Chapter XIX: Appendix: Of Corrections (1)

Page 1, line 9, The allusion, otherwise obscure, is to the fact that
some friends of Catullus had filched a set of
table-napkins, which had been given to him by
Veranius and Fabius, and substituted others
in their place.

„ 13, „ 2, _for_ Roman figures, _read_ other figures.

„ 20, „ 7, _for_ the God of nature; he also tends, _down to_
and most excellent, _read_ the God of nature. He
supplies light to the universe, and dispels all
darkness; He both conceals and reveals the other
stars. It is He that regulates the seasons, and,
in the course of nature, governs the year as it
ever springs anew into birth; it is He that dispels
the gloom of the heavens, and sheds his light upon
the clouds of the human mind. He, too, lends his
brightness to the other stars. He is most brilliant
and most excellent.

„ 21, „ 13, _for_ elected, _read_ erected.

„ 21, „ 13, _for_ good fortune, _read_ evil fortune.

„ 23, „ 18, _for_ our scepticism concerning God is still
increased, _read_ our conjectures concerning God
become more vague still.

„ 23, „ 31, _for_ and the existence of God becomes doubtful,
_read_ whereby the very existence of a God is shewn
to be uncertain.

„ 33, „ 4, _for_ as she receives, _read_ as receives.

„ 54, „ 15, _for_ the seventh of the circumference, _read_ the
seventh of the third of the circumference.

„ 59, „ 36, _for_ transeuntia, _read_ transcurrentia.

„ 67, „ 26, _for_ circumstances, _read_ influences.

„ 78, „ 9, _for_ higher winds, _read_ higher waves.

„ 78, „ 17, _for_ the male winds are therefore regulated by
the odd numbers, _read_ hence it is that the odd
numbers are generally looked upon as males.

„ 79, „ 15, _for_ of the cloud, _read_ of the icy cloud.

„ 79, „ 21, _for_ sprinkling it with vinegar, _read_ throwing
vinegar against it.

„ 79, „ 22, _for_ this substance, _read_ that liquid.

„ 80, „ 13, _for_ but not until, _read_ and not after.

„ 80, „ 14, _for_ the former is diffused, _down to_ impulse,
_read_ the latter is diffused in the blast, the
former is condensed by the violent impulse.

„ 80, „ 17, _for_ dash, _read_ crash.

„ 81, „ 21, _for_ thunder-storms, _read_ thunder-bolts.

„ 81, „ 27, _for_ their operation, _read_ its operation.

„ 82, „ 8, _for_ thunder-storms, _read_ thunder-bolts.

„ 85, „ 2, _for_ blown up, _read_ blasted.

„ 88, „ 15, _for_ the east, _read_ the west.

„ 89, „ 11, _for_ even a stone, _read_ ever a stone.

„ 92, „ 9, _for_ how many things do we compel her to produce
spontaneously, _read_ how many things do we compel
her to produce! How many things does she pour forth
spontaneously!

„ 92, „ 10, _for_ odours and flowers, _read_ odours and
flavours.

„ 93, „ 16, _for_ luxuries, _read_ caprices.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The weight of testimony inclines to the latter. The mere titles of the works which have been written on the subject would fill a volume.

[2] At a wedding feast, as mentioned by him in B. ix. c. 58. She was then the wife of Caligula.

[3] Related in B. ix. c. 5.

[4] Here at Tusdrita, he saw L. Coisicius, who it was said had been changed from a woman into a man. See B. vii. c. 3. Phlegon Trallianus and Ausonius also refer to the story.

[5] See B. xvi. c. 2, and B. xxxi. c. 19.

[6] Plinii Ep. B. vi. Ep. 16.

[7] Twenty-fourth August.

[8] “Fortes fortuna juvat.”

[9] B. iii. Ep. 5.

[10] Nero Claudius Drusus, the son of Livia, afterwards the wife of Augustus. He was the father of the Emperor Claudius, and died in Germany of the effects of an accident.

[11] “Studiosus.” This work has perished.

[12] “De Dubia Sermone.” A few scattered fragments of it still survive.

[13] 23rd of August.

[14] For astrological presages.

[15] At midwinter, this hour would answer at Rome to our midnight.

[16] At midwinter, this would be between six and seven in the evening.

[17] “Electorum Commentarii.”

[18] B. viii. c. 34. His acrimony may however, in this instance, have outstripped his discretion. Though indebted to them for by far the largest amount of his information on almost every subject, he seems to have had a strong aversion to the Greeks, and repeatedly charges them with lying, viciousness, boasting, and vanity. See B. ii. c. 112; B. iii. c. 6; B. v. c. 1; B. xv. c. 5; B. xix. c. 26; B. xxviii. c. 29; B. xxxvii. c. 74.

[19] Of Vespasian and Titus for certain; and probably of Nero, who appointed him “procurator Cæsaris” in Spain.

[20] Even on that point he contradicts himself in the next Book. See B. viii. c. 19, and 64, in reference to the lion and the horse.

[21] See B. vii. c. 51.

[22] “Summa vitæ felicitas.” B. vii. c. 54.

[23] B. vii. c. 53.

[24] He loses no opportunity of inveighing against luxury and sensuality.

[25] The question as to a future existence he calls “Manium ambages,” “quiddities about the Manes.” B. vii. c. 56.

[26] See B. vii. c. 53.

[27] We have already seen that in his earlier years he was warned in a vision by Drusus to write the history of the wars in Germany; but there is a vast difference between paying attention to the suggestions of a dream, and believing in the immortality of the soul, or the existence of disembodied spirits.

[28] B. vii. c. 53.

[29] B. vii. c. 58, 59, 60.

[30] Mankind must surely have agreed before this in making the instruments employed in shaving.

[31] “Discours Premier sur l’Histoire Naturelle.”

[32] Biographie Universelle. Vol. 35. Art. _Pline_.

[33] This, however, is not the fault of Pliny, but the result of imperfect tradition. To have described _every_ object _minutely_ that he has named, and of which he has given the peculiar properties, would have swollen his book to a most enormous size, almost indeed beyond conception.

[34] Lemaire informs us, in his title-page, that the two first books of the Natural History are edited by M. Alexandre, in his edition.

[35] “Jucundissime;” it is not easy to find an epithet in our language which will correctly express the meaning of the original, affectionate and familiar, at the same time that it is sufficiently dignified and respectful.

[36] Lamb’s trans.; Carm. i. 4. of the original.

