Chapter V: The Ascension (7)

[1486] C. Ch. Flatt, über die Verwandlung des Wassers in Wein, in Süskind’s Magazin, 14. Stück, s. 86 f.; Olshausen, ut sup. s. 75 f.; comp. Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 372.

[1487] Olshausen, ut sup.

[1488] Lücke also thinks this symbolical interpretation too far-fetched, and too little supported by the tone of the narrative, s. 406. Comp. De Wette, ex. Handb. 1, 3, s. 37.

[1489] [A Wirtemberg wine Maas, or measure, is equal to about 3½ pints English, or more exactly 3·32.—Tr.]

[1490] Wurm, de ponderum, mensurarum etc. rationibus, ap. Rom. et Græc., p. 123, 126. Comp. Lücke, in loc.

[1491] Homil. in Joann. in loc.

[1492] Tholuck, in loc.

[1493] This argument is valid against Neander also, who appeals to the faith of Mary chiefly as a result of the solemn inauguration at the baptism (s. 370).

[1494] Hess, Gesch. Jesu, 1, s. 135. Comp. also Calvin, in loc.

[1495] E.g. by Woolston, ut sup.

[1496] Flatt, ut sup. s. 90; Tholuck, in loc.

[1497] Olshausen, in loc.

[1498] Comp. also the Probabilia, p. 41 f.

[1499] Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 150 ff.; L. J. 1, a, s. 169 ff.; Natürliche Gesch. 2, s. 61 ff.

[1500] Compare on this point, Flatt, ut sup. s. 77 ff. and Lücke, in loc.

[1501] He makes the word μεθύσκεσθαι, v. 10, refer to John also.

[1502] Lücke, s. 407.

[1503] Bibl. Theol. 1, s. 200.

[1504] In the passages cited Vol. I. § 14, out of Midrasch Koheleth, it is said among other things: Goël primus—ascendere fecit puteum: sic quoque Goël postremus ascendere faciet aquas, etc.

[1505] A natural explanation of this miracle is given by Josephus in a manner worthy of notice, Antiq. iii. 1, 2.

[1506] We may also remind the reader of the transmutation of water into oil, which Eusebius (H. E. vi. 9.) narrates of a Christian bishop.

[1507] Compare the Probabilia, ut sup.

[1508] De Wette thinks the analogies adduced from the Old Testament too remote; according to him, the metamorphosis of wine into water by Bacchus, instanced by Wetstein, would be nearer to the subject, and not far from the region of Greek thought, out of which the gospel of John arose. The most analogous mythical derivation of the narrative would be to regard this supply of wine as the counterpart to the supply of bread, and both as corresponding to the bread and wine in the last supper. But, he continues, the mythical view is opposed, 1, by the not yet overthrown authenticity of the fourth gospel; 2, by the fact that the narrative bears less of a legendary than a subjective impress, by the obscurity that rests upon it, and its want of one presiding idea, together with the abundance of practical ideas worthy of Jesus which it embodies. By these observations De Wette seems to intimate his approval of a natural explanation, built on the self-deception of John; an explanation which is encumbered with the difficulties above noticed.

[1509] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 157 ff.

[1510] L. J. § 128.

[1511] Augustin. de verbis Domini in ev. sec. Joann., sermo 44: Quid arbor fecerat, fructum non afferendo? quæ culpa arboris infæcunditas?

[1512] Disc. 4.

[1513] Orig. Comm. in Matt., Tom. xvi. 29: Ὁ δὲ Μάρκος ἀναγράψας τὰ κατὰ τὸν τόπον, ἀπεμφαῖνόν τι ὡς πρὸς τὸ ῥητὸν προσέθηκε, ποιήσας, ὅτι—οὐ γὰρ ἦν καιρὸς σύκων.—Εἴποι γὰρ ἃν τις· εἰ μὴ ὁ καιρὸς σύκων ἦν, πῶς ἦλθεν ὁ Ἰ. ὡς εὑρήσων τι ἐν αὐτῇ. καὶ πῶς δικαίως εἶπεν αὐτῇ· μηκέτι εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα ἐκ σοῦ μηδεὶς καρπὸν φάγῃ; comp. Augustin ut sup. Mark, in relating this event, adds something which seems not to tally well with his statement, when he observes that it was not the season for figs. It might be urged: if it was not the season for figs, why should Jesus go and look for fruit on the tree, and how could he, with justice, say to it, Let no man eat fruit of thee for ever?

[1514] Toupii emendd. in Suidam, 1, p. 330 f.

[1515] Heinsius and others, ap. Fritzsche, in loc.

[1516] Maji Obs., ib.

[1517] Dahme, in Henke’s n. Magazin, 2. Bd. 2. Heft, s. 252. Kuinöl, in Marc, p. 150 f.

[1518] Vid. Kuinöl, in loc.

[1519] Paulus, exeg. Handb., 3, a, s. 175; Olshausen, b, Comm. 1, s. 782.

[1520] As Sieffert thinks, Ueber den Urspr., s. 113 ff. Compare my reviews, in the Charakteristiken und Kritiken, s. 272.

[1521] Vid. Paulus, ut sup. s. 168 f.; Winer, b. Realw. d. A. Feigenbaum.

[1522] Bell. Jud. III. x. 8.

[1523] Ullman, über die Unsündlichkeit Jesu, in his Studien, 1, s. 50; Sieffert, ut sup. s. 115 ff.; Olshausen, 1, s. 783 f.; Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 378.

[1524] Paulus, ut sup. s. 170; Hase, L. J. § 128; also Sieffert, ut sup.

[1525] Heydenreich, in the Theol. Nachrichten, 1814, Mai., s. 121 ff.

[1526] Comm. in Matt. p. 637.

[1527] Comm., in Marc. p. 481: Male—vv. dd. in eo hæserunt, quod Jesus sine ratione innocentem ficum aridam reddidisse videretur, mirisque argutiis usi sunt, ut aliquod hujus rei consilium fuisse ostenderent. Nimirum apostoli, evangelistæ et omnes primi temporis Christiani, qua erant ingeniorum simplicitate, quid quantumque Jesus portentose fecisse diceretur, curarunt tantummodo, non quod Jesu in edendo miraculo consilium fuerit, subtiliter et argute quæsi verunt.

[1528] Μὴ ἀκριβολογοῦ διατί τετιμώρηται τὸ φυτὸν, ἀναίτιον ὄν· ἀλλὰ μόνον ὂρα τὸ θαῦμα, καὶ θαύμαζε τὸν θαυματουργόν.

[1529] Ambrosius, Comm. in Luc, in loc. Neander adopts this opinion, ut sup.

[1530] Conceptions of the narrative in the main accordant with that here given, may be found in De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 1, s. 176 f.; 1, 2, s. 174 f., and Weisse, die evang. Gesch., 1, s. 576 f.

[1531] Vom Erlöser der Menschen nach unsern drei ersten Evangelien, s. 114.

[1532] In a treatise on the history of the Transfiguration, in his neuesten theol. Journal, 1. Bd. 5. Stück, s. 517 ff. Comp. Bauer, hebr. Mythol. 2, s. 233 ff.

[1533] Bibl. Comm. 1, s. 534 f.

[1534] Olshausen, ut sup. s. 537.

[1535] Olshausen, 1, s. 539; comp. s. 178.

[1536] Thus Tertull. adv. Marcion, iv. 22; Herder, ut sup. 115 f., with whom also Gratz agrees. Comm. z. Matth. 2, s. 163 f., 169.

[1537] Comp. Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 552; Olshausen, 1, s. 523.

[1538] Olshausen, ut sup.

[1539] Rau, symbola ad illustrandam Evv. de metamorphosi J. Chr. narrationem; Gabler, ut sup. s. 539 ff.; Kuinöl, Comm. z. Matth. p. 459 ff.; Neander, L. J. Chr. s. 474 f.

