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 2, s. 47.

[1375] Thus Hase also, L. J. § 87.

[1376] Venturini, 2, s. 293.

[1377] Comp. Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 103 f.

[1378] Paulus, Comp. 4, s. 535 ff.; L. J. 1, b, s. 55 ff.

[1379] Im the translation of the text in his Leben Jesu, 2, b, s. 46, Paulus appears to suppose, beside the message mentioned in the gospel, three subsequent messages.

[1380] Comp. C. Ch. Flatt, etwas zur Vertheidigung des Wunders der Wiederbelebung des Lazarus, in Süskind’s Magazin, 14tes Stück, s. 93 ff.

[1381] Journal für auserlesene theol. Literatur, 3, 2, s. 261, Anm.

[1382] Flatt, ut sup. 102 f.; De Wette, in loc.; Neander, s. 351 f.

[1383] Flatt, ut sup.; Lücke, Tholuck and De Wette, in loc.

[1384] Lücke, 2, s. 388.

[1385] Flatt, ut sup. s. 104 f.; Lücke, ut sup.

[1386] Flatt, s. 106; Olshausen, 2, s. 269.

[1387] Flatt, s. 97 f.

[1388] Compare on this subject, especially Flatt and Lücke.

[1389] Comm. 4, s. 437; in the L. J. 1, b, s. 57, and 2, b, s. 46, this conjecture is no longer employed.

[1390] Ut sup. s. 272 ff. Even Neander shows himself not disinclined to such a conjecture as far as regards v. 4 (s. 349). As Gabler believes that these expressions cannot have come from Jesus, but only from John, so Dieffenbach, in Bertholdt’s Krit. Journal, 5, s. 7 ff., maintains that they cannot have proceeded from John, and as he holds that the rest of the gospel is the production of that apostle, he pronounces those passages to be interpolations.

[1391] Disc. 5.

[1392] Bretschneider, Probab., s. 61.

[1393] 1, s. 276 f.

[1394] Comm. 2, s. 376. Also Neander, s. 346.

[1395] Tholuck, s. 202; Olshausen, 2, s. 260.

[1396] Ut sup.

[1397] Andachtsbuch, 1, s. 292 f. Exeg. Handb. 1, 3, s. 134.

[1398] S. 59 f. 79.

[1399] Comp. de Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 3, s. 135.

[1400] This is what Neander maintains, L. J. Chr., s. 354. He objects that the fourth Evangelist must in any case have known of resuscitations of the dead by Jesus, even supposing the narrative in question to be an unhistorical exaggeration. But this objection is refuted by the observation, that, as an inducement to the formation of such a narrative, the general tradition that Jesus had raised the dead would be sufficient, and an acquaintance with particular instances as exemplars was not at all requisite.

[1401] This argument applies also to De Wette, who, while acknowledging that such an idea would be unsuitable in the mouth of Jesus, supposes nevertheless that it was really in his mind.

[1402] Dieffenbach, über einige wahrscheinliche Interpolationen im Evangelium Johannis, in Bertholdt’s krit. Journal, 5, s. 8 f.

[1403] Comm. z. Joh., 1te Aufl., 2, s. 310.

[1404] Thus the author of the Probabilia also argues, p. 61.

[1405] Disc. 5.

[1406] Comp. Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 103 ff.

[1407] Saunier, über die quellen des Markus, s. 66 ff.

[1408] Comp. Winer bibl. Realw. d. A.

[1409] Let the reader recollect the well-known expression of Spinoza.

[1410] Whitby, Annot. in loc.

[1411] Thus Grotius and Herder; Olshausen also adopts this explanation under the form of conjecture, 2, s. 256 f., Anm.

[1412] See these arguments dispersed in Paulus and Lücke on this chapter; in Gabler, ut sup. p. 238 ff.; and Hase, L. J. § 119.—A new reason why Matthew in particular is silent on the resurrection of Lazarus, has been excogitated by Heydenreich (über die Unzulässigkeit der mythischen Auffassung, 2tes Stück, s. 42). The Evangelist, he says, omitted it, because it required to be represented and treated with a tenderness and liveliness of feeling, of which he did not think himself capable. Hence, the modest man chose to avoid the history altogether rather than to deprive it by his manner of narration, of its proper pathos and sublimity.—Idle modesty truly!