[37] “Conterraneus;” we have no word in English which expresses the idea intended by the original, and which is, at the same time, a military term. There is indeed some reason to doubt, whether the word now inserted in the text was the one employed by the author: see the remarks of M. Alexandre, in Lem. i. 3; also an observation in Cigalino’s dissertation on the native country of Pliny; Valpy, 8.

[38] “Permutatis prioribus sætabis;” Carm. xii. 14; xxv. 7; see the notes in Lamb’s trans. pp. 135 & 149.

[39] These names in the original are Varaniolus and Fabullus, which are supposed to have been changed from Veranius and Fabius, as terms of familiarity and endearment; see Poinsinet, i. 24, and Lemaire, i. 4.

[40] The narrative of Suetonius may serve to illustrate the observation of Pliny: “Triumphavit (Titus) cum patre, censuramque gessit una. Eidem collega et in tribunicia potestate, et in septem consulatibus fuit. Receptaque ad se prope omnium officiorum cura, cum patris nomine et epistolas ipse dictaret, et edicta conscriberet, orationesque in Senatu recitaret etiam quæstoris vice, præfecturam quoque prætorii suscepit, nunquam ad id tempus, nisi ab Equite Romano, administratum.” (viii. 5.)

[41] “Perfricui faciem.” This appears to have been a proverbial expression among the Romans; Cicero, Tusc. Quæs. iii. 41, employs “os perfricuisti,” and Martial, xi. 27. 7, “perfricuit frontem,” in the same sense.

[42] Suetonius speaks of Domitian’s taste for poetry, as a part of his habitual dissimulation, viii. 2; see also the notes of Poinsinet, i. 26, and of Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 351.

[43] “Non eras in hoc albo;” see the note of Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 8. A passage in Quintilian, xii. 4, may serve to illustrate this use of the term ‘album’; “... quorum alii se ad album ac rubricas transtulerunt....”

[44] It appears that the passage in which Cicero makes this quotation from Lucilius, is not in the part of his treatise De Republica which was lately discovered by Angelus Maius; Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 9. Cicero refers to this remark of Lucilius in two of his other works, although with a variation in the expression and in the individuals specified; De Orat. ii. 6, and De Fin. i. 3.

[45] “Qui primus condidit styli nasum.”

[46] “Sed hæc ego mihi nunc patrocinia ademi nuncupatione.”

[47] “Pecunias deponerent.” Ajasson, i. 11, remarks on these words, “Qui videri volebant ambitu alienissimi, pecuniam apud sanctum aliquem virum deponebant, qua scilicet multarentur, si unquam hujus criminis manifesti fierent.”

[48] This expression is not found in any of the works of Cicero which are now extant, nor, indeed, is it certain that it was anything more than a remark made in conversation.

[49] “Provocatio,” calling forth.

[50] Horace, Epist. ii. 1. 143; Ovid, Fast. iv. 746 and v. 121, and Tibullus, i. 1. 26 and ii. 5. 37, refer to the offerings of milk made by the country people to their rural deities.

[51] “... id est, artium et doctrinarum omnium circulus;” Alexandre in Lem. i. 14.

[52] These words are not found in any of the books of Livy now extant; we may conclude that they were introduced into the latter part of his work.

[53] “Quem nunc primum historiæ Plinianæ librum vocamus, hic non numeratur, quod sit operis index.” Hardouin in Lem. i. 16.

[54] Nothing is known of Domitius Piso, either as an author or an individual.

[55] The names of these authors will be found, arranged by Hardouin alphabetically, with a brief account of them and their works, in Lem. i. 157 _et seq._; we have nearly the same list in Valpy, p. 4903.

[56] “Musinamur.” We learn from Hardouin, Lem. i. 17, that there is some doubt as to the word employed by our author, whether it was _musinamur_ or _muginamur_; I should be disposed to adopt the former, as being, according to the remark of Turnebus, “verbum a Musis deductum.”

[57] “A fine Aufidii Bassi;” as Alexandre remarks, “Finis autem Aufidii Bassi intelligendus est non mors ejus, sed tempus ad quod suas ipse perduxerat historias. Quodnam illud ignoramus.” Lem. i. 18. For an account of Aufidius Bassus we are referred to the catalogue of Hardouin, but his name does not appear there. Quintilian (x. 1) informs us, that he wrote an account of the Germanic war.

[58] “Jam pridem peracta sancitur.”

[59] This sentiment is not found in that portion of the treatise which has been lately published by Angelus Maius. Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 19.

[60] The following is probably the passage in the Offices to which Pliny refers: “Panæcius igitur, qui sine controversia de officiis accuratissime disputavit, quemque nos, correctione quadam exhibita, potissimum secuti sumus....” (iii. 2.)

[61] “Cum præsertim sors fiat ex usura.” The commentators and translators have differed respecting the interpretation of this passage; I have given what appears to me the obvious meaning of the words.

[62] “Lac gallinaceum;” “Proverbium de re singulari et admodum rara,” according to Hardouin, who quotes a parallel passage from Petronius; Lemaire, i. 21.

[63] The titles in the original are given in Greek; I have inserted in the text the words which most nearly resemble them, and which have been employed by modern authors.

[64] “Lucubratio.”

[65] The pun in the original cannot be preserved in the translation; the English reader may conceive the name Bibaculus to correspond to our surname Jolly.

[66] “Sesculysses” and “Flextabula;” literally, Ulysses and a Half, and Bend-table.

[67] Βιβλιοθήκη.

[68] “Cymbalum mundi” and “publicæ famæ tympanum.”

[69] “Pendenti titulo;” as Hardouin explains it, “qui nondum absolutum opus significaret, verum adhuc pendere, velut imperfectum.” Lemaire, i. 26.

[70] “Homeromastigæ.”

[71] “Dialectici.” By this term our author probably meant to designate those critics who were disposed to dwell upon minute verbal distinctions; “dialecticarum captionum amantes,” according to Hardouin; Lem. i. 28.

[72] “Quod argutiarum amantissimi, et quod æmulatio inter illos acerbissima.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 28.

[73] Pliny the younger, in one of his letters (iii. 5), where he enumerates all his uncle’s publications, informs us, that he wrote “a piece of criticism in eight books, concerning ambiguity of expression.” Melmoth’s Pliny, i. 136.

[74] The ancients had very exaggerated notions respecting the period of the elephant’s pregnancy; our author, in a subsequent part of his work (viii. 10), says, “Decem annis gestare vulgus existimat; Aristoteles biennio.”

