Chapter XXI: Appendix: Of Corrections (3)

[454] “... Alpium vertices, longo tractu, nec breviore quinquaginta millibus passuum assurgere.” To avoid the apparent improbability of the author conceiving of the Alps as 50 miles high, the commentators have, according to their usual custom, exercised their ingenuity in altering the text. See Poinsinet, i. 206, 207, and Lemaire, i. 373. But the expression does not imply that he conceived them as 50 miles in perpendicular height, but that there is a continuous ascent of 50 miles to get to the summit. This explanation of the passage is adopted by Alexandre; Lemaire, _ut supra_. For what is known of Dicæarchus I may refer to Hardouin, Index Auctorum, in Lemaire, i. 181.

[455] “coactam in verticem aquarum quoque figuram.”

[456] “aquarum nempe convexitas.” Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 374.

[457] “Quam quæ ad extremum mare a primis aquis.” I profess myself altogether unable to follow the author’s mode of reasoning in this paragraph, or to throw any light upon it. He would appear to be arguing in favour of the actual flatness of the surface of the ocean, whereas his previous remarks prove its convexity.

[458] Alexandre remarks on this passage, “Nempe quod remotissimos etiam fontes alat oceanus. Sed omittit Plinius vaporationis intermedia ope hoc fieri.” Lemaire, i. 376. Aristotle has written at considerable length on the origin of springs, in his Meteor. i. 13. p. 543 _et seq._ He argues against the opinion of those who suppose that the water of springs is entirely derived from evaporation. Seneca’s account of the origin of springs is found in his Nat. Quæst. iii. 1.

[459] The voyage which is here alluded to was probably that performed by Drusus; it is mentioned by Dio, lib. iv., Suetonius, Claud. § 1, Vel. Paterculus, ii. 106, and by Tacitus, Germ. § 34.

[460] What is here spoken of we may presume to have been that part of the German Ocean which lies to the N.W. of Denmark; the term Scythian was applied by the ancients in so very general a way, as not to afford any indication of the exact district so designated.

[461] “Sub eodem sidere;” “which lies under the same star.”

[462] The ancients conceived the Caspian to be a gulf, connected with the northern ocean. Our author gives an account of it, vi. 15.

[463] That is, of the Caspian Sea.

[464] The remarks which our author makes upon the Palus Mæotis, in the different parts of his work, ii. 112 and vi. 7, appear so inconsistent with each other, that we must suppose he indiscriminately borrowed them from various writers, without comparing their accounts, or endeavouring to reconcile them to each other. Such inaccuracies may be thought almost to justify the censure of Alexandre, who styles our author, “indiligens plane veri et falsi compilator, et ubi dissentiunt auctores, nunquam aut raro sibi constans.” Lemaire, i. 378.

[465] The son of Agrippa, whom Augustus adopted. Hardouin, in Lemaire, i. 378.

[466] See Beloe’s Herodotus, ii. 393, 394, for an account of the voyage round Africa that was performed by the Phœnicians, who were sent to explore those parts by Necho king of Egypt.

[467] It is generally supposed that C. Nepos lived in the century previous to the Christian æra. Ptolemy Lathyrus commenced his reign U.C. 627 or B.C. 117, and reigned for 36 years. The references made to C. Nepos are not found in any of his works now extant.

[468] We have previously referred to Eudoxus, note [382], p. 78.

[469] We have a brief account of Antipater in Hardouin’s Index Auctorum; Lemaire, i. 162.

[470] We are informed by Alexandre that this was in the year of the City 691, the same year in which Cicero was consul; see note in Lemaire, i. 379.

[471] It is scarcely necessary to remark, that the account here given must be incorrect; the reader who may be disposed to learn the opinions of the commentators on this point, may consult the notes in Poinsinet and Lemaire _in loco_.

[472] Dividuo globo; “Eoas partes a vespertinis dividente oceano.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 380.

[473] “Jam primum in dimidio computari videtur.”

[474] “Cœlum;” the rigour of the climate.

[475] The division of the globe into five zones is referred to by Virgil, Geor. i. 233-239, and by Ovid, Met. i. 45, 46.