[1540] Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 319; Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 148 f.; comp. also Köster, Immanuel, s. 60 f.

[1541] Bauer has discerned this, ut sup. s. 237; Fritzsche, p. 556; De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 2, s. 56 f.; Weisse, die evang. Gesch. 1, s. 536; and Paulus also partly, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 447 f.

[1542] Paulus, exeg. Handb., 2, 436 ff.; L. J. 1, b, s. 7 ff.; Natürliche Geschichte, 3, s. 256 ff.

[1543] Ut sup.

[1544] Paulus, exeg. Handb., s. 446; Gratz, 2, s. 165 f.

[1545] Comp. De Wette, Einleitung in das N. T. § 79.

[1546] Thus Schneckenburger, Beiträge, s. 62 ff.

[1547] Neander, because he considers the objective reality of the transfiguration doubtful, also finds the silence of the fourth Evangelist a difficulty in this instance (s. 475 f.).

[1548] Olshausen, s. 533, Anm.

[1549] Vid. Rau, in the Programme quoted in Gabler, neuestes theolog. Journal, 1, 3, s. 506; De Wette, in loc. Matth.

[1550] Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 553; Olshausen, 1, s. 541. Still less satisfactory expedients in Gabler, ut sup. and in Matthäi, Religionsgl. der Apostel, 2, s. 596.

[1551] This even Paulus admits, 2, s. 442.

[1552] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 149.

[1553] This is an answer to Weisse’s objection, s. 539.

[1554] Comp. Jalkut Simeoni, p. 2 f. x. 3, (ap. Wetstein, p. 435): Facies justorum futuro tempore similes erunt soli et luna, cælo et stellis, fulguri, etc.

[1555] Bereschith Rabba, xx. 29, (ap. Wetstein): Vestes lucis vestes Adami primi. Pococke, ex Nachmanide (ibid.): Fulgida facta fuit facies Mosis instar solis, Josuæ instar lunæ; quod idem affirmarunt veteres de Adamo.

[1556] In Pirke Elieser, ii. there is, according to Wetstein, the following statement: inter docendum radios ex facie ipsius, ut olim e Mosis facie, prodiisse, adeo ut non dignosceret quis, utrum dies esset an nox.

[1557] Nizzachon vetus, p. 40, ad Exod. xxxiv. 33 (ap. Wetstein): Ecce Moses magister noster felicis memoriæ, qui homo merus erat, quia Deus de facie ad faciem cum eo locutus est, vultum tam lucentem retulit, ut Judæi vererentur accedere: quanto igitur magis de ipsa divinitate hoc tenere oportet, atque Jesu faciem ob uno orbis cardine ad alterum fulgorem diffundere conveniebat? At non præditus fuit ullo splendore, sed reliquis mortalibus fuit simillimus. Qua propter constat, non esse in eum credendum.

[1558] From this parallel with the ascent of the mountain by Moses may perhaps be derived the interval—the ἡμέραι ἓξ—by which the two first Evangelists separate the present event from the discourses detailed in the foregoing chapter. For the history of the adventures of Moses on the mountain begins with a like statement of time, it being said that after the cloud had covered the mountain six days, Moses was called to Jehovah (v. 16). Although the point of departure was a totally different one, this statement of time might be retained for the opening of the scene of transfiguration in the history of Jesus.

[1559] Vide Bertholdt, Christologia Judæorum, § 15, s. 60 ff.

[1560] Debarim Rabba, iii. (Wetstein): Dixit Deus S. B. Mosi: per vitam tuam, quemadmodum vitam tuam posuisti pro Israelitis in hoc mundo, ita tempore futuro, quando Eliam prophetam ad ipsos mittam, vos quo eodem tempore venietis. Comp. Tanchuma f. xlii. 1, ap. Schöttgen 1, s. 149.

[1561] This narrative is pronounced to be a mythus by De Wette, Kritik der mos. Gesch. s. 250; comp. exeg. Handb., 1, 1, s. 146 f.; Bertholdt, Christologia Jud. § 15, not. 17; Credner, Einleitung in das N. T. 1, s. 241; Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 319, at least admits that there is more or less of the mythical in the various evangelical accounts of the transfiguration, and Fritzsche, in Matt. p. 448 f. and 456 adduces the mythical view of this event not without signs of approval. Compare also Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 459, and Gratz, 2, s. 161 ff.

[1562] Plato also in the Symposion (p. 223, B. ff. Steph.), glorifies his Socrates by arranging in a natural manner, and in a comic spirit, a similar group to that which the Evangelists here present in a supernatural manner, and in a tragic spirit. After a bacchanalian entertainment, Socrates outwatches his friends, who lie sleeping around him: as here the disciples around their master; with Socrates there are awake two noble forms alone, the tragic and the comic poet, the two elements of the early Grecian life, which Socrates united in himself: as, with Jesus, the lawgiver and prophet, the two pillars of the Old Testament economy, which in a higher manner were combined in Jesus; lastly, as in Plato both Agathon and Aristophanes at length sleep, and Socrates remains alone in possession of the field: so in the gospel, Moses and Elias at last vanish, and the disciples see Jesus left alone.

[1563] Weisse, not satisfied with the interpretation found by me in the mythus, and labouring besides to preserve an historical foundation for the narrative, understands it as a figurative representation in the oriental manner, by one of the three eye-witnesses, of the light which at that time arose on them concerning the destination of Jesus, and especially concerning his relation to the Old Testament theocracy and to the messianic prophecies. According to him, the high mountain symbolizes the height of knowledge which the disciples then attained; the metamorphosis of the form of Jesus, and the splendour of his clothes, are an image of their intuition of the spiritual messianic idea; the cloud which overshadowed the appearance, signifies the dimness and indefiniteness in which the new knowledge faded away, from the inability of the disciples yet to retain it; the proposal of Peter to build tabernacles, is the attempt of this apostle at once to give a fixed dogmatical form to the sublime intuition. Weisse is fearful (s. 543) that this his conception of the history of the transfiguration may also be pronounced mythical: I think not; it is too manifestly allegorical.

[1564] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 160.

[1565] Kuinöl and Gratz, in loc.

[1566] Thus e.g. Lightfoot, in loc.

[1567] Wetstein, Olshausen, in loc., Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 164, 214.

[1568] Vid. De Wette, in loc.

[1569] Fritzsche, in Marc. p. 415: Marcus Matthæi, xix. 1, se auctoritati h. l. adstringit, dicitque, Jesum e Galilæa (cf. ix. 33) profectum esse per Peraeam. Sed auctore Luca, xvii. 11, in Judæam contendit per Samariam itinere brevissimo.

[1570] Paulus, 2, s. 293, 554. Comp. Olshausen, 1, s. 583.

[1571] Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 159.

[1572] Paulus, 2, s. 294 ff.

[1573] Paulus, ut sup. 295 f., 584 f.

[1574] Schleiermacher, ut sup. s. 161 f.; Sieffert, über den Urspr., s. 104 ff. With the former agrees, in relation to Luke, Olshausen, ut sup.

[1575] Tholuck, Comm. z. Joh., s. 227; Olshausen, 1, s. 771 f.

[1576] Tholuck and Olshausen, ut sup.

[1577] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 92 ff., 98 ff.; Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 244 f.

[1578] Schleiermacher, ut sup.

[1579] Comp. Lücke, 2, s. 432, Anm.

[1580] Hase, L. J. § 124.

[1581] Comp. De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 172.

[1582] Paulus, 3, a, s. 115; Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 541.

[1583] Olshausen, 1, s. 776.

[1584] Comm. in Matth., p. 630. His expedient is approved by De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 173.

[1585] Paulus, ut sup. s. 143 f.

[1586] Glassius, phil. sacr., p. 172. Thus also Kuinöl and Gratz, in loc.

[1587] N. T. Gramm., s. 149.