[75] His real name was Tyrtamus, but in consequence of the beauty of his style, he acquired the appellation by which he is generally known from the word θεῖος φράσις. Cicero on various occasions refers to him; Brutus, 121; Orator, 17, _et alibi_.

[76] “Suspendio jam quærere mortem oportere homines vitæque renunciare, cum tantum licentiæ, vel feminæ, vel imperiti homines sumant, ut in doctissimos scribant;” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 29. We learn from Cicero, De Nat. Deor. i. 33, that the name of this female was Leontium; “... sed meretricula etiam Leontium contra Theophrastum scribere ausa sit.”

[77] A. Gellius (vii. 4) refers to this work and gives an extract from it.

[78] The hostility which Cato bore to Scipio Africanus is mentioned by Livy, xxxviii. 54, and by Corn. Nepos, Cato, i.

[79] Lucius Munatius Plancus took a conspicuous part in the political intrigues of the times and was especially noted for his follies and extravagance.

[80] Asinius Pollio is a name which stands high in Roman literature; according to the remark of Alexandre, “Vir magnus fuit, prono tamen ad obtrectandum ingenio, quod arguunt ejus cum Cicerone simultates,” Lemaire, i. 30. This hostile feeling towards Cicero is supposed to have proceeded from envy and mortification, because he was unable to attain the same eminence in the art of oratory with his illustrious rival. See Hardouin’s Index Auctorum, in Lemaire, i. 168.

[81] “Vitiligatores.”

[82] The table of contents, which occupies no less than 124 pages in Lemaire’s edition, I have omitted, in consequence of its length; the object which the author proposed to effect by the table of contents will be gained more completely by an alphabetical index.

[83] “Ἐποπτίδων.” For an account of Valerius Soranus see Hardouin’s Index Auctorum, in Lemaire, i. 217.

[84] To the end of each book of the Natural History is appended, in the original, a copious list of references to the sources from which the author derived his information. These are very numerous; in the second book they amount to 45, in the third to 35, in the 4th to 53, in the fifth to 60, in the sixth to 54, and they are in the same proportion in the remaining books.

[85] “Spartum;” this plant was used to make bands for the vines and cables for ships.

[86] “Mundus.” In translating from one language into another, it is proper, as a general principle, always to render the same word in the original by the same word in the translation. But to this rule there are two exceptions; where the languages do not possess words which precisely correspond, and where the original author does not always use the same word in the same sense. Both these circumstances, I apprehend, apply to the case in question. The term _Mundus_ is used by Pliny, sometimes to mean _the earth_ and its immediate appendages, the visible solar system; and at other times _the universe_; while I think we may venture to assert, that in some instances it is used in rather a vague manner, without any distinct reference to either one or other of the above designations. I have, in almost all cases, translated it by the term _world_, as approaching nearest to the sense of the original. The word _mundus_ is frequently employed by Lucretius, especially in his fifth book, and seems to be almost always used in the more extended sense of _universe_. There are, indeed, a few passages where either meaning would be equally appropriate, and in one line it would appear to be equivalent to _firmament_ or _heavens_; “et mundi speciem violare serenam,” iv. 138. Cicero, in his treatise De Natura Deorum, generally uses the term _mundus_ in the sense of _universe_, as in ii. 22, 37, 58 and 154; while in one passage, ii. 132, it would appear to be employed in the more limited sense of _the earth_. It occasionally occurs in the Fasti of Ovid, but it is not easy to ascertain its precise import; as in the line “Post chaos, ut primum data sunt tria corpora mundo,” v. 41, where from the connexion it may be taken either in the more confined or in the more general sense. Manilius employs the word very frequently, and his commentators remark, that he uses it in two distinct senses, _the visible firmament_ and the _universe_; and I am induced to think that he attaches still more meaning to the term. It occurs three times in the first eleven lines of his poem. In the third line, “deducere mundo aggredior,” _mundus_ may be considered as equivalent to the celestial regions as opposed to the earth. In the ninth line, “concessumque patri mundo,” we may consider it as signifying the celestial regions generally; and in the eleventh, “Jamque favet mundus,” the whole of the earth, or rather its inhabitants. We meet with it again in the sixty-eighth line, “lumina mundi,” where it seems more properly to signify the visible firmament; again in the 139th, “Et mundi struxere globum,” it seems to refer especially to the earth, synonymous with the general sense of the English term _world_; while in the 153rd line, “per inania mundi,” it must be supposed to mean the universe. Hyginus, in his Poeticon Astronomicon, lib. i. p. 55, defines the term as follows: “Mundus appellatur is qui constat in sole et luna et terra et omnibus stellis;” and again, p. 57, “Terra mundi media regione collocata.” We may observe the different designations of the term _mundus_ in Seneca; among other passages I may refer to his Nat. Quæst. vii. 27 & iii. 30; to his treatise De Consol. § 18 and De Benef. iv. 23, where I conceive the precise meanings are, respectively, the universe, the terrestrial globe, the firmament, and the heavenly bodies. The Greek term κόσμος, which corresponds to the Latin word _mundus_, was likewise employed to signify, either the visible firmament or the universe. In illustration of this, it will be sufficient to refer to the treatise of Aristotle Περὶ Κόσμου, cap. 2. p. 601. See also Stephens’s Thesaurus, _in loco_. In Apuleius’s treatise De Mundo, which is a free translation of Aristotle’s Περὶ Κόσμου, the term may be considered as synonymous with universe. It is used in the same sense in various parts of Apuleius’s writings: see Metam. ii. 23; De Deo Socratis, 665, 667; De Dogmate Platonis, 574, 575, _et alibi_.