[476] “... interna maria allatrat, ...”

[477] This is considerably more than the distance in the present day. The Isthmus of Suez appears, according to the statement of the most accurate geographers, to be about 70 miles in breadth.

[478] Hæ tot portiones terræ, as Alexandre correctly remarks, “ironice dictum. Quam paucæ enim supersunt!” Lemaire, i. 383.

[479] “Mundi punctus.” This expression, we may presume, was taken from Seneca; “Hoc est illud punctum, quod inter tot gentes ferro et igni dividitur.” Nat. Quæst. i. præf. p. 681.

[480] Nostro solo adfodimus; “addimus, adjungimus, annectimus, ut una fossione aretur.” Hardouin, in Lemaire, i. 383.

[481] “Mundi totius.”

[482] “Æquinoctii paribus horis.”

[483] Dioptra. “Græce διόπτρα, instrumentum est geometricum, _un quart de cercle_, quo apparentes rerum inter se distantiæ anguli apertura dijudicantur.” Alexandre, in Lemaire, i. 384.

[484] This title does not correspond with the contents of the chapter.

[485] “Tropici duo, cum æquinoctiali circulo;” Hardouin, in Lemaire, i. 384.

[486] The Troglodytice of the ancients may be considered as nearly corresponding to the modern Abyssinia and Nubia.

[487] This remark is incorrect, as far as respects nearly the whole of Egypt; see the remarks of Marcus, in Ajasson, ii. 245.

[488] This is a star of the first magnitude in the southern constellation of Argo; we have a similar statement in Manilius, i. 216, 217.

[489] The commentators suppose that the star or constellation here referred to cannot be the same with what bears this name on the modern celestial atlas; vide Hardouin _in loco_, also Marc. in Ajasson, _ut supra_. The constellation of Berenice’s hair forms the subject of Catullus’s 67th poem.

[490] In Troglodytice and in Egypt.

[491] The first watch of the night was from 6 P.M. to 9; the second from 9 to midnight.

[492] According to Columella, xi. 2. 369, this was 9 Calend. Mart., corresponding to the 21st of February.

[493] “In alia adverso, in alia prono mari.” I have adopted the opinion of Alexandre, who explains the terms “adverso” and “prono,” “ascendenti ad polum,” and “ad austrum devexo;” a similar sense is given to the passage by Poinsinet and Ajasson, in their translations.

[494] “Anfractu pilæ.” See Manilius, i. 206 _et seq._ for a similar mode of expression.

[495] “Aut;” as Poinsinet remarks, “_aut_ est ici pour _alioqui_;” and he quotes another passage from our author, xix. 3, where the word is employed in a similar manner.

[496] We may presume that the author meant to convey the idea, that the eclipses which are visible in any one country are not so in those which are situated under a different meridian. The terms “vespertinos,” “matutinos,” and “meridianos,” refer not to the time of the day, but to the situation of the eclipse, whether recurring in the western, eastern, or southern parts of the heavens.

[497] Brewster, in the art. “Chronology,” p. 415, mentions this eclipse as having taken place Sept. 21st, U.C. 331, eleven days before the battle of Arbela; while, in the same art. p. 423, the battle is said to have taken place on Oct. 2nd, eleven days after a total eclipse of the moon.

[498] It took place on the 30th of April, in the year of the City 811, A.D. 59; see Brewster, _ubi supra_. It is simply mentioned by Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 12, as having occurred among other prodigies which took place at this period.

[499] We have an account of Corbulo’s expedition to Armenia in Dion Cassius, lx. 19-24, but there is no mention of the eclipse or of any peculiar celestial phænomenon.

[500] The terms employed in the original are “oppositu” and “ambitu.” Alexandre’s explanation of the first is, “quum globi terraquei crassitudo interposita solis arcet radios;” and of the second, “quum nostra hujus globi pars a sole ambitur.” Lemaire, i. 389.

[501] One of these towers is mentioned by Livy, xxxiii. 48; it is said to have been situated between Acholla and Thapsus, on the sea-coast.