[1588] Eichhorn, allgem. Bibliothek, 5, s. 896 f.; comp. Bolten, Bericht des Matthäus, s. 317 f.

[1589] Vide Fritzsche, in loc. This is admitted by Neander also, s. 550, Anm.

[1590] Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 310 f.; Sieffert, über den Urspr., s. 107 f.

[1591] That the above motive will not suffice to explain the conduct of Jesus, Paulus has also felt; for only the despair on his part of finding a more real and special motive, can account for his becoming in this solitary instance mystical, and embracing the explanation of Justin Martyr, whom he elsewhere invariably attacks, as the author of the perverted ecclesiastical interpretations of the Bible. According to Justin, the ass designated ὑποζύγιον (that is under the yoke), is a symbol of the Jews; the ass never yet ridden, of the Gentiles (Dial. c. Tryph. 53); and Paulus, adopting this idea, endeavours to make it probable that Jesus, by mounting an animal which had never before been ridden, intended to announce himself as the founder and ruler of a new religious community. Exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 116 ff.

[1592] Natürliche Gesch. 3, s. 566 f.; Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 550, Anm.

[1593] Weisse, s. 573.

[1594] Apol. i. 32: τὸ δὲ δεσμεύων πρὸς ἄμπελον τὸν πῶλον αὐτοῦ—σύμβολον δηλωτικὸν ἦν τῶν γενησομένων τῷ Χριστῷ καὶ τῶν ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ πραχθησομένων. πῶλος γάρ τις ὄνου εἱστήκει ἔν τινι εἰσόδῳ κώμης πρὸς ἄμπελον δεδεμένος ὃν ἐκέλευσεν ἀγαγεῖν αὐτῷ κ.τ.λ. Binding his colt to a vine—was a symbol indicative of what would happen to Christ; for there stood at the entrance of a certain village, bound to a vine, an ass’s colt, which he ordered them to bring to him, etc.

[1595] Vid. Schöttgen, horæ, ii. p. 146.

[1596] Midrasch Rabba, f. xcviii.

[1597] On account of this silence of the fourth Evangelist, even Neander (ut sup.) is in this instance inclined to admit, that a more simple event, owing to the disproportionate importance subsequently attached to it, was unhistorically modified.

[1598] Comp. Paulus, in loc.

[1599] The citation given by Matthew is a combination of a passage from Isaiah with that of Zechariah. For the words Tell ye the daughter of Zion, εἴπατε τῇ θυγατρὶ Σιὼν, are from Isa. lxii. 11; the rest from Zechariah ix. 9, where the LXX. has with some divergency: ἰδοὺ ὁ βασιλεύς σου ἔρχεταί σοι δίκαιος καὶ σώζων αὐτὸς πραῢς καὶ ἐπιβεβηκὼς ἐπὶ ὑποζύγιον καὶ πῶλον νέον.

[1600] Hitzig, über die Abfassungszeit der Orakel, Zach. ix.–xiv. in the Theol. Studien, 1830, 1, s. 36 ff. refers the preceding verse to the warlike deeds of this king, and the one in question to his pacific virtues.

[1601] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 121 ff.

[1602] Rosenmüller, Schol. in V. T. 7, 4, s. 274 ff.

[1603] In the passage cited Introd., § 14, from Midrasch Coheleth, the description, pauper et insidens asino in Zechariah, is in the very first instance referred to the Goël postremus. This ass of the Messiah was held identical with that of Abraham and Moses, vid. Jalkut Rubeni f. lxxix. 3, 4, ap. Schöttgen, i. s. 169; comp. Eisenmenger, entdecktes Judenthum, 2, s. 697 f.

[1604] Sanhedrin f. xcviii. 1 (ap. Wetstein): Dixit R. Alexander: R. Josua f. Levi duobus inter se collatis locis tanquam contrariis visis objecit: scribitur Dan. vii. 13: et ecce cum nubibus cœli velut filius hominis venit. Et scribitur Zach. ix. 9: pauper et insidens asino. Verum hæc duo loca ita inter se conciliari possunt: nempe, si justitia sua mereantur Israëlitæ, Messias veniet cum nubibus cœli: si autem non mereantur, veniet pauper, et vehetur asino.

[1605] His predictions concerning particular circumstances of his passion, uttered shortly before its occurrence, in the last days of his life, can only be considered farther on, in the history of those days.

[1606] Comp. Olshausen, bibl. Comm., 1, s. 528.

[1607] Gesenius, Jesaias, iii. 137 ff.; Hitzig, Comm. zu Jes., s. 550.

[1608] Gesenius, ut sup. s. 158 ff.; Hitzig, s. 577 ff.; Vatke, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 528 ff.

[1609] De Wette, Comm. zu den Psalmen, s. 514 ff.; 3te Aufl.

[1610] Ibid. s. 224 ff.

[1611] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 677 ff., and De Wette in loc.

[1612] See this view developed by Fritzsche, Comm. in Marc, p. 381 f.

[1613] Vid. Fritzsche, ut sup.

[1614] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 415 ff.; Ammon, bibl. Theol. 2, s. 377 f.; Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 246. Fritzsche also, ut sup. and Weisse, 1, s. 423, partly admit this.

[1615] Bertholdt, Einleitung in d. N. T. 1305 ff.; Wegscheider, Einl. in das Evang. Johannis, s. 271 f.

[1616] Daniel, übersetzt und erklärt von Bertholdt, 2, s. 541 ff., 660 ff.; Rosenmüller, Schol. in V. T. 7, 4, p. 339 ff.

[1617] De Wette, de morte Christi expiatoria, in his Opusc. Theol., p. 130; Hase, L. J. § 06.

[1618] Vom Zweck Jesu und seiner Junger, s. 114 ff. 153 f.

[1619] Ueber den Zweck und die Wirkungen des Todes Jesu, in the Göttingischen Bibliothek, 1, 4, s. 252 ff.

[1620] See the list in De Wette, ut sup. s. 6 ff. The most important voices for the existence of the idea in question in the time of Jesus, have been noticed by Stäudlin in the above treatise, 1, s. 233 ff., and by Hengstenberg, Christologie des A. T., 1, a, s. 270 ff., b, s, 290 ff; for the opposite opinion, by De Wette, ut sup. p. 1 ff.

[1621] Comp. De Wette, bibl. Dogm, § 201 f.; Baumgarten Crusius, bibl. Theol. § 54.

[1622] Vid. De Wette, ut sup. § 189 ff.

[1623] Comp. De Wette, ut sup. § 193.

[1624] Gfrörer, Philo, 1, s. 495 ff.

[1625] A passage to this effect out of the law (νόμος) properly so called, would be difficult to find: De Wette, de morte, p. 72, refers to Isa. ix. 5; Lücke, in loc. to Ps. cx. 4; Dan. vii. 14, ii. 44.

[1626] Vom Zweck Jesu und seiner Jünger, s. 179 f.

[1627] Vid. De Wette, de morte Chr. p. 73 f.

[1628] Comp. Gesenius, Jesaias 2, Th. s. 66; De Wette, Einleitung in das A. T. § 59, 3te Ausg.

[1629]

Literal translation according to Targum of Jonathan: Quemadmodum Hitzig, lii. 14:—As many were per multos dies ipsum exspectârunt amazed at him, so disfigured, not Israëlitae, quorum contabuit inter human, was his appearance, and his gentes adspectus et splendor (et form not that of the children of evanuit) e filiis hominum, etc. men, etc.

liii. 4:—But he bore our Idcirco pro delictis nostris ipse infirmities, and charged himself deprecabitur, et iniquitates with our sorrows, and we esteemed nostræ propter eum condonabuntur, him stricken, smitten of God and licet nos reputati simus contusi, afflicted. plagis affecti et afflicti.