[87] Cicero, in his Timæus, uses the same phraseology; “Omne igitur cœlum, sive mundus, sive quovis alio vocabulo gaudet, hoc a nobis nuncupatum est,” § 2. Pomponius Mela’s work commences with a similar expression; “Omne igitur hoc, quidquid est, cui mundi cœlique nomen indideris, unum id est.” They were probably taken from a passage in Plato’s Timæus, “Universum igitur hoc, Cœlum, sive Mundum, sive quo alio vocabulo gaudet, cognominemus,” according to the translation of Ficinus; Platonis Op. ix. p. 302. The word _cœlum_, which is employed in the original, in its ordinary acceptation, signifies _the heavens_, the visible firmament; as in Ovid, Met. i. 5, “quod tegit omnia, cœlum.” It is, in most cases, employed in this sense by Lucretius and by Manilius, as in i. 2. of the former and in i. 14. of the latter. Occasionally, however, it is employed by both of these writers in the more general sense of _celestial regions_, in opposition to the earth, as by Lucretius, i. 65, and by Manilius, i. 352. In the line quoted by Cicero from Pacuvius, it would seem to mean the place in which the planets are situated; De Nat. Deor. ii. 91. The Greek word οὐρανὸς may be regarded as exactly corresponding to the Latin word _cœlum_, and employed with the same modifications; see Aristotle, De Mundo and De Cœlo, and Ptolemy, Mag. Const. lib. i. _passim_; see also Stephens’s Thesaurus, _in loco_. Aratus generally uses it to designate the visible firmament, as in l. 10, while in l. 32 it means the heavenly regions. Gesner defines _cœlum_, “Mundus exclusa terra,” and _mundus_, “Cœlum et quidquid cœli ambitu continetur.” In the passage from Plato, referred to above, the words which are translated by Ficinus _cœlum_ and _mundus_, are in the original οὐρανὸς and κόσμος; Ficinus, however, in various parts of the Timæus, translates οὐρανὸς by the word _mundus_: see t. ix. p. 306, 311, _et alibi_.

[88] The following passage from Cicero may serve to illustrate the doctrine of Pliny: “Novem tibi orbibus, vel potius globis, connexa sunt omnia: quorum unus est cœlestis, extimus, qui reliquos omnes complectitur, summus ipse Deus, arcens et continens cœlum;” Som. Scip. § 4. I may remark, however, that the term here employed by our author is not _Deus_ but _Numen_.

[89] We have an interesting account of the opinions of Aristotle on this subject, in a note in M. Ajasson’s translation, ii. 234 _et seq._, which, as well as the greater part of the notes attached to the second book of the Natural History, were written by himself in conjunction with M. Marcus.

[90] The philosophers of antiquity were divided in their opinions respecting the great question, whether the active properties of material bodies, which produce the phænomena of nature, are inherent in them, and necessarily attached to them, or whether they are bestowed upon them by some superior power or being. The Academics and Peripatetics generally adopted the latter opinion, the Stoics the former: Pliny adopts the doctrine of the Stoics; see Enfield’s Hist. of Phil. i. 229, 283, 331.

[91] I may remark, that the astronomy of our author is, for the most part, derived from Aristotle; the few points in which they differ will be stated in the appropriate places.

[92] This doctrine was maintained by Plato in his Timæus, p. 310, and adopted by Aristotle, De Cœlo, lib. ii. cap. 14, and by Cicero, De Nat. Deor. ii. 47. The spherical form of the world, οὐρανὸς, and its circular motion are insisted upon by Ptolemy, in the commencement of his astronomical treatise Μεγάλη Σύνταξις, Magna Constructio, frequently referred to by its Arabic title Almagestum, cap. 2. He is supposed to have made his observations at Alexandria, between the years 125 and 140 A.D. His great astronomical work was translated into Arabic in the year 827; the original Greek text was first printed in 1538 by Grynæus, with a commentary by Theon. George of Trebisond published a Latin version of it in 1541, and a second was published by Camerarius in 1551, along with Ptolemy’s other works. John Muller, usually called Regiomontanus, and Purback published an abridgement of the Almagest in 1541. For an account of Ptolemy I may refer to the article in the Biog. Univ. xxxv. 263 _et seq._, by Delambre, also to Hutton’s Math. Dict., _in loco_, and to the high character of him by Whewell, Hist. of the Inductive Sciences, p. 214.

[93] See Ptolemy, _ubi supra_.

[94] This opinion, which was maintained by Pythagoras, is noticed and derided by Aristotle, De Cœlo, lib. ii. cap. 9. p. 462-3. A brief account of Pythagoras’s doctrine on this subject is contained in Enfield’s Philosophy, i. 386.

[95] Pliny probably here refers to the opinion which Cicero puts into the mouth of one of the interlocutors in his treatise De Nat. Deor. ii. 47, “Quid enim pulchrius ea figura, quæ sola omnes alias figuras complexa continet, quæque nihil asperitatis habere, nihil offensionis potest, nihil incisum angulis, nihil anfractibus, nihil eminens, nihil lacunosum?”

[96] The letter Δ, in the constellation of the triangle; it is named Δελτωτὸν by Aratus, l. 235; also by Manilius, i. 360. We may remark, that, except in this one case, the constellations have no visible resemblance to the objects of which they bear the name.

[97] “Locum hunc Plinii de Galaxia, sive Lactea via, interpretantur omnes docti.” Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 227. It may be remarked, that the word _vertex_ is here used in the sense of the astronomical term zenith, not to signify the pole.

[98] De Ling. Lat. lib. iv. p. 7, 8. See also the remarks on the derivation of the word in Gesner, Thes., _in loco_.

[99] “Signifer.” The English term is taken from the Greek word Ζωδιακὸς, derived from Ζῶον; see Aristotle, De Mundo, cap. 2. p. 602. The word _Zodiacus_ does not occur in Pliny, nor is it employed by Ptolemy; he names it λοξὸς κύκλος, _obliquus circulus_; Magn. Const. i. 7, 13, _et alibi_. It is used by Cicero, but professedly as a Greek term; Divin. ii. 89, and Arati Phænom. l. 317. It occurs in Hyginus, p. 57 _et alibi_, and in A. Gellius, 13. 9. Neither _signifer_ taken substantively, nor _zodiacus_ occur in Lucretius or in Manilius.

[100] The account of the elements, of their nature, difference, and, more especially, the necessity of their being four, are fully discussed by Aristotle in various parts of his works, more particularly in his treatise De Cœlo, lib. iii. cap. 3, 4 and 5, lib. iv. cap. 5, and De Gener. et Cor. lib. ii. cap. 2, 3, 4 and 5. For a judicious summary of the opinions of Aristotle on this subject, I may refer to Stanley’s History of Philosophy; Aristotle, doctrines of, p. 2. l. 7, and to Enfield, i. 764 _et seq._ For the Epicurean doctrine, see Lucretius, i. 764 _et seq._

[101] Although the word _planeta_, as taken from the Greek πλανήτης, is inserted in the title of this chapter, it does not occur in any part of the text. It is not found either in Lucretius, Manilius, or Seneca, nor, I believe, was it used by any of their contemporaries, except Hyginus, p. 76. The planets were generally styled _stellæ erraticæ_, _errantes_, or _vagæ_, _sidera palantia_, as in Lucretius, ii. 1030, or simply the _five stars_, as in Cicero, De Nat. Deor. ii. 51, and in Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vii. 24. Pliny, by including the sun and moon, makes the number seven. Aratus calls them πέντ’ ἄστερες, l. 454.