[502] Hardouin, according to his usual custom, employs all his learning and ingenuity to give a plausible explanation of this passage. Alexandre, as it must be confessed, with but too much reason, remarks, “Frustra desudavit Harduinus ut sanum aliquem sensum ex illis Plinii deliramentis excuteret.” He correctly refers the interval of time, which was said to occur between these signals, not to any astronomical cause, but to the necessary delay which took place in the transmission of them. He concludes, “Sed ad cursum solis hoc referre, dementiæ est. Nam ut tanta horarum differentia intersit, si moram omnem in speculandis ac transmittendis signis sustuleris, necesse erit observatores illos ultimos 135 gradibus, id est, sesquidimidio hemisphærio, a primis distare furribus. Recte igitur incredibilem Plinii credulitatem ludibrio vertit Baylius in Dictionario suo.” Lemaire, i. 389.

[503] The distance, as here stated, is about 150 miles, which he is said to have performed in nine hours, but that the same distance, in returning, required fifteen hours. We have here, as on the former occasion, a note of Hardouin’s to elucidate the statement of the author. On this Alexandre observes, “Optime; sed in tam parva locorum distantia, Elidis et Sicyonis horologia vix quinque unius horæ sexagesimis differre poterant; quare eunti ac redeunti ne discrimen quidem quadrantis horæ intererat. Ineptos igitur auctores sequitur hoc quoque loco Plinius.” Lemaire, i. 390, 391.

[504] “Vincunt spatia nocturnæ navigationis.” This expression would appear to imply, that the author conceived some physical difficulty in sailing during the night, and so it seems to be understood by Alexandre; vide not. _in loco_.

[505] “Vasa horoscopica.” “Vasa horoscopica appellat horologia in plano descripta, horizonti ad libellam respondentia. Vasa dicuntur, quod area in qua lineæ ducebantur, labri interdum instar et conchæ erat, cujus in margine describebantur horæ. Horoscopa, ab ὥρα et σκοπέω, hoc est, ab inspiciendis horis.” Hardouin, in Lemaire, i. 391.

[506] These distances are respectively about 38 and 62 miles.

[507] We are not to expect any great accuracy in these estimates, and we accordingly find, that our author, when referring to the subject in his 6th book, ch. 39, makes the shadow at Ancona 1/35 greater than the gnomon, while, in Venetia, which is more northerly, he says, as in the present chapter, that the shadow and the gnomon are equal in length. See the remarks of M. Alexandre in Lemaire, _ut supra_.

[508] This would be about 625 miles. Strabo, ii. 114, and Lucan, ii. 587, give the same distance, which is probably nearly correct. Syene is, however, a little to the north of the tropic.

[509] This remark is not correct, as no part of this river is between the tropics. For an account of Onesicritus see Lemaire, i. 203, 204.

[510] “In meridiem umbras jaci.” M. Ajasson translates this passage, “les ombres tombent pendant quatre-vingt-dix jours sur le point central du méridien.” ii. 165. But I conceive that Holland’s version is more correct, “for 90 days’ space all the shadows are cast into the south.” i. 36. The remarks of M. Alexandre are to the same effect; “... ut bis solem in zenitho haberet (Ptolemais), Maii mensis et Augusti initio; interea vero, solem e septemtrione haberet.” Lemaire, i. 393.

[511] About 625 miles.

[512] These days correspond to the 8th of May and the 4th of August respectively.

[513] There is considerable uncertainty respecting the identity of this mountain; our author refers to it in a subsequent part of his work, where it is said to be in the country of the Monedes and Suari; vi. 22. See the note of Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 394.

[514] Our author, in a subsequent part of his work, vi. 23, describes the island of Patale as situated near the mouth of the Indus; he again refers to it, xii. 25. His account of the position of the sun does not, however, apply to this place.

[515] If we may suppose this to have been actually the case, we might calculate the time of the year when Alexander visited this place and the length of his stay.

[516] We may presume, that our author means to say no more than that, in those places, they are occasionally invisible; literally the observation would not apply to any part of India.

[517] ἄσκια, shadowless.