Origen also relates, c. Celsus, i. 55, how a person esteemed a wise man among the Jews, λεγόμενος παρὰ Ἰουδαίοις σοφὸς, maintained, in opposition to his Christian interpretation of the passage in Isaiah, that this was prophesied concerning the whole nation, which had been dispersed and afflicted, in order that many might become proselytes, ταῦτα πεπροφητεῦσθαι ὡς περὶ ἑνὸς τοῦ ὅλου λαοῦ, καὶ γενομένου ἐν τῇ διασπορᾷ, καὶ πληγέντος, ἳνα πολλοὶ προσήλυτοι γένωνται.

[1630] Vid. Schöttgen, 2, s. 182 f.; Eisenmenger, entdecktes Judenthum, 2, s. 758.

[1631] Ap. Schöttgen, 2 s. 181 f.

[1632] De Wette, de morte Chr. expiatoria, ut sup. s. 50.

[1633] vii. 29.

[1634] Schöttgen, 2, s. 509 ff.; Schmidt, Christologische Fragmente, in his Bibliothek, 1, s. 24 ff.; Bertholdt, Christol. Jud., § 13.

[1635] Schmidt, ut sup.; Bertholdt, ut sup., § 16.

[1636] Pesikta in Abkath Rochel, ap. Schmidt, s. 48 f.

[1637] Sohar, P. II. lxxxv. 2, ap. Schmidt, § 47 f.

[1638] Gemara Sanhedrin, f. xcviii. 1; ap. De Wette, de morte Chr., p. 95 f., and ap. Hengstenberg, s. 292.

[1639] Sohar, P. II. f. lxxx. ii. 2; ap. De Wette, s. 94: Cum Israëlitæ essent in terra sancta, per cultus religiosos et sacrificia quæ faciebanto, omnes illos morbos et pœnas e mundo, sustulerunt; nunc vero Messias debet auferre eas ab hominibus.

[1640] Vid. Bertholdt, ut sup. § 17.

[1641] De Wette, de morte Chr., p. 112; comp. 53 ff.

[1642] Hase, L. J. § 108.

[1643] Ibid.

[1644] Ibid. and § 109.

[1645] See his animated and impressive treatise, vom Zweck, u. s. f., s. 121 ff. Comp. Briefe über den Rationalismus, s. 224 ff., and De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 143.

[1646] Thus especially Herder, vom Erlöser der Menschen, s. 133 ff. Briefe über den Rationalismus, s. 227. Comp. Kuinöl, Comm. in Matth., p. 444 f.

[1647] LXX.: ὑγιάσει ἡμᾶς μετὰ δύο ἡμέρας· ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ τρίτῃ ἐξαναστησόμεθα, καὶ ζησόμεθα ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ.

[1648] Comp. Süskind, einige Bemerkungen über die Frage, ob Jesus seine Auferstehung bestimmt vorhergesagt habe? in Flatt’s Magazin, 7, s. 203 ff.

[1649] Paulus, ut sup. 2, s. 415 ff.; Hase, L. J. § 109.

[1650] E.g. Lücke, 1, s. 426; comp., on the contrary, Tholuck, in loc.

[1651] Vid. Tholuck, ut sup.

[1652] Henke, Joannes apostolus nonnullorum Jesu apophthegmatum in evang. suo et ipse interpres. In Pott’s and Ruperti’s Sylloge Comm. theol. 1, s. 9; Gabler, Recension des Henke’schen Programms im neuesten theol. Journal, 2, 1, s. 88; Lücke, in loc.

[1653] Thus, besides Henke in the above Programm, Herder, von Gottes Sohn nach Johannes Evang., s. 135 f.; Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 165 f.; L. J. 1, a, s. 173 f.; Lücke, and De Wette, in loc.

[1654] Storr, in Flatt’s Magazin, 4, s. 199.

[1655] Tholuck and Olshausen, in loc.

[1656] Hence Neander remains suspended in indecision between the two, s. 395 f.

[1657] Thus Kern, die Hauptthatsachen der evang. Gesch., Tüb. Zeitschrift, 1836, 2, s. 128.

[1658] Thus Olshausen.

[1659] Kern says, indeed, that a similar doubleness of meaning is found elsewhere in significant discourse; but he refrains from adducing an example.

[1660] Probab., p. 23 ff.

[1661] Comp. Neander, s. 396, Anm.

[1662] Paulus, exeg. Handb. in loc.

[1663] Comp. Fritzsche and Olshausen, in loc.

[1664] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 97 ff. Schulz, über das Abendm., s. 317 f.

[1665] Süskind, ut sup. s. 184 ff.

[1666] Vid. Lücke, in loc.

[1667] Vid. de Wette, Comm. über die Psalmen, s. 178.

[1668] Compare, on the import and connexion of this discourse, Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 695 ff; De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 1, s. 197 ff; Weizel, die unchristliche Unsterblichkeitslehre, in the theol. Studien und Kritiken, 1836, s. 599 ff.—In agreement with these commentators I append the following division of the passage in Matthew:

I. Signs of the end, τέλος, xxiv. 4–14.

a. More remote signs, the beginning of sorrows, ἀρχὴ ὠδίνων,
4–8.
b. More immediate signs, the actual sorrows, 9–14.

II. The end, τέλος, itself, xxiv. 15–25, 46.

a. Its commencement with the destruction of Jerusalem, and
the great tribulation θλῖψις which accompanies it, 15–28.
b. Its culminating point: the advent of the Messiah, together
with the assembling of his elect, 29–31. (Here follow
retrospective observations and warnings, xxiv. 32-xxv. 30.)
c. Close of the τέλος with the messianic judgment, 31–46.

[1669] Vom Zweck Jesu und seiner Jünger, s. 184, 201 ff., 207 ff.

[1670] The former adv. hæres. v. 25; the latter, Comm. in Matth. in loc. Compare on the different interpretations of this passage the list in Schott, Commentarius in eos J. Chr. sermones, qui de reditu ejus ad judicium—agunt, p. 73 ff.

[1671] Bahrdt., Uebersetzung des N. T., 1, s. 1103, 3te Ausg.; Eckermann, Handb. der Glaubenslehre, 2, s. 579, 3, s. 427, 437, 709 ff; and others in Schott, ut sup.

[1672] This is the opinion of Lightfoot, in loc., Flatt, Comm. de notione vocis βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν, in Velthusen’s und A. Sammlung 2, 461 ff.; Jahn, Erklärung der Weissagungen Jesu von der Zerstörung Jerusalems u. s. w., in Bengel’s Archiv. 2, 1, s. 79 ff., and others, cited in Schott, s. 75 f.

[1673] Thus especially Jahn, in the treatise above cited.

[1674] Kern, Hauptthatsachen der evang. Geschichte, Tüb. Zeitschr. 1836, 2, s. 140 ff.

[1675] Thus Storr, Opusc. acad. 3, s. 34 ff.; Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 346 f. 402 f.

[1676] Ut sup. s. 188.

[1677] Storr, ut sup. s. 39, 116 ff.

[1678] Paulus, in loc.

[1679] Vid. Kuinöl in Matt., s. 649.

[1680] Comp. the Wolfenbüttel Fragmentist, ut sup. s. 190 ff. Schott, ut sup. s. 127 ff.

[1681] Kern, ut sup. s. 141 f. That Jesus conceived the epoch at which he spoke to be separated from the end of the world by a far longer interval than would elapse before the destruction of Jerusalem, Kern thinks he can prove in the shortest way from v. 14, of the 24th chapter of Matthew, where Jesus says, And this gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in all the world for a witness unto all nations, and then shall the end come. For such a promulgation of Christianity, he thinks, it is “beyond contradiction” that a far longer space of time than these few lustrums would be requisite. As it happens, the apostle Paul himself presents the contradiction, when he represents the gospel as having been already preached to that extent before the destruction of Jerusalem, e.g. Col. i. 5: τοῦ εὐαγγελίου, (6) τοῦ παρόντος—ἐν παντὶ τῷ κόσμῳ—(23)—τοῦ κηρυχθέντος ἐν πάσῃ τῇ κτίσει τῇ ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρανὸν. Comp. Rom. x. 13.