[102] “Aër.” “Circumfusa undique est (terra) hac animabili spirabilique natura, cui nomen est aër; Græcum illud quidem, sed perceptum jam tamen usu a nobis;” Cicero, De Nat. Deor. ii. 91.

[103] “universi cardine.” “Revolutionis, ut aiunt, centro. Idem Plinius, hoc ipso libro, cap. 64, terram cœli cardinem esse dicit;” Alexandre, in Lem. i. 228. On this subject I may refer to Ptolemy, Magn. Const, lib. i. cap. 3, 4, 6. See also Apuleius, near the commencement of his treatise De Mundo.

[104] “Sidera.” The word _sidus_ is used, in most cases, for one of the heavenly bodies generally, sometimes for what we term a constellation, a particular assemblage of them, and sometimes specially for an individual star. Manilius employs the word in all these senses, as will appear by the three following passages respectively; the first taken from the opening of his poem,

“Carmine divinas artes, et conscia fati
Sidera....”

The second,

“Hæc igitur texunt æquali sidera tractu
Ignibus in varias cœlum laqueantia formas.” i. 275, 276.

The third

“... pectus, fulgenti sidere clarius;” i. 356.

In the Fasti of Ovid, we have examples of the two latter of these significations:—

“Ex Ariadnæo sidere nosse potes;” v. 316.

“Et canis (Icarium dicunt) quo sidere noto
Tosta sitit tellus;” iv. 939, 940.

Lucretius appears always to employ the term in the general sense. J. Obsequens applies the word _sidus_ to a meteor; “sidus ingens cœlo demissum,” cap. 16. In a subsequent part of this book, chap. 18 _et seq._, our author more particularly restricts the term _sidus_ to the planets.

[105] Cicero remarks concerning them; “quæ (stellæ) falso vocantur errantes;” De Nat. Deor. ii. 51.

[106] “... vices dierum alternat et noctium, quum sidera præsens occultat, illustrat absens;” Hard. in Lem. i. 230.

[107] “ceteris sideribus.” According to Hardouin, _ubi supra_, “nimium stellis errantibus.” There is, however, nothing in the expression of our author which sanctions this limitation.

[108] See Iliad, iii. 277, and Od. xii. 323.

[109] It is remarked by Enfield, Hist. of Phil. ii. 131, that “with respect to philosophical opinions, Pliny did not rigidly adhere to any sect.... He reprobates the Epicurean tenet of an infinity of worlds; favours the Pythagorean notion of the harmony of the spheres; speaks of the universe as God, after the manner of the Stoics, and sometimes seems to pass over into the field of the Sceptics. For the most part, however, he leans to the doctrine of Epicurus.”

[110] “Si alius est Deus quam sol,” Alexandre in Lem. i. 230. Or rather, if there be any God distinct from the world; for the latter part of the sentence can scarcely apply to the sun. Poinsinet and Ajasson, however, adopt the same opinion with M. Alexandre; they translate the passage, “s’il en est autre que le soleil,” i. 17 and ii. 11.

[111] “totus animæ, totus animi;” “Anima est qua vivimus, animus quo sapimus.” Hard. in Lem. i. 230, 231. The distinction between these two words is accurately pointed out by Lucretius, iii. 137 _et seq._

[112] “fecerunt (Athenienses) Contumeliæ fanum et Impudentiæ.” Cicero, De Leg. ii. 28. See also Bossuet, Discours sur l’Histoire univ. i. 250.

[113] The account which Cicero gives us of the opinions of Democritus scarcely agrees with the statement in the text; see De Nat. Deor. i. 120.

[114] “In varios divisit Deos numen unicum, quod Plinio cœlum est aut mundus; ejusque singulas partes, aut, ut philosophi aiunt, attributa, separatim coluit;” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 231.

[115] “Febrem autem ad minus nocendum, templis celebrant, quorum adhuc unum in Palatio....” Val. Max. ii. 6; see also Ælian, Var. Hist. xii. 11. It is not easy to ascertain the precise meaning of the terms _Fanum_, _Ædes_, and _Templum_, which are employed in this place by Pliny and Val. Maximus. Gesner defines _Fanum_ “area templi et solium, _templum_ vero ædificium;” but this distinction, as he informs us, is not always accurately observed; there appears to be still less distinction between _Ædes_ and _Templum_; see his Thesaurus _in loco_, also Bailey’s Facciolati _in loco_.

[116] “Orbona est Orbitalis dea.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 231.

[117] “Appositos sibi statim ab ortu custodes credebant, quos viri Genios, Junones fœminæ vocabant.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 232. See Tibullus, 4. 6. 1, and Seneca, Epist. 110, _sub init._

[118] We may suppose that our author here refers to the popular mythology of the Egyptians; the “fœtidi cibi” are mentioned by Juvenal; “Porrum et cæpe nefas violare et frangere morsu,” xv. 9; and Pliny, in a subsequent part of his work, xix. 32, remarks, “Allium cæpeque inter Deos in jurejurando habet Ægyptus.”

[119] See Cicero, De Nat. Deor. i. 42 _et alibi_, for an illustration of these remarks of Pliny.

[120] This sentiment is elegantly expressed by Cicero, De Nat. Deor. ii. 62, and by Horace, Od. iii. 3. 9 _et seq._ It does not appear, however, that any of the Romans, except Romulus, were deified, previous to the adulatory period of the Empire.

[121] “Planetarum nempe, qui omnes nomina mutuantur a diis.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 234.

[122] This remark may be illustrated by the following passage from Cicero, in the first book of his treatise De Nat. Deor. Speaking of the doctrine of Zeno, he says, “neque enim Jovem, neque Junonem, neque Vestam, neque quemquam, qui ita appelletur, in deorum habet numero: sed rebus inanimis, atque mutis, per quandam significationem, hæc docet tributa nomina.” “Idemque (Chrysippus) disputat, æthera esse eum, quem homines Jovem appellant: quique aër per maria manaret, eum esse Neptunum: terramque eam esse, quæ Ceres diceretur: similique ratione persequitur vocabula reliquorum deorum.”

[123] The following remarks of Lucretius and of Cicero may serve to illustrate the opinion here expressed by our author:—

“Omnis enim per se Divum natura necesse est Immortali ævo summa cum pace fruatur, Semota ab nostris rebus, sejunctaque longe;” Lucretius, i. 57-59.