[518] If this really were the case, it could have no relation to the astronomical position of the country.

[519] “In contrarium,” contrary to what takes place at other times, _i. e._ towards the south. This observation is not applicable to the whole of this country, as its northern and southern parts differ from each other by seven or eight degrees of latitude. For an account of Eratosthenes see Lemaire, i. 186.

[520] “Hora duodecim in partes, ut as in totidem uncias dividebatur. Octonas igitur partes horæ antiquæ, sive bessem, ut Martianus vocat, nobis probe repræsentant horarum nostratium 40 sexagesimæ, quas minutas vocamus.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 396.

[521] For a notice of Pytheas see Lemaire, i. 210. He was a geographer and historian who lived in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus; but his veracity does not appear to have been highly estimated by his contemporaries.

[522] The Thule of Pliny has been generally supposed to be the Shetland Isles. What is here asserted respecting the length of the day, as well as its distance from Britain, would indeed apply much more correctly to Iceland than to Shetland; but we have no evidence that Iceland was known to the ancients. Our author refers to the length of the day in Thule in two subsequent parts of his work, iv. 30 and vi. 36.

[523] Supposed to be Colchester in Essex; while the Mona of Pliny appears to have been Anglesea. It is not easy to conceive why the author measured the distance of Mona from Camelodunum.

[524] Chap. 6 of this book.

[525] a σκιὰ, umbra, and θηράω, sector. It has been a subject for discussion by the commentators, how far this instrument of Anaximenes is entitled to the appellation of a dial, whether it was intended to mark the hours, or to serve for some other astronomical purpose. See Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 398, 399. It has been correctly remarked by Brotier, that we have an account of a much more ancient dial in the 2nd book of Kings, xx. 9, 11.

[526] A. Gellius, iii. 3, informs us, that the question concerning the commencement of the day was one of the topics discussed by Varro, in his book “Rerum Humanarum:” this work is lost. We learn from the notes of Hardouin, Lemaire, i. 399, that there are certain countries in which all these various modes of computation are still practised; the last-mentioned is the one commonly employed in Europe.

[527] It has been supposed, that in this passage the author intended to say no more than that the nights are shorter at the summer solstice than at the other parts of the year; see Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 399, 400. But to this, I conceive, it may be objected, that the words “inter ortus solis” can scarcely apply to the period while the sun is below the horizon, and that the solstices generally would seem to be opposed to the equinoxes generally. Also the words “obliquior” and “rectior” would appear to have some farther reference than merely to the length of time during which the sun is above or below the horizon.

[528] “Vibrato;” the same term is applied by Turnus to the hair of Æneas; Æn. xii. 100.

[529] “Mobilitate hebetes;” it is not easy to see the connexion between these two circumstances.

[530] There is a passage in Galen, De Temperamentis, iii. 6, which may appear to sanction the opinion of our author; “Siccos esse, quibus macra sunt crura; humidos, quibus crassa.”

[531] The latter part of the remark is correct, but the number of ferocious animals is also greater in the warmer regions; there is, in fact, a greater variety in all the productions of nature in the warmer districts of the globe, except in those particular spots where animal or vegetable life is counteracted by some local circumstances, as in many parts of Asia and Africa by the want of water.

[532] “Sensus liquidus;” Alexandre explains this expression, “judicium sanum, mens intelligendo apta.” Lemaire, i. 401.

[533] Saturn, Jupiter and Mars: see the 8th chapter of this book.

[534] “Vel quando meant cum Sole in conjunctione cum eo, vel quando cum eo conveniunt in aspectu, maxime vero in quadrato, qui fit, quum distant a Sole quarta mundi sive cœli parte.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 401.

[535] “Ut urbem et tecta custodirent.” This anecdote is referred to by Cicero, who employs the words “ut urbem et tecta linquerent.” De Divin. i. 112.

[536] This anecdote is also referred to by Cicero, de Div. ii.

[537] It has been observed that earthquakes, as well as other great convulsions of nature, are preceded by calms; it has also been observed that birds and animals generally exhibit certain presentiments of the event, by something peculiar in their motions or proceedings; this circumstance is mentioned by Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 8, and by Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vi. 12.