[1682] The former is chosen by Süskind, vermischte Aufsätze, s. 90 ff.; the latter by Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 653 ff.

[1683] See his Commentarius, in loc.

[1684] Ueber das Abendmahl, s. 315 f.

[1685] Ueber den Ursprung des ersten kanon. Evangel., s. 119 ff. Also Weisse, ut sup.

[1686] Ueber den Lukas, s. 215 ff., 265 ff. Here also his opinion is approved by Neander, s. 562.

[1687] Olshausen, bibl. Comm. 1, s. 865; Kern, ut sup. s. 138 ff. Comp. Steudel Glaubensl. s. 479 ff.

[1688] [“Die Weltgeschichte ist das Weltgericht:” Schiller. Tr.]

[1689] Comp. especially Weizel, die Zeit des jüngsten Tags u. s. f. in den Studien der evang. Geistlichkeit Würtembergs, 9, 2, s. 140 ff., 154 ff.

[1690] According to Kern, the appearing of the Son of Man in the clouds, signifies “the manifestation of everything which forms so great an epoch in the development of the history of mankind, that from it, the agency of Christ, who is the governing power in the history of mankind, may be as clearly recognised as if the sign of Christ were seen in the heavens. The mourning of all the tribes of the earth is to be understood of the sorrow with which men will be visited, owing to the judgment, κρίσις, which accompanies the propagation of the kingdom of Christ, as consisting in an expulsion of ungodliness out of the world, and the annihilation of the old man.” Still further does Weisse allow himself to be carried away by the allegorizing propensity: Christ “commiserates those who are with child and who give suck, i.e. those who would still labour and produce in the old order of things; he further pities those whose flight falls in the winter, i.e. in a rude, inhospitable period, which bears no fruit for the spirit.” (Die evang. Gesch. 2, s. 592.)

[1691] Hengstenberg, Christologie des A. T., 1, a, s. 305 ff.

[1692] Exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 403. Comp. also Kern, Hauptthatsachen, ut sup. s. 137.

[1693] Bibl. Comm. 1, s. 865 ff.

[1694] Ueber den Ursprung u. s. f., s. 119. Weisse advances a similar opinion, ut sup.

[1695] Compare also my Streitschriften, 1, 1, conclusion.

[1696] Comp. e.g. Gratz, Comm. zum Matth. 2, 444 ff.

[1697] Antiq. xx. viii. 6 (comp. bell. jud. ii. xiii. 4.): And now these impostors and deceivers persuaded the multitude to follow them into the wilderness, and pretended that they would exhibit manifest wonders and signs that should be performed by the providence of God. And many that were prevailed on by them, suffered the punishments of their folly; for Felix brought them back, and then punished them.

[1698] Bell. jud. v. xii. 1, 2.

[1699] More ample comparisons of the results mentioned by Josephus and others, with the prophecy, see in Credner, Einleit. in das N. T. 1, s. 207.

[1700] Bertholdt, Daniel übersetzt und erklärt, 2, s. 668 ff.; Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s, 340 f.; De Wette, Einleit. in das A. T., § 254 ff.

[1701] Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 247; Credner, Einl. in das N. T. 1, s. 206 f.

[1702] De Wette, Einl. in das N. T., § 97, 101. Exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 204, 1, 2, s. 103.

[1703] Paulus, Fritzsche, De Wette in loc.

[1704] B. j. V. xii. 1: To encompass the whole city round with his army, was not very easy, by reason of its magnitude and the difficulty of the situation; and on other accounts dangerous.

[1705] B. j. V. xi. 1 ff, xii. 1.

[1706] Vid. Schöttgen, 2, s. 509 ff.; Bertholdt, § 13; Schmidt, Biblioth. 1, s. 24 ff.

[1707] Vid. Schöttgen, 2, s. 525 f.

[1708] Antiq. X. xi. 7. After having interpreted the little horn of Antiochus, he briefly adds: In the very same manner Daniel also wrote concerning the government of the Romans, and that our country should be made desolate by them. He doubtless supposed that the fourth, iron monarchy, Dan. ii. 40, represented the Romans, since, besides attributing it to a dominion over all the earth, he explains its destruction by the stone as something still future, Ant. X. x. 4: Daniel did also declare the meaning of the stone to the King; but I do not think proper to relate it, since I have only undertaken to describe things past or things present, but not things that are future. Now Daniel ii. 44 interprets the stone to mean the heavenly kingdom, which would destroy the iron one, but would itself endure for ever,—a messianic particular, on which Josephus does not choose to dilate. But that, correctly interpreted, the iron legs of the image signify the Macedonian empire, and the feet of iron mixed with clay, the Syrian empire which sprang out of the Macedonian, see De Wette, Einleit. in das N. T., § 254.

[1709] Vid. Joseph., Antiq. xii. v.

[1710] Vid. Hase, L. J., § 130.

[1711] The passages bearing on this subject are collected and explained in Schott, Commentarius, etc., p. 364 ff. Comp. Lücke, in loc. and Weizel, urchristl. Unsterblichkeitslehre, in the Theol. Studien, 1836, s. 626 ff.

[1712] Vid. Tholuck, in loc.

[1713] Comp. Tholuck, ut sup.

[1714] Thus Lücke, and also Tholuck, in loc.; Schott, p. 409.

[1715] Olshausen, 1, s. 870.

[1716] Fleck, de regno divino, p. 483.

[1717] Winer’s bibl. Realwörterb.

[1718] Schneckenburger, über den Urspr., s. 9 f. Lücke, 1, s. 133, 159, 2, s. 402.

[1719] Comp. besides the critics above cited, Hug, Enleit. in das N. T. 2, s. 215.

[1720] For the most correct views on this point see Lücke, 2, s. 407 ff.

[1721] As the author of the Probabilia thinks, s. 94.

[1722] Hug, ut sup. s. 221.

[1723] Kuinöl, in loc.

[1724] Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 579 f.

[1725] Lücke, in loc.

[1726] Lightfoot, in loc.

[1727] Probabil. ut sup.

[1728] Vol. II. § 62.

[1729] Olshausen gives us more precise information concerning the descent of the traitor, when he says (bibl. Comm. 2, s. 458 Anm.): “Perhaps the passage, Gen. xlix. 17, Dan shall be a serpent, an adder in the path, that biteth the horse’s heels, so that his rider shall fall backward, is a prophetic intimation of the treachery of Judas, whence we might conclude that he was of the tribe of Dan.”

[1730] That, according to the account in John, Judas first went to the chief priests from the meal, is acknowledged by Lightfoot also (horæ, p. 465), but he on this account regards the meal described by John as earlier than the synoptical one.

[1731] Comm. z. Joh. 2, s. 484.

[1732] Vol. II. § 89.

[1733] See these and the following reasons in Olshausen, 2, s. 458 ff.

[1734] Olshausen, ut sup.

[1735] Such an argument may be gathered from what Olshausen says, 2, s. 387, 388.

[1736] Ueber den Lukas, s. 88.

[1737] Orig. c. Cels., ii. 11 f.

[1738] Comp. Probabil., p. 139.

[1739] Still farther back we find, not the knowledge of Jesus concerning his betrayer, but an important meeting between them, in the apocryphal Evangelium infantiæ arabicum, c. xxxv. ap. Fabricius 1, p. 197 f., ap. Thilo, 1, p. 108 f. Here a demoniacal boy, who in his attacks bit violently at everything around him, is brought to the child Jesus, attempts to bite him, and because he cannot reach him with his teeth gives him a blow on the right side, whereupon the child Jesus weeps, while Satan comes out of the boy in the form of a furious dog. Hic autem puer, qui Jesum percussit et ex quo Satanas sub forma canis exivit, fuit Judas Ischariotes, qui illum Judæis prodidit.