[1413] Schneckenburger, über den Urspr., s. 10.

[1414] Gabler, ut sup. s. 240 f.; also Neander, s. 357.

[1415] Comm. z. Joh. 2, s. 402.

[1416] Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 3, s. 139. In Schleiermacher’s Lectures on the Life of Jesus (if I may be permitted to refer to a work not yet printed), the silence in question is explained in the following manner. The synoptical Evangelists in general were ignorant of the relations of Jesus with the family of Bethany, because perhaps the apostles did not wish an intimate personal connection of this kind to pass into the general tradition, from which those Evangelists drew; and ignorance of the relations of Jesus with the family in general, of course included ignorance of this particular fact connected with them. But what motive could the apostles have for such reserve? Are we to infer secret, or even, with Venturini, tender ties? Must not such a private relation in the case of Jesus have presented much to edify us? The intimations which John and Luke afford us on this subject contain in fact much of this description, and from the narrative which the latter gives of the visit of Jesus to Martha and Mary, we see also that the apostles, in furnishing their accounts, were by no means averse to allow something of these relations to appear, so far as they could retain a general interest. Now in this light, the resurrection of Lazarus, as a pre-eminent miracle, was incomparably more valuable than that visit with its single aphorism “One thing is needful,” and involved less of the private relations of Jesus with the family of Bethany; the supposed effort to keep these secret, could not therefore have hindered the promulgation of the resurrection of Lazarus.

[1417] Kern, über den Ursprung des Evang. Matth., Tübing. Zeitschrift, 1834, 2, s. 110.

[1418] Bertholdt. Christol. Jud. § 35.

[1419] See the passages quoted from Tanchuma, Vol. I. § 14.

[1420] 1 Kings xvii. 23, LXX. καί ἔδωκεν αὐτὸ τῇ μητρὶ αὑτοῦ, Luke vii. 15: καὶ ἔδωκεν αὐτὸν τῇ μητρὶ αὑτοῦ.

[1421] Thus the author of the Abhandlung über die verschiedenen Rücksichten, in welchen der Biograph Jesu arbeiten kann, in Bertholdt’s krit. Journ., 5, s. 237 f., Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 202.—A resuscitation strikingly similar to that of the young man at Nain is narrated by Philostratus, of Apollonius of Tyana. “As according to Luke, it was a young man, the only son of a widow, who was being carried out of the city; so, in Philostratus, it is a young maiden already betrothed, whose bier Apollonius meets. The command to set down the bier, the mere touch, and a few words, are sufficient here, as there, to bring the dead to life” (Baur, Apollonius v. Tyana und Christus, s. 145). I should like to know whether Paulus, or any other critic, would be inclined to explain this naturally; if, however, it ought to be regarded as an imitation of the evangelical narrative (a conclusion which can hardly be avoided), we must have a preconceived opinion of the character of the books of the New Testament, to evade the consequence, that the resuscitations of the dead which they contain are only less designed imitations of those in the Old Testament; which are themselves to be derived from the belief of antiquity, that a victorious power over death was imparted to the favourites of the gods (Hercules, Esculapius, etc), and more immediately, from the Jewish idea of a prophet.

[1422] Bibl. Comm. 1, s. 287.

[1423] Thus Paulus, exeg. Handb., 1, b, s. 468 ff.; Venturini, 2, s. 166 ff.; Kaiser, bibl. Theol., 1, s. 197. Hase, also, § 74, thinks this view probable.

[1424] Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 363, who for the rest here offers but a weak defence against the natural explanation.

[1425] Hase, ut sup.

[1426] Vid. Vol. 1, § 14, note 9.

[1427] Neander alters the fact, when he describes Jesus as falling asleep in the midst of the fury of the storm and the waves, and thus manifesting a tranquillity of soul which no terror of nature could disturb (s. 362). Luke says expressly, as they sailed he fell asleep: and there came down a storm, etc., πλεόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἀφὺπνωσε· καὶ κατέβη λαίλαψ κ.τ.λ., and according to the representation of the other Evangelists also, the sleeping of Jesus appears to have preceded the breaking out of the storm, since otherwise the timorous disciples would not have awaked him—they would rather not have allowed him to go to sleep.