[538] It is scarcely necessary to remark, that this supposed resemblance or analogy is entirely without foundation. The phænomena of earthquakes are described by Aristotle, De Mundo, cap. 4, and Meteor. ii. 7 and 8; also by Seneca in various parts of the 6th book of his Quæst. Nat.

[539] On this subject we shall find much curious matter in Aristotle’s Treatise de Mundo, cap. 4.

[540] Poinsinet enters into a long detail of some of the most remarkable earthquakes that have occurred, from the age of Pliny to the period when he wrote, about fifty years ago; i. 249. 2.

[541] See Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 8.

[542] See Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 8, and Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vi. 13.

[543] “Fervente;” “Fremitum aquæ ferventis imitante.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 404.

[544] The reader will scarcely require to be informed, that many of the remarks in the latter part of this chapter are incorrect. Our author has principally followed Aristotle, whose treatise on meteorology, although abounding in curious details, is perhaps one of the least correct of his works.

[545] This observation is taken from Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 8.

[546] Phænomena of this kind have been frequently noticed, and are not difficult of explanation.

[547] “In iisdem;” “Iidem, inquit, putei inclusum terra spiritum libero meatu emittentes, terræ motus avertunt.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 406.

[548] “Quæ pendent.” M. Ajasson translates this passage, “qui sont comme suspendues.” Hardouin’s explanation is, “Structis fornice cameris imposita ædificia intelligit; quod genus camerarum spiramenta plerumque habet non pauca, quibus exeat ad libertatem aer.” Lemaire, i. 407.

[549] Many of these circumstances are referred to by Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vi. 30. On the superior security of brick buildings, M. Alexandre remarks, “Muri e lateribus facti difficilius quam cæteri dehiscunt, unde fit ut in urbibus muniendis id constructionum genus plerumque præferatur. Ex antiquæ Italiæ palatiis templisve nihil fere præter immensas laterum moles hodie superest.”

[550] These remarks upon the different kinds of shocks are probably taken from Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 8.

[551] This observation is also in Aristotle, ii. 8.

[552] In the year of the city 663; A.C. 90.

[553] In the year of the city 821; A.D. 68.

[554] The continuation of Aufidius Bassus’ history; our author refers to it in the first book.

[555] We have no authentic accounts of this mutual change of place between two portions of land, nor can we conceive of any cause capable of effecting it. Our author mentions this circumstance again in book xvii. ch. 38.

[556] See Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 8.

[557] “Eodem videlicet spiritu infusi (maris) ac terræ residentis sinu recepti.”

[558] U.C. 770; A.D. 17. We have an account of this event in Strabo, xii. 57; in Tacitus, Ann. ii. 47; and in the Universal History, xiv. 129, 130. We are informed by Hardouin, that coins are still in existence which were struck to commemorate the liberality of the emperor on the occasion, inscribed “civitatibus Asiæ restitutis.” Lemaire, i. 410.

[559] U.C. 537; A.C. 217.

[560] This circumstance is mentioned by Livy, xxii. 5, and by Floras, ii. 6.

[561] “Præsagiis, inquit, quam ipsa clade, sæviores sunt terræ motus.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 410.

[562] This phænomenon is distinctly referred to by Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vi. 21. It presents us with one of those cases, where the scientific deductions of the moderns have been anticipated by the speculations of the ancients.

[563] Odyss. iv. 354-357; see also Arist. Meteor. i. 14; Lucan, x. 509-511; Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vi. 26; Herodotus, ii. 4, 5; and Strabo, i. 59.

[564] These form, at this day, the Monte Circello, which, it is remarked, rises up like an island, out of the Pontine marshes. It seems, however, difficult to conceive how any action of the sea could have formed these marshes.

[565] See Strabo, i. 58.

[566] ii. 5. _et alibi_.

[567] The plain in which this river flows, forming the windings from which it derives its name, appears to have been originally an inlet of the sea, which was gradually filled up with alluvial matter.

[568] “Paria secum faciente natura.” This appears to have been a colloquial or idiomatic expression among the Romans. See Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 412.