“Quod æternum beatumque sit, id nec habere ipsum negotii quidquam, nec exhibere alteri; itaque neque ira neque gratia teneri, quod, quæ talia essent, imbecilla essent omnia.” Cicero, De Nat. Deor. i. 45.

[124] The author here alludes to the figures of the Egyptian deities that were engraven on rings.

[125] His specific office was to execute vengeance on the impious.

[126] “sola utramque paginam facit.” The words _utraque pagina_ generally refer to the two sides of the same sheet, but, in this passage, they probably mean the contiguous portions of the same surface.

[127] “astroque suo eventu assignat;” the word _astrum_ appears to be synonymous with _sidus_, generally signifying a single star, and, occasionally, a constellation; as in Manilius, i. 541, 2.

“... quantis bis sena ferantur
Finibus astra....”

It is also used by synecdoche for the heavens, as is the case with the English word _stars_. See Gesner’s Thesaurus.

[128] “Quæ si suscipiamus, pedis offensio nobis ... et sternutamenta erunt observanda.” Cicero, De Nat. Deor. ii. 84.

[129] “Divus Augustus.” The epithet _divus_ may be regarded as merely a term of court etiquette, because all the Emperors after death were deified _ex officio_.

[130] We learn the exact nature of this ominous accident from Suetonius; “... si mane sibi calceus perperam, et sinister pro dextro induceretur;” Augustus, Cap. 92. From this passage it would appear, that the Roman sandals were made, as we term it, right and left.

[131] It is scarcely necessary to remark, that the opinions here stated respecting the Deity are taken partly from the tenets of the Epicureans, combined with the Stoical doctrine of Fate. The examples which are adduced to prove the power of fate over the Deity are, for the most part, rather verbal than essential.

[132] “affixa mundo.” The peculiar use of the word _mundus_ in this passage is worthy of remark, in connexion with note [86], ch. 1. page 13.

[133] We have many references in Pliny to the influence of the stars upon the earth and its inhabitants, constituting what was formerly regarded as so important a science, judicial astrology. Ptolemy has drawn up a regular code of it in his “Centum dicta,” or “Centiloquiums.” We have a highly interesting account of the supposed science, its origin, progress, and general principles, in Whewell’s History of the Inductive Sciences, p. 293 _et seq._ I may also refer to the same work for a sketch of the history of astronomy among the Greeks and the other nations of antiquity.

[134] There are certain metaphorical expressions, which have originated from this opinion, adopted by the moderns; “his star is set;” “the star of his fortune,” &c.

[135] Ovid, when he compares Phaëton to a falling star, remarks, concerning this meteor,—

“Etsi non cecidit, potuit cecidisse videri.” Metam. ii. 322.

[136] Manilius supposes that comets are produced and rendered luminous by an operation very similar to the one described in the text; i. 815 _et seq._ Seneca, in the commencement of his Nat. Quæst., and in other parts of the same treatise, refers to this subject. His remarks may be worth perusing by those who are curious to learn the hypotheses of the ancients on subjects of natural science. We may remark, that Seneca’s opinions are, on many points, more correct than our author’s.

[137] The author probably refers to that part of his work in which he treats on agriculture, particularly to the 17th and 18th books.

[138] The æra of the Olympiads commenced in the year 776 before Christ; each olympiad consists of 4 years; the 58th olympiad will therefore include the interval 548 to 544 B.C. The 21st vol. of the “Universal History” consists entirely of a “chronological table,” and we have a useful table of the same kind in Brewster’s Encycl., article “Chronology.”

[139] “rerum fores aperuisse ... traditur.” An account of the astronomy of Anaximander is contained in Brewster’s Encycl., article “Astronomy,” p. 587, and in the article “Anaximander” in the supplement to the same work by Scott of Aberdeen. I may remark, that these two accounts do not quite agree in their estimate of his merits; the latter author considers his opinions more correct. We have also an account of Anaximander in Stanley, pt. 2. p. 1 _et seq._, and in Enfield, i. 154 _et seq._

[140] In the translation of Ajasson, ii. 261-7, we have some valuable observations by Marcus, respecting the origin and progress of astronomy among the Greeks, and the share which the individuals mentioned in the text respectively had in its advancement; also some interesting remarks on the history of Atlas. Diodorus Siculus says, that “he was the first that discovered the knowledge of the sphere; whence arose the common opinion, that he carried the world upon his shoulders.” Booth’s trans. p. 115.

[141] “nunc relicto mundi ipsius corpore, reliqua inter cœlum terrasque tractentur.” I have already had occasion to remark upon the various modes in which the author uses the word _mundus_; by _cœlum_, in this passage, he means the body or region beyond the planets, which is conceived to contain the fixed stars. _Sphæra_, in the preceding sentence, may be supposed to mean the celestial globe.

[142] “ac trigesimo anno ad brevissima sedis suæ principia regredi;” I confess myself unable to offer any literal explanation of this passage; nor do the remarks of the commentators appear to me satisfactory; see Hardouin and Alexandre in Lemaire, ii. 241, 2. It is translated by Ajasson “en trente ans il reviens à l’espace minime d’où il est parti.” The period of the sidereal revolutions of the planets, as stated by Mrs. Somerville, in her “Mechanism of the Heavens,” and by Sir J. Herschel, in his “Treatise on Astronomy,” are respectively as follows:—

days. days.
Mercury 87·9705 87·9692580
Venus 224·7 224·7007869
Earth 365·2564 365·2563612
Mars 686·99 686·9796458
Jupiter 4332·65 4332·5848212
Saturn 10759·4 10759·2198174

Somerville, p. 358. Herschel, p. 416.

[143] “‘mundo;’ hoc est, cœlo inerrantium stellarum.” Hardouin, in Lemaire, ii. 242.

[144] Our author supposes, that the spectator has his face directed towards the south, as is the case with the modern observers. We are, however, informed by Hardouin, that this was not the uniform practice among the ancients; see the remarks of Alexandre in Lemaire, ii. 242, and of Marcus in Ajasson, ii. 269.

[145] The _constant revolution_ refers to the apparent daily motion; the _opposite direction_ to their annual course through the zodiac. Ptolemy gives an account of this double motion in his Magna Constructio, i. 7.

[146] For the exact period, according to Somerville and Herschel, see note [142], p. 27.