[1740] Iren. adv. hær. I. 35: Judam proditorem—solum præ ceteris cognoscentem veritatem perfecisse proditionis mysterium, per quem et terrena et cælestia omnia dissoluta dicunt. Epiphan. xxxviii. 3: Some Cainites say, that Judas betrayed Jesus because he regarded him as a wicked man πονηρὸν, who meant to destroy the good law: ἄλλοι δὲ τῶν αὐτῶν, οὐχι φασιν, ἀλλὰ ἀγαθὸν αὐτὸν ὤντα παρέδωκε κατὰ τὴν ἑπουράνιον γνῶσιν ἔγνωσαν γάρ, φησιν, οἱ ἄρχοντες, ὅτι, ἐὰν ὁ Χριστὸς παραδοθῇ σταυρῷ, κενοῦται αὐτῶν ἡ ἀσθενὴς δύναμις· καὶ τοῦτό, φησι γνούς ὁ Ἰούδας, ἔπευσε καὶ πάντα ἐκίνησεν ὤστε παραδοῦναι αὐτὸν, ἀγαθὸν ἔργον ποιήσας ἡμῖν εἰς σωτηρίαν. καὶ δεῖ ἡμᾶς ἐπαινεῖν καὶ ἀποδιδόναι αὐτῷ τὸν ἔπαινον, ὅτι δι’ αὐτοῦ κατεσκευάσθη ἡμῖν ἡ τοῦ σταυροῦ σωτηρία καὶ ἡ διὰ τῆς ποιαύτης ὑποθέσεως τῶν ἄνω ἀποκάλυψις.

[1741] Theophylact, in Matth. xxvii. 4.

[1742] Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 249. Klopstock gives a similar representation in his Messias.

[1743] K. Ch. L. Schmidt, exeg. Beiträge, 1, Thl. 2ter Versuch, s. 18 ff.; comp. Schmidt’s Bibliothek, 3, 1, s. 163 ff.

[1744] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 451 ff. L. J. 1, b, s. 143 ff.; Hase, L. J., § 132. Comp. Theile, zur Biographie Jesu, § 33.

[1745] Schmidt, ut sup.

[1746] Hase.

[1747] Paulus.

[1748] Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 578 f.

[1749] Vol. II. § 88; comp. Hase, ut sup.

[1750] [The German Thaler (Rixthaler) is equivalent to about three shillings. Tr.]

[1751] Rosenmüller, Schol. in V. T. 7, 4, s. 318 ff.

[1752] Even Neander thinks this a possible origin of the above statement in the first gospel, s. 574, Anm.

[1753] L. J. Chr., s. 573.

[1754] Comp. also Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 759 f.

[1755] Ueber die Anordnung des letzten Paschamahls Jesu, in his neust. theol. Journal, 2, 5, s. 441 ff.

[1756] Bell. jud. vi. ix. 3.

[1757] Thus Gabler, ut sup.; Paulus, exeg. Handb., 3, b, s. 781; Kern, Hauptthatsachen, Tüb. Zeitschr. 1836, 3, s. 3 f.; Neander, s. 583.

[1758] Beza, in Matth. xxvi. 18, correctly, save that he supposes too special a reference to the approaching sufferings of Jesus, thus represents the object of this prediction: ut magis ac magis intelligerent discipuli, nihil temere in urbe magistro eventurum, sed quæ ad minutissimas usque circumstantias penitus perspecta haberet.

[1759] Bibl. Comm. 2, s. 385 f. Comp. in opposition to this De Wette, in loc.

[1760] Schulz, über das Abendmahl, s. 321; Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 280; Weisse, die evang. Gesch., s. 600 f.

[1761] Vid. Theile, über die letzte Mahlzeit Jesu, in Winer’s and Engelhardt’s neuem krit. Journal, 2, s. 169, Anm., and zur Biographie Jesu, § 31.

[1762] Thus Lightfoot, horæ, p. 463 ff.; Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 2, s. 273 ff.; also Venturini 3, s. 634 ff.

[1763] An insufficient outlet from this difficulty is pointed out by Lightfoot, p. 482 f.

[1764] Fragm. ex Claudii Apollinaris libro de Paschate, in Chron. Paschal, ed. du Fresne. Paris, 1688, p. 6 f. præf.

[1765] See especially Tholuck and Olshausen, in loc.; Kern, Hauptthatsachen, Tüb. Zeitschr. 1836, 3, s. 5 ff.

[1766] Diss. de verâ notione cœnæ Domini, annexed to Cudworth, syst. intell., p. 22, not. 1.

[1767] See these counter observations particularly in Lücke and de Wette, in loc.; in Sieffert über den Ursprung, s. 127 ff., and Winer, bibl. Realwörterb. 2, s. 238 ff.

[1768] Antiq. II. xiv. 16.

[1769] Fritzsche, vom Osterlamm; more recently, Rauch, in the theol. Studien und Kritiken, 1832, 3, s. 537 f.

[1770] Comp. De Wette, theol. Studien und Krit. 1834, 4, s. 939 f.; Tholuck, Comm. z. Joh. s. 245 f.; Winer, ut sup.

[1771] Calvin, in Matth. xxvi. 17.

[1772] Grotius, in Matth. xxvi. 18.

[1773] Iken, Diss. philol. theol., vol. 2, p. 416 ff.

[1774] Vid. Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 486 ff.

[1775] Michaelis, Anm. zu Joh. 13.

[1776] Sieffert, ut sup.; Hase, L. J., § 124; De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 3, s. 149 ff; Theile, zur Biographie Jesu, § 31.

[1777] Theile, in Winer’s Krit. Journal, 2, s. 157 ff.; Sieffert and Lücke, ut sup.

[1778] Pesachin f. lxv. 2, ap. Lightfoot, p. 654: Paschate primo tenetur quispiam ad pernoctationem. Gloss.: Paschatizans tenetur ad pernoctandum in Hierosolyma nocte prima. On the other hand, Tosaphoth ad tr. Pesachin 8: In Paschate Aegyptiaco dicitur: nemo exeat—usque ad mane. Sed sic non fuit in sequentibus generationibus,—quibus comedebatur id uno loco et pernoctabant in alio. Comp. Schneckenburger, Beiträge, s. 9.

[1779] Tract. Sanhedr. f. lxxxix. 1, ap. Schöttgen, i. p. 221; comp. Paulus, ut sup. s. 492.

[1780] Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 763 f.; comp. 755; Lücke, 2, s. 614.

[1781] Sanhedr. f. xliii. 1, ap. Schöttgen, ii. p. 700.

[1782] Ueber die ursprüngliche Bedeutung des Passahfestes u. s. w., Tübinger Zeitschrift f. Theol. 1832, 1, s. 90 ff.

[1783] Ut sup. s. 167 ff.

[1784] Sieffert, ut sup. s. 144 ff.; Lücke, s. 628 ff.; Theile, zur Biogr. Jesu, § 31; De Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 3, s. 149 ff.; comp. Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 580 ff. Anm.

[1785] Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 763; Kern, über den Urspr. des Ev. Matth. in der Tüb. Zeitschrift, 1834, 2, s. 98.

[1786] Comp. Suicer, thesaur. 2, s. 613.

[1787] Another view as to the cause of the error in the fourth gospel is given in the Probabilia, s. 100 ff.; comp. Weisse, die evang. Gesch. 1, s. 446 f. Anm.

[1788] Paulus, 3, b, s. 499; Olshausen, 2, s. 294.

[1789] Lücke, 2, s. 484 f.; Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 583, Anm.

[1790] Olshausen, ut sup.

[1791] Sieffert, über den Urspr., s. 152.

[1792] Bibl. Comm. 2, s. 310, 381 f.

[1793] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 497.