[569] It may be remarked, that the accounts of modern travellers and geologists tend to confirm the opinion of the volcanic origin of many of the islands of the Archipelago.

[570] Brotier remarks, that, according to the account of Herodotus, this island existed previous to the date here assigned to it; Lemaire, i. 412, 413: it is probable, however, that the same name was applied to two islands, one at least of which was of volcanic origin.

[571] U.C. 517, A.C. 237; and U.C. 647, A.C. 107; respectively.

[572] Hiera, Automata; ab ἱερὰ, sacer, et αὐτομάτη, sponte nascens. Respecting the origin of these islands there would appear to be some confusion in the dates, which it is difficult to reconcile with each other; it is, I conceive, impossible to decide whether this depends upon an error of our author himself, or of his transcribers.

[573] July 25th, U.C. 771; A.C. 19.

[574] U.C. 628; A.C. 125.

[575] See Ovid, Metam. xv. 290, 291; also Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vi. 29.

[576] This event is mentioned by Thucydides, lib. 3, Smith’s Trans, i. 293; and by Diodorus, xii. 7, Booth’s Trans. p. 287, as the consequence of an earthquake; but the separation was from Locris, not from Eubœa. See the remarks of Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 415.

[577] It is somewhat uncertain to what island our author applied this name; see the remarks of Alexandre in Lemaire.

[578] See Ovid, Metam. xv. 287.

[579] It is not improbable, from the situation and geological structure of the places here enumerated, that many of the changes mentioned above may have actually occurred; but there are few of them of which we have any direct evidence.

[580] This celebrated narrative of Plato is contained in his Timæus, Op. ix. p. 296, 297; it may be presumed that it was not altogether a fiction on the part of the author, but it is, at this time, impossible to determine what part of it was derived from ancient traditions and what from the fertile stores of his own imagination. It is referred to by various ancient writers, among others by Strabo. See also the remarks of Brotier in Lemaire, i. 416, 417.

[581] Many of these changes on the surface of the globe, and others mentioned by our author in this part of his work, are alluded to by Ovid, in his beautiful abstract of the Pythagorean doctrine, Metam. xv. _passim_.

[582] See Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 8, and Strabo, i. For some account of the places mentioned in this chapter the reader may consult the notes of Hardouin _in loco_.

[583] Poinsinet, as I conceive correctly, makes the following clause the commencement of the next chapter.

[584] See Ovid, Metam. xv. 293-295; also the remarks of Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 418.

[585] “Spatium intelligit, fretumve, quo Sicilia nunc ab Italia dispescitur.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 419.

[586] See Strabo, ix.

[587] “Spiracula.”

[588] “Busta urbium.”

[589] “Suboriens,” as M. Alexandre explains it, “renascens;” Lemaire, i. 420.

[590] “Scrobibus;” “aut quum terra fossis excavatur, ut in Pomptina palude, aut per naturales hiatus.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 420.

[591] This circumstance is mentioned by Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vi. 28, as occurring “pluribus Italiæ locis;” it may be ascribed to the exhalations from volcanos being raised up into the atmosphere. It does not appear that there is, at present, any cavern in Mount Soracte which emits mephitic vapours. But the circumstance of Soracte being regarded sacred to Apollo, as we learn from our author, vii. 2, and from Virgil, Æn. xi. 785, may lead us to conjecture that something of the kind may formerly have existed there.

[592] The author may probably refer to the well-known Grotto del Cane, where, in consequence of a stratum of carbonic acid gas, which occupies the lower part of the cave only, dogs and other animals, whose mouths are near the ground, are instantly suffocated.

[593] Celebrated in the well-known lines of Virgil, Æn. vii. 563 _et seq._, as the “sævi spiracula Ditis.”

[594] Apuleius gives us an account of this place from his own observation; De Mundo, § 729. See also Strabo, xii.

[595] See Aristotle, De Mundo, cap. iv.

[596] “Ad ingressum ambulantium, et equorum cursus, terræ quoque tremere sentiuntur in Brabantino agro, quæ Belgii pars, et circa S. Audomari fanum.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 421, 422.