[147] Aristotle informs us, that Mars was also called Hercules or Pyrosis; De Mundo, cap. ii. p. 602. See also Apuleius, De Mundo, § 710. Hyginus is said by Hardouin to give the name of Hercules to the planet Mars, but this appears to be an inaccuracy; he describes the planet under its ordinary appellation; lib. ii. p. 62; and ii. 78, 9.

[148] Cicero, speaking of the period of Mars, says, “Quatuor et viginti mensibus, sex, ut opinor, diebus minus;” De Nat. Deor. For the exact period, see note [142], p. 27.

[149] “Sed ut observatio umbrarum ejus redeat ad notas.” According to the interpretation of Hardouin, “Ad easdem lineas in solari horologio.” Lemaire, ii. 243.

[150] This is an example of the mode of computation which we meet with among the ancients, where, in speaking of the period of a revolution, both the time preceding and that following the interval are included.

[151] The division of the planets into superior and inferior was not known to Aristotle, De Mundo, cap. ii. p. 602, to Plato, Timæus, p. 318, 319, or the older Greek astronomers. It was first made by the Egyptians, and was transferred from them to the Romans. It is one of the points in which our author differs from Aristotle. See the remarks of Marcus in Ajasson, ii. 242 _et seq._ Marcus notices the various points which prove the deficiency of Pliny’s knowledge of astronomy; he particularizes the four following:—his ignorance of the true situation of the constellations; his erroneous opinion respecting the cause of the seasons; his account of the phases of the moon, and of the position of the cardinal points. He appears not to have been aware, that certain astronomical phænomena undergo a regular progression, but supposed that they remained, at the time when he wrote, in the same state as in the age of Hipparchus or the original observers. Columella, when treating on these subjects, describes the phænomena according to the ancient calculation, but he informs us, that he adopts it, because it was the one in popular use, and better known by the farmers (De Re Rust. ix. 14), while Pliny appears not to have been aware of the inaccuracy.

[152] “Modo solem antegrediens, modo subsequens.” Hardouin in Lemaire, ii. 243.

[153] It was not known to the earlier writers that Lucifer and Vesper were the same star, differently situated with respect to the Sun. Playfair remarks, that Venus is the only planet mentioned in the sacred writings, and in the most ancient poets, such as Hesiod and Homer; Outlines, ii. 156.

[154] There has been much discussion among the commentators respecting the correctness of the figures in the text; according to the æra of the olympiads, the date referred to will be between the years 750 and 754 B.C.; the foundation of Rome is commonly referred to the year 753 B.C. See the remarks of Marcus in Ajasson, ii. 278, 9.

[155] Aristotle informs us, that it was called either Phosphorus, Juno, or Venus; De Mundo, cap. 2. t. i. p. 602. See also Hyginus, Poet. Astr. lib. iii. p. 76, 7; and Apuleius, De Mundo, § 710.

[156] It will be scarcely necessary to refer the reader to the well-known commencement of Lucretius’s poem for the illustration of this passage; it is remarkable that Pliny does not refer to this writer.

[157] The periodical revolution of Venus is 224·7 days, see note [142], p. 27. Its greatest elongation is 47° 1′; Somerville, § 641. p. 391.

[158] According to Aristotle, this planet had the three appellations of Stilbon, Mercury, and Apollo; De Mundo, cap. 2. p. 602; see also Apuleius, De Mundo, § 710. Cicero inverts the order of the planets; he places Mercury next to Mars, and says of Venus, that it is “infima quinque errantium, terræque proxima;” De Nat. Deor. ii. 53. Aristotle places the stars in the same order, _ubi supra_, and he is followed in this by Apuleius, _ubi supra_; this appears to have been the case with the Stoics generally; see Enfield’s Phil. i. 339.

[159] For the periodical revolution of Mercury see note[142], p. 27. Its greatest elongation, according to Playfair, p. 160, is 28°. Mrs. Somerville, p. 386, states it to be 28° 8′. Ptolemy supposed it to be 26·5 degrees; Almagest, ix. 7. We learn from Hardouin, Lemaire, i. 246, that there is considerable variation in the MSS. with respect to the greatest elongation of Mercury.

[160] Sosigenes was an Egyptian mathematician and astronomer, who is said to have assisted Cæsar in the formation of his Kalendar, as our author informs us in a subsequent part of his work, xviii. 25; see also Aikin, Gen. Biog., _in loco_; Enfield’s Phil. ii. 96; Whewell, p. 210; and Hardouin’s “Index Auctorum,” in Lemaire, i. 213.

[161] Concerning the “magnus annus” Cicero remarks, “efficitur cum solis et lunæ et quinque errantium ad eandem inter se comparationem, confectis omnibus spatiis, est facta conversio.” De Nat. Deor. ii. 51. See the remarks of Marcus in Ajasson, ii. 281-3.

[162] For the various appellations which the moon has received in the ancient and modern languages, and their relation to each other, the reader is referred to the learned remarks of Marcus in Ajasson, ii. 283-5.

[163] Marcus conceives that the epithet _maculosa_ does not refer to what are called the spots on the moon, but to the circumstance of the edge of the disc being not illuminated when it is near the full; Ajasson, ii. 286. But, from the way in which the word is employed at the end of the chapter, and from the explanation which is given of the cause of the “maculæ,” I think it ought to be referred to the spotted appearance of the face of the moon.

[164] “Quum laborare non creditur.” It was a vulgar notion among the ancients, that when the moon is eclipsed, she is suffering from the influence of magicians and enchanters, who are endeavouring to draw her down to the earth, in order to aid them in their superstitious ceremonies. It was conceived that she might be relieved from her sufferings by loud noises of various kinds which should drown the songs of the magicians. Allusion is frequently made to this custom by the ancient poets, as Virgil, Æn. i. 742, Manilius, i. 227, and Juvenal, vi. 444; and the language has been transferred to the moderns, as in Beattie’s Minstrel, ii. 47, “To ease of fancied pangs the labouring moon.”

[165] We have some interesting remarks by Marcus respecting Endymion, and also on the share which Solon and Thales had in correcting the lunar observations; Ajasson, ii. 288-290.

[166] “Lucem nobis aperuere in hac luce.”

[167] “Cardo.”