[1428] Comp Saunier, über die Quellen des Markus, s. 82.

[1429] This may serve as an answer to Tholuck’s accusation, Glaubwürdigkeit, s. 110.

[1430] Ueber den Ursprung, u. s. f., s. 68 f.

[1431] According to Jamblich. vita Pyth, 135, ed. Kiessling, there were narrated of Pythagoras, ἀνέμων βιαίων χαλαζῶν τε χύσεως παραυτίκα κατευνήσεις καὶ κυμάτων ποταμίων τε καὶ θαλασσίων ἀπευδιασμοὶ πρὸς εὐμαρῆ τῶν ἑταίρων διάβασιν, instantaneous tranquillizings of violent winds and hailstorms, and soothings of the waves of rivers and seas, to afford easy transit to his companions. Comp. Porphyr. v. p. 29 same ed.

[1432] Ut sup. s. 491.

[1433] Paulus, Memorabilien, 6, Stuck, No. V.; exeg. Handb. 2, s. 238 ff.

[1434] Against the extremely arbitrary expedient which Paulus has here adopted, see Storr, Opusc. acad. 3, p. 288.

[1435] The former by Bolten, Bericht des Matthäus, in loc; the latter in Henke’s neuem Magazin, 6, 2, s. 327 ff.

[1436] Comp. Paulus and Fritzsche, in loc.

[1437] See the excellent passage in Fritzsche, Comm. in Matth., p. 505.

[1438] Mark’s inclination to exaggerate shows itself also in his concluding sentence, v. 51, (comp. vii. 37): and they were sore amazed in themselves beyond measure and wondered; which will scarcely be understood to import, as Paulus supposes (2, s. 266), a disapproval of the excessive astonishment.

[1439] Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung u. s. f., s. 68 f.; Weisse, die evang. Geschichte, 1, s. 521.

[1440] Vid. Lücke and Tholuck.

[1441] Homil. in Joann. 43.

[1442] In De Wette’s objection, that the opinion of an exaggeration of the miracle in John, is discountenanced by the addition that they were immediately at the land (ex. Handb. 1, 3, s. 79), there appears to me only a misunderstanding; but his assertion that in John the manner in which Jesus goes over the sea is not represented as a miracle (s. 78), is to me thoroughly incomprehensible.

[1443] Bretschneider, Probab., p. 81.

[1444] See the passages in Wetstein, p. 417 f.

[1445] Jamblich, vita Pythagoræ, 136; comp. Porphyr. 29.

[1446] Lucian, Philopseudes, 13.

[1447] Schneckenburger, über den Urspr., s. 68.

[1448] See the examples in Wetstein, in loc.

[1449] Die h. Schrift des n. Bundes, 1, s. 314, 2te Aufl.

[1450] Paulus, ex. Handb. 2, 502 ff. Comp. Hase, L. J. § 111.

[1451] Comp. Storr, in Flatt’s Magazin, 2, s. 68 ff.

[1452] Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 200. Comp. Hase, ut sup.

[1453] Olshausen, 1, s. 512. This theologian, in the note on the same page, observes, that according to the words, We have taken no bread, Matt. xvi. 7, the disciples, even after the second feeding, were not alive to the fact, that there was no necessity for providing themselves with food for the body in the neighbourhood of the Son of Man. But this instance is not to the point, for the circumstances are here altogether different. That from the miraculous feeding of the people when they were accidentally belated in the wilderness, the disciples did not draw the same convenient conclusion with the biblical commentator, can only redound to their honour.

[1454] Ibid.

[1455] Gratz, Comm. z. Matth. 2, s. 90 f.; Sieffert, über den Ursprung, s. 97.

[1456] Thiesz, Krit. Commentar, 1, s. 168 ff.; Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 311. Comp. Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 523.

[1457] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 145; Sieffert, ut sup. s. 95 ff.; Hase, § 97. Neander is undecided, L. J. Chr., s. 372 ff., Anm.

[1458] Comp. Saunier, ut sup. s. 105.

[1459] Paulus, ex. Handb. 2, s. 315; Olshausen, ut sup.

[1460] Olshausen, s. 513.

[1461] See the proof in De Wette, Kritik der mos. Gesch., s. 220 ff., 314 ff.