[597] See Seneca, Nat. Quæst. iii. 25.

[598] Martial speaks of the marshy nature of the Cæcuban district, xiii. 115. Most of the places mentioned in this chapter are illustrated by the remarks of Hardouin; Lemaire, i. 422, 423.

[599] “Saltuares.” In some of the MSS. the term here employed is Saliares, or Saltares; but in all the editions which I am in the habit of consulting, it is Saltuares.

[600] There is, no doubt, some truth in these accounts of floating islands, although, as we may presume, much exaggerated. There are frequently small portions of land detached from the edges of lakes, by floods or rapid currents, held together and rendered buoyant by a mass of roots and vegetable matter. In the lake of Keswick, in the county of Cumberland, there are two small floating islands, of a few yards in circumference, which are moved about by the wind or by currents; they appear to consist, principally, of a mass of vegetable fibres.

[601] It has been observed, that there are certain places where bodies remain for a long time without undergoing decomposition; it depends principally upon a dry and cool condition of the air, such as is occasionally found in vaults and natural caverns. See the remarks of Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 424.

[602] We may conceive of a large mass of rock being so balanced upon the fine point of another rock, as to be moved by the slightest touch; but, that if it be pushed with any force, it may be thrown upon a plane surface, and will then remain immovable.

[603] Perhaps the author may refer to some kind of earth, possessed of absorbent or astringent properties, like the Terra Sigillata or Armenian Bole of the old Pharmacopœias.

[604] A σὰρξ, caro, and φάγω, edo. We may conceive this stone to have contained a portion of an acrid ingredient, perhaps of an alkaline nature, which, in some degree, might produce the effect here described. It does not appear that the material of which the stone coffins are composed, to which this name has been applied, the workmanship of which is so much an object of admiration, are any of them possessed of this property.

[605] Alexandre remarks on this statement, “Montes istæ videntur originem dedisse fabulæ quæ in Arabicis Noctibus legitur ...;” Lemaire, i. 425. Fouché, indeed, observes, that there are mountains composed principally of natural loadstone, which might sensibly attract a shoe containing iron nails. Ajasson, ii. 386. But I conceive that we have no evidence of the existence of the magnetic iron pyrites having ever been found in sufficient quantity to produce any sensible effect of the kind here described.

[606] We may remark generally, that of the “miracula” related in this chapter, the greatest part are entirely without foundation, and the remainder much exaggerated.

[607] “Mundo;” the heavens or visible firmament, to which the stars and planets appear to be connected, so as to be moved along with it.

[608] “Ancillante;” “Credas ancillari sidus, et indulgere mari, ut non ab eadem parte, qua pridie, pastum ex oceano hauriat.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 427.

[609] Not depending on the time of the rising and setting of the sun or the latitude of the place, but determinate portions of the diurnal period.

[610] By a conjectural variation of a letter, viz. by substituting “eos” for “eas,” Dalechamp has, as he conceives, rendered this passage more clear; the alteration is adopted by Lemaire.

[611] “In iisdem ortus occasusque operibus;” “Eodem modo utrinque orientibus occidentibusque sideribus,” as interpreted by Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 428.

[612] It is scarcely necessary to remark, that both the alleged fact and the supposed cause are incorrect. And this is the case with what our author says in the next sentence, respecting the period of eight years, and the hundred revolutions of the moon.

[613] “Solis annuis causis.” The circumstances connected with the revolution of the sun, acting as causes of the period and height of the tides, in addition to the effect of the moon.

[614] “Inanes;” “Depressiores ac minus tumentes.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 429.

[615] According to the remark of Alexandre, “Uno die et dimidio altero, 36 circiter horis, in Gallia.” Lemaire, i. 429.

[616] Alexandre remarks on this passage, “Variat pro locis hoc intervallum a nullo fere temporis momento ad undecim horas et amplius;” Lemaire, i. 429.

[617] Our author has already referred to Pytheas, in the 77th chapter of this book.

[618] It is scarcely necessary to remark, that the space here mentioned, which is nearly 120 feet, is far greater than the actual fact.