[1794] Meyer, Comm. über den Joh., in loc.

[1795] L. J. Chr., s. 587, Anm.

[1796] Sieffert, s. 152 ff.

[1797] Comp. Lücke, s. 468.

[1798] Die Hauptthatsachen der evang. Gesch. Tüb. Zeitschr. 1836, 3, s. 12.

[1799] Hase, L. J., § 133; Kern, Hauptthatsachen, s. 11; Theile, zur Biographie Jesu, § 31.

[1800] Sieffert, s. 153; Paulus and Olshausen, in loc. For the opposite opinion comp. De Wette, 1, 1, s. 222, 1, 2, s. 107.

[1801] Vol. II. § 83.

[1802] The conjecture as to the origin of this anecdote in the Probabilia, s. 70 f. is too far-fetched.

[1803] Comp. De Wette, in loc.

[1804] Ueber den Lukas, s. 275.

[1805] Olshausen, 2, s. 380.

[1806] Thus Lücke, Paulus, Olshausen.

[1807] Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 707.

[1808] This is Olshausen’s expedient, 2, s. 402. Against it see Sieffert, s. 148. f.

[1809] Ut sup. s. 147 ff.

[1810] Comm. über die Gesch. des Leidens und Todes Jesu, in loc.

[1811] See De Wette, in loc.

[1812] Vid. Lücke and Tholuck, in loc.

[1813] P. 62: reliqui quidem narrant evangelistæ servatorem scivisse proditionis consilium, nee impedivisse; ipsum vero excitâsse Judam ad proditionem nemo eorum dicit, neque convenit hoc Jesu.

[1814] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 538. L. J. 1, b, s. 192. Hase, L. J., § 137.

[1815] Comp. Lightfoot and Paulus, in loc.

[1816] Comp. on this subject especially, Lightfoot, horæ, p. 474 ff., and Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 511 ff.

[1817] Süskind, in the treatise: Hat Jesus das Abendmahl als einen mnemonischen Ritus angeordnet? in his Magazin 11, s. 1 ff.

[1818] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 527.

[1819] Ueber das Abendmahl, s. 217 ff.

[1820] Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 2, a, s. 39; Stephani, das h. Abendmahl, s. 61.

[1821] Vol. II. § 81.

[1822] Paulus, ut sup. s. 519 ff.; Kaiser, ut sup. s. 37 ff.

[1823] Orig. c. Cels. ii. 24: λέγει (ὁ Κέλσος)· τί οὖν ποτνιᾶται, καὶ ὀδύρεται, καὶ τὸν τοῦ ὀλέθρου φόβον εὔχεται παραδραμεῖν, λέγων κ.τ.λ.: He says (i.e. Celsus): Why then does he supplicate help, and bewail himself, and pray for escape from the fear of death, saying, etc. Julian, in a Fragment of Theodore of Mopsuestia, ap. Münter, Fragm. Patr. græc. Fasc. 1, p. 121: ἀλλὰ καὶ τοιαῦτα προσεύχεται, φήσιν, ὁ Ἰ., οἶα ἄθλιος ἄνθρωπος, συμφορὰν φέρειν εὐκόλως οὐ δυνάμενος, καὶ ὑπ’ ἀγγέλου, θεὸς ὢν, ἐνισχύεται. Jesus, says he, also presents such petitions as a wretched mortal would offer, when unable to bear a calamity with serenity; and although divine, he is strengthened by an angel.

[1824] Gramond. hist. Gall. ab. exc. Henr. IV. L. iii. p. 211: Lucilius Vanini—dum in patibulum trahitur—Christo illudit in hæc eadem verba: illi in extremis præ timore imbellis sudor: ego imperterritus morior.

[1825] Evang. Nicod. c. xx. ap. Thilo, 1, s. 702 ff.: ἐγὸ γὰρ οἶδα, ὅτι ἄνθρωπός ἐστι, καὶ ἥκουσα αὐτοῦ λέγοντος· ὅτι περίλυπός ἐστιν ἡ ψυχή μου ἕως θανάτου.

[1826] Ibid. s. 706. Hades replies to Satan: εἰ δὲ λέγεις, ὅτι ἥκουσας αὑτοῦ φοβουμένου τὸν θάνατον, παίξων σε καὶ γελῶν ἔφη τοῦτο, θέλων, ἵνα σε ἀρπάσῃ ἐν χειρὶ δυνατῇ.

[1827] Orig. c. Cels. ii. 25.

[1828] Hieron. Comm. in Matth. in loc.: Contristabatur non timore patiendi, qui ad hoc venerat, ut pateretur, sed propter infelicissimum Judam, et scandalum omnium apostolorum, et rejectionem populi Judæorum, et eversionem miseræ Hierusalem.

[1829] Calvin, Comm. in harm. evangg. Matth. xxvi. 37: Non—mortem horruit simpliciter, quatenus transitus est e mundo sed quia formidabile Dei tribunal illi erat ante oculos, judex ipse incomprehensibili vindicta armatus, peccata vero nostra, quorum onus illi erat impositum, sua ingenti mole eum premebant. Comp. Luther’s Hauspostille, die erste Passionspredigt.

[1830] Lightfoot, p. 884 f.

[1831] Thiess, Krit. Comm. s. 418 ff.

[1832] Ut sup. s. 549, 554 f., Anm.

[1833] Schuster, zur Erläuterung des N. T., in Eichhorn’s Biblioth. 9, s. 1012 ff.

[1834] Hess, Gesch. Jesu, 2, s. 322 ff.; Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 719.

[1835] Ullmann, über die Unsündlichkeit Jesu, in his Studien, 1, s. 61. Hasert, ib. 3, 1, s. 66 ff.

[1836] Ullmann, ut sup.

[1837] Hasert, ut sup.

[1838] Luther, in der Predigt vom Leiden Christi im Garten.

[1839] Ambrosius in Luc., Tom. x. 56.

[1840] In Matthaei’s N. T., p. 447.

[1841] Lightfoot, ut sup.

[1842] Venturini, 3, 677, and conjecturally Paulus also, s. 561.

[1843] Eichhorn, allg. Bibl. 1, s. 628; Thiess, in loc.

[1844] Comp. on this subject and the following, Gabler, neust. theol. Journal, 1, 2, s. 109 ff. 3, s. 217 ff.

[1845] Comp. Julian, ap. Theod. of Mopsuestia in Münter’s Fragm. Patr. 1, p. 121 f.

[1846] Ueber den Lukas, s. 288; comp. De Wette, in loc. and Theile, zur. Biogr. Jesu, § 32. Neander also appears willing silently to abandon this trait and the following one.

[1847] Ancoratus, 31.

[1848] Vid. Wetstein, s. 807.

[1849] De part. animal. iii. 15.

[1850] Vid. ap. Michaelis, not. in loc., and Kuinöl, in Luc., p. 691 f.

[1851] Paulus, ut sup. s. 549.

[1852] Theile, in Winer’s and Engelhardt’s krit. Journal, 2, s. 353; Neander, L. J. Chr., s. 616 f.

[1853] Comp. Weisse, die evang. Gesch. 1, s. 611.

[1854] Olshausen, 2, s. 429.

[1855] Lücke, 2, s. 591.

[1856] Schneckenburger, Beiträge, s. 65 f.

[1857] Comm. 1, s. 177 f.

[1858] Lücke, 2, s. 392 ff.

[1859] Olshausen, 2, s. 429 f.

[1860] Commentatio critica, qua Evangelium Joannis genuinum esse—ostenditur, p. 57 ff.

[1861] Probab. p. 33 ff.

[1862] Goldhorn, über das Schweigen des Joh. Evangeliums über den Seelenkampf Jesu in Gethsemane, in Tzschirner’s Magazin. f. christl. Prediger, 1, 2, s. 1 ff.