[168] Astronomers describe two different revolutions or periods of the moon; the synodical and the sidereal. The synodical marks the time in which the moon passes from one conjunction with the sun to the next conjunction, or other similar position with respect to the sun. The sidereal period is the time in which the moon returns to the same position with respect to the stars, or in which it makes a complete revolution round the earth. These numbers are, for the synodical period, 29ᵈ 12ʰ 44ᵐ 2·87ˢ, and for the sidereal, 27ᵈ 7ʰ 43ᵐ 11·5ˢ; Herschel, pp. 213, 224.

[169] Our author, as Marcus remarks, “a compté par nombres ronds;” Ajasson, ii. 291; the correct number may be found in the preceding note.

[170] It was a general opinion among the ancients, and one which was entertained until lately by many of the moderns, that the moon possessed the power of evaporating the water of the ocean. This opinion appears to have been derived, at least in part, from the effect which the moon produces on the tides.

[171] “quantum ex sole ipsa concipiat;” from this passage, taken singly, it might be concluded, that the author supposed the quantity of light received by the moon to differ at different times; but the succeeding sentence seems to prove that this is not the case; see the remarks of Alexandre in Lemaire, ii. 249. Marcus, however, takes a different view of the subject; Ajasson, ii. 291, 292. He had previously pointed out Pliny’s opinion respecting the phases of the moon, as one of the circumstances which indicate his ignorance of astronomy, _ut supra_, ii. 245, 246.

[172] This doctrine is maintained by Seneca, Quæst. Nat. lib. ii. § 5. p. 701, 702. From the allusion which is made to it by Anacreon, in his 19th ode, we may presume that it was the current opinion among the ancients.

[173] I may remark, that Poinsinet, in this passage, substitutes “umbra” for “umbræque,” contrary to the authority of all the MSS., merely because it accords better with his ideas of correct reasoning. Although it may be of little consequence in this particular sentence, yet, as such liberties are not unfrequently taken, I think it necessary to state my opinion, that this mode of proceeding is never to be admitted, and that it has proved a source of serious injury to classical literature. In this account of the astronomical phenomena, as well as in all the other scientific dissertations that occur in our author, my aim has been to transfer into our language the exact sense of the original, without addition or correction. Our object in reading Pliny is not to acquire a knowledge of natural philosophy, which might be better learned from the commonest elementary work of the present day, but to ascertain what were the opinions of the learned on such subjects when Pliny wrote. I make this remark, because I have seldom if ever perused a translation of any classical author, where, on scientific topics, the translator has not endeavoured, more or less, to correct the mistakes of the original, and to adapt his translation to the state of modern science.

[174] The terms here employed are respectively _interventus_, _objectio_, and _interpositus_; it may be doubted whether the author intended to employ them in the precise sense which is indicated by their etymology.

[175] “metæ et turbini inverso.” The _metæ_ were small pyramids placed at the two extremities of the spina, or central division of the circus: see Montfaucon, v. iii. p. 176; Adam, p. 341.

[176] The eclipses of the moon are only visible when the spectator is so situated as to be able to observe the shadow of the earth, or is on that side of the earth which is turned from the sun.

[177] “non semper in scrupulis partium congruente siderum motu.” On the term _scrupulus_ Hardouin remarks, “Scrupuli, nodi sunt, in quibus circuli, quos in suo cursu Sol et Luna efficiunt, se mutuo secant.” Lemaire, ii. 251. Ptolemy, Magn. Const. vi. 6-11, gives a full and generally correct account of the principal phænomena of eclipses.

[178] Marcus conceives that our author must here mean, not the actual, but the apparent size of these bodies; Ajasson, ii. 295; but I do not perceive that the text authorizes this interpretation.

[179] I have given the simple translation of the original as it now stands in the MSS.; whether these may have been corrupted, or the author reasoned incorrectly, I do not venture to decide. The commentators have, according to their usual custom, proposed various emendations and explanations, for which I may refer to the note of Hardouin in Lemaire, ii. 252, with the judicious remarks of Alexandre, and to those of Marcus in Ajasson, ii. 295-298, who appear to me to take a correct view of the subject.

[180] Alexandre remarks, “Hinc tamen potius distantia quam magnitudo Solis colligi potest.” Lemaire, ii. 252. And the same remark applies to the two next positions of our author.

[181] Alexandre remarks on the argument of our author, perhaps a little too severely, “Absurde dictum; nam aliis oritur, aliis occidit, dum aliis est a vertice; quod vel pueri sentiunt.” Lemaire, ii. 253. But we may suppose, that Pliny, in this passage, only meant to say, that as the sun became vertical to each successive part of the equinoctial district, no shadows were formed in it.

[182] The commentators have thought it necessary to discuss the question, whether, in this passage, Pliny refers to the Ida of Crete or of Asia Minor. But the discussion is unnecessary, as the statement of the author is equally inapplicable to both of them. Mela appears to refer to this opinion in the following passage, where he is describing the Ida of Asia Minor; “ipse mens ... orientem solem aliter quam in aliis terris solet aspici, ostentat.” lib. i. cap. 18.

[183] “Ut dictum est superiore capite, quo Plinius falso contendit Terram esse Luna minorem.” Alexandre in Lemaire, ii. 253. The words of the text, however, apply equally to the comparative size of the earth and the sun, as of the earth and the moon.

[184] “turbo rectus;” literally an upright top.

[185] “meta.”

[186] This has been pointed out as one of our author’s erroneous opinions on astronomy. The earth is really about 1/30 nearer the sun in our winters than in our summers. The greater degree of heat produced by his rays in the latter case depends upon their falling on the surface of the earth less obliquely. This is the principal cause of the different temperatures of the equatorial and polar regions.

[187] This eclipse is calculated to have occurred on the 28th of June, 168 B.C.; Brewster’s Encyc. “Chronology,” p. 415, 424. We have an account of this transaction in Livy, xliv. 37, and in Plutarch, Life of Paulus Æmilius, Langhorne’s trans. ii. 279; he however does not mention the name of Gallus. See also Val. Maximus, viii. 11. 1, and Quintilian, i. 10. Val. Maximus does not say that Gallus predicted the eclipse, but explained the cause of it when it had occurred; and the same statement is made by Cicero, De Repub. i. 15. For an account of Sulpicius, see Hardouin’s Index auctorum, Lemaire, i. 214.

[188] An account of this event is given by Herodotus, Clio, § 74. There has been the same kind of discussion among the commentators, respecting the dates in the text, as was noticed above, note [154], p. 29: see the remarks of Brotier and of Marcus in Lemaire and Ajasson, _in loco_. Astronomers have calculated that the eclipse took place May 28th, 585 B.C.; Brewster, _ut supra_, pp. 414, 419.