[1462] Thus Olshausen, in loc. after Pfenninger. Comp. Hase, § 97.

[1463] This lamentable observation of mine, according to Olshausen, has its source in something worse than intellectual incapacity, namely, in my total disbelief in a living God: otherwise assuredly it would not have appeared so great a difficulty to me that the Divine causality should have superseded human operations (s. 479, der 3ten Aufl.).

[1464] Jesus Messias, 2, Bd. No. 14, 15 and 20.

[1465] For this reason Neander (s. 377) passes over the miracle with a few entirely general remarks.

[1466] Exeg. Handb. 2, s. 205 ff.

[1467] Olshausen, in loc.

[1468] Against Neander’s attempt at reconciliation, compare De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 3, s. 77.

[1469] This indication has been recently followed up by Weisse. He finds the key to the history of the miraculous multiplication of the loaves, in the question addressed by Jesus to the disciples when they misunderstand his admonition against the leaven of the Pharisees and Sadducees. He asks them whether they did not remember how many baskets they had been able to fill from the five and again from the seven loaves, and then adds, How is it that ye do not understand that I spake it not to you concerning bread, etc. (Matt. xvi. 11). Now, says Weisse, the parallel which Jesus here institutes between his discourse on the leaven, and the history of the feeding of the multitude, shows that the latter also is only to be interpreted parabolically (s. 511 ff.). But the form of the question of Jesus: πόσους κοφίνους (σπυρίδας) ἐλάβετε; how many baskets ye took up, presupposes a real event; we can form no conception, as we have already remarked in relation to the history of the temptation, of a parable in which Jesus and his disciples would have played a principal part; moreover, the inference which Jesus would convey is, according to the text, not that because the present narrative was figurative, so also must be the interpretation of the subsequent discourse, but that after the earlier proof how superfluous was any solicitude about physical bread where Jesus was at hand, it was absurd to understand his present discourse as relating to such.

[1470] Vid. Vol. I. § 14.

[1471]

2 Kings iv. 43, LXX.: τί δῶ John vi. 9: ἀλλὰ ταῦτα τί ἐστιν εἰς τοῦτο ἔνώπιον ἑκατὸν ἀνδρῶν; τοσούτους; Ibid. v. 44: καὶ ἕφαγον, καὶ Matt. xiv. 20: καὶ ἔφαγον πάντες, κατέλιπον κατὰ τὸ ῥῆμα Κυρίου. καὶ ἐχορτάσθησαν, καὶ ἦραν τὸ περισσεῦον τῶν κλασμάτων, κ.τ.λ.

[1472] Exeg. Handb. 2, s. 237 f.

[1473] Joma f. 39, 1: Tempore Simeonis justi benedictio erat super duos panes pentecostales et super decem panes προθέσεως, ut singuli sacerdotes, qui pro rata parte acciperent quantitatem olivæ, ad satietatem comederent, imo ut adhuc reliquiæ superessent.

[1474] Comp. De Wette, ex Handb. 1, 1, s. 133 f.

[1475] Bibl. Comm. 2, s. 74.

[1476] Neander is of opinion that an analogy may be found for this miracle yet more easily than for that of the loaves—in the mineral springs, the water of which is rendered so potent by natural agencies, that it produces effects which far exceed those of ordinary water, and in part resemble those of wine! (s. 369.)

[1477] In Joann. tract. 8: Ipse vinum fecit in nuptiis, qui omni anno hoc facit in vitibus.

[1478] Thus Augustine, ut sup. approved by Olshausen: sicut enim, quod miserunt ministri in hydrias in vinum conversum est opere Domini, sic et quod nubes fundunt, in vinum convertitur ejusdem opere Domini.

[1479] Even Lücke, 1, s. 405, thinks the analogy with the above natural process deficient and unintelligible, and does not know how to console himself better than by the consideration, that a similar inconvenience exists in relation to the miracle of the loaves.

[1480] Chrysost. hom. in Joann. 21.

[1481] Woolston, Disc. 4.

[1482] P. 42.

[1483] Tholuck, in loc.

[1484] Comm. 4, s. 151 f.

[1485] Von Gottes Sohn u. s. f. nach Johannes Evangelium, s. 131 f.