[1863] Vid. the Review of Usteri’s Comm. crit., in Winer’s and Engelhardt’s n. krit. Journal, 2, s. 359 ff.

[1864] Hase, L. J., § 134; Lücke, 2, s. 591 f., Anm.

[1865] Against the offence which it has pleased Tholuck (Glaubw. s. 41) to take at this expression (Verwischen), comp. the Aphorismen zur Apologie des Dr. Strauss und seines Werkes, s. 69 f.

[1866] L. J. 1, b, s. 165 f.

[1867] Vom Zweck J. und seiner Jünger, s. 124.

[1868] 2, s. 588 f.

[1869] Ut sup.

[1870] Vid. Lücke, in loc.; Hase, L. J., § 135.

[1871] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 567.

[1872] Lücke, 2, s. 599; Hase, ut sup.; Olshausen, 2. s. 435.

[1873] How can Lücke explain the omission of the kiss of Judas in the Gospel of John from its having been too notorious a fact? and how can he adduce as an analogous instance the omission of the transaction between the betrayer and the Sanhedrim by John? for this, as something passing behind the scenes, might very well be left out, but by no means an incident which, like that kiss, happened so conspicuously in the foreground and centre of the scene.

[1874] So says the Jew of Celsus, Orig. c. Cels. ii. 9: ἐπειδὴ ἡμεῖς ἐλέγξαντες αὐτὸν καὶ καταγνόντες ἠστιοῦμεν κολάζεσθαι, κρυπτόμενος μὲν καὶ διαδιδράσκων ἐπονειδιστότατα ἑάλω. When we, having convicted and condemned him, had determined that he should suffer punishment; concealing himself, and endeavouring to escape, he experienced a most shameful capture.

[1875] Lücke, 2, s. 597 f.; Olshausen, 2, s. 435; Tholuck, s. 299. The reference to the murderer of Coligny is, however, unwarranted, as any one will find who will look into the book incorrectly cited by Tholuck: Serrani commentatorium de statu religionis et reip. in regno Galliæ, L. x. p. 32, b. The murderer was not in the least withheld from the prosecution of his design by the firmness of the noble old man. Comp. also Schiller, Werke, 16 Bd. s. 382 f., 384; Ersch and Gruber’s Encyclopädie, 7 Band, s. 452 f. Such inaccuracies in the department of modern history cannot indeed excite surprise in a writer who elsewhere (Glaubwürdigkeit, s. 437) speaks of the duke of Orleans, Louis Philippe’s father, as the brother of Louis XVI. How can a knowledge so diversified as that of Dr. Tholuck be always quite accurate.

[1876] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 570.

[1877] Ibid.

[1878] As Lücke, Tholuck and Olshausen, in loc.

[1879] Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 290.

[1880] Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 576.

[1881] Paulus, ut sup. s. 577; Olshausen, 2, s. 244.

[1882] Thus e.g. Erasmus, in loc.

[1883] Thus Winer, N. T. Gramm., § 41, 5; Tholuck and Lücke, in loc.

[1884] Winer, Gramm., § 57, 4.

[1885] Thus Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 295.

[1886] Schleiermacher, ut sup.; comp. Fritzsche, in loc. Matth.

[1887] Vol. II. § 67. Vol. III. § 114.

[1888] Ut sup.

[1889] Matthew does not mention the blindfolding, and appears to imagine that Jesus named the person who maltreated him, whom he saw, but did not otherwise know.

[1890] Vid. Gesenius, in loc.

[1891] Matth. xxvi. 63; comp. Mark xiv. 61: ὁ δὲ Ἰ. ἐσιώπα.

Matth. xxvii. 12: οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίνατο.

Matth. xxvii. 14; comp. Mark xv. 5: καὶ οὐκ ἀπεκρίνατο αὐτῷ πρὸς οὐδὲ ἓν ῥῆμα, ὥστε θαυμάζειν τὸν ἡγεμόνα λίαν.

Luke xxiii. 9: αὐτὸς δὲ οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίνατο αὐτῷ.

John xix. 9: ὁ δὲ Ἰ. ἀπόκρισιν οὐκ ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ.

[1892] Vol. II. § 74.

[1893] Thus Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 289; Olshausen, 2, s. 445.

[1894] Thus Paulus, ut sup. s. 577 f.

[1895] Comp. Weisse, die evang. Geschichte, 1, s. 609.

[1896] Bengel, in the Gnomon.

[1897] Paulus, ut sup. s. 578.

[1898] Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 2, s. 343.

[1899] Paulus and Olshausen, in loc.; Schleiermacher, ut sup. 289; Neander, s. 622, Anm.

[1900] Comp. de Wette, in loc.

[1901] Thesaurus, vid. ἀπάνχω.

[1902] Grotius.

[1903] Heinsius.

[1904] Perizonius.

[1905] Thus the Vulgate and Erasmus. See in opposition to all these interpretations, Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 473 ff.

[1906] Œcumenius, on the Acts, I.: ὁ Ἰούδας οὐκ ἐναπέθανε τῇ ἀνχόνῃ, ἀλλ’ ἐπεβίω, κατενεχθεὶς πρὸ τοῦ ἀποπνιγῆναι. Comp. Theophylact, on Matth. xxvii. and a Schol. Ἀπολιναρίου ap. Matthæi.

[1907] Thus, after Casaubon, Paulus, 3, b, s. 457 f.; Kuinöl, in Matth. 747 f.; Winer, b. Realw. Art. Judas, and with some indecision Olshausen, 2, s. 455 f. Even Fritzsche is become so weary on the long way to these last chapters of Matthew, that he contents himself with this reconciliation, and, on the presupposition of it, maintains that the two accounts concur amicissime.

[1908] 2 Band, 2 Stück, s. 248 f.

[1909] L. J., § 132. Comp. Theile, zur Biographie Jesu, § 33.

[1910] Vid. Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 748.

[1911] Vid. Schmidt’s Biblioth., ut sup. s. 251 f.

[1912] Paulus, 3, b, s. 457 f.; Fritzsche, p. 799.

[1913] Vid. De Wette, in loc.

[1914] In other parts of the N. T. also we find passages from this psalm messianically applied: as v. 4, John xv. 25, v. 9; John ii. 17; and John xix. 28 f., probably v. 21.

[1915] Still for other conjectures see Kuinöl, in loc.

[1916] § 119.

[1917] Hitzig, in Ullmann’s and Umbreit’s Studien, 1830, 1, s. 35; Gesenius, Wörterbuch; comp. Rosenmüller’s Scholia in V. T. 7, 4, s. 320 ff.

[1918] Tertull. Apologet. c. xxi.: Ea omnia super Christo Pilatus, et ipse jam pro sua conscientia Christianus, Cæsari tum Tiberio nunciavit. c. v.: Tiberius ergo, cujus tempore nomen Christianum in seculum introit, annunciatum sibi ex Syria Palæstina, quod illic veritatem illius Divinitatis revelaverat, detulit ad Senatum cum prærogativa suffragii sui. Senatus, quia non ipse probaverat, respuit. For further details on this subject, see Fabricius, Cod. Apocr. N. T. 1, p. 214 ff., 298 ff.; comp. 2, p. 505.

[1919] Œcumen. ad Act. i.: τοῦτο δὲ σαφέστερον ἱστορεῖ Παπίας, ὁ Ἰωάννου τοῦ ἀποστόλου μαθητής· μέγα ἀσεβείας ὑπόδειγμα ἐν τούτῳ τῷ κόσμῳ περιεπάτησεν Ἰούδας. Πρησθεὶς γὰρ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον τὴν σάρκα, ὥστε μὴ δύνασθαι διελθεῖν, ἁμάζης ῥᾳδίως διερχομένης, ὑπὸ τῆς ἁμάξης ἐπίεσθη, ὥστε τὰ ἔνκατα αὐτοῦ ἐκκενωθῆναι.

[1920] Vid. sup.