[619] “Ditioni paret;” “Lunæ solisque efficientiæ, quæ ciet æstum.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 430.

[620] The effect here described could not have depended upon the tides, but upon some current, either affecting the whole of the Mediterranean, or certain parts of it. See the remarks of Hardouin in Lemaire.

[621] Pliny naturally adopted the erroneous opinions respecting the state of the blood-vessels, and the cause of the pulse, which were universally maintained by the ancients.

[622] The name of Euripus is generally applied to the strait between Bœotia and Eubœa, but our author here extends it to that between Italy and Sicily. A peculiarity in the tide of this strait is referred to by Cicero, De Nat. Deor. iii. 24.

[623] “Æstus idem triduo in mense consistit.” “Consistentia, sive mediocritas aquarum non solum septima die sentitur, sed et octava, ac nona durat,” as Hardouin explains this passage, Lemaire, i. 431.

[624] Now called the Guadalquivir.

[625] The modern Seville.

[626] This circumstance is noticed by most of the ancients, as by Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 1; by Seneca, Nat. Quæst. iv. 2; and by Strabo. It has, however, no relation to the tide, but depends upon the quantity of water transmitted into the Euxine by the numerous large rivers that empty themselves into it.

[627] It has been suggested, with some plausibility, that the greater height of the tides at this period will cause a greater quantity of matter to be cast on shore. This circumstance is referred to by Seneca, Nat. Quæst. iii. 26; and by Strabo.

[628] Alexandre observes on this supposed fact, “Algarum molles quædam species intelligendæ sunt, quæ convolutæ et marcidæ in littus ejiciuntur.” Lemaire, i. 432.

[629] It may cause some surprise to find that such an opinion has been entertained even in modern times; but more correct observation has shown it to be without foundation. Lemaire.

[630] “Spiritus sidus;” “Quod vitalem humorem ac spiritus in corporibus rebusque omnibus varie temperet.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 433.

[631] “Terras saturet;” as Alexandre interprets it, “succo impleat;” Lemaire.

[632] This circumstance is alluded to by Cicero, De Divin. ii. 33, and by Horace, Sat. ii. 4, 30. It is difficult to conceive how an opinion so totally unfounded, and so easy to refute, should have obtained general credence.

[633] Lib. xviii. chap. 75.

[634] Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 1, remarks, that as the sun is continually evaporating the water of the sea, it must eventually be entirely dried up. But we have reason to believe, that all the water which is evaporated by the solar heat, or any other natural process, is again deposited in the form of rain or dew.

[635] “Terræ sudor;” according to Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 4: this opinion was adopted by some of the ancients.

[636] The commentators discuss at considerable length the relative merits of the three hypotheses here proposed, to account for the saltness of the ocean; all of which are equally unfounded. See Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 434, 435. Aristotle’s opinion on this subject is contained in his Meteor.

[637] It is not easy to ascertain the origin of the very general opinion respecting the peculiar physical action of the moon. The alleged facts are, for the most part, without foundation, and I am not aware of any circumstance which could, originally, have made them a part of the popular creed of so many nations, ancient as well as modern. Perhaps some of the effects which have been ascribed to the specific action of the moon, may be explained by the lower temperature and greater dampness of the air, during the absence of the sun.

[638] There appears to be some doubt respecting the history of the person here referred to: according to the account of Hardouin, Fabianus was a naturalist, who enjoyed a high reputation; he lived in the time of Tiberius: see Lemaire, i. 188.

[639] This would be a depth of 3125 yards, not very far short of two miles; see Adam’s Rom. Antiq. p. 503.

[640] “Βαθέα Ponti;” Aristotle refers to this as one of those parts where the sea is unfathomable; Meteor. i. 13.

[641] A distance of nearly nine and a half miles.

[642] The specific gravity of sea water varies from 1·0269 to 1·0285. The saline contents of the water of the English Channel are stated to be 27 grs. in 1000. Turner’s Chem. p. 1289, 1290.

[643] The modern names of the rivers and lakes here mentioned are the Liris, communicating with the Lago di Celano; the Adda, with the Lago di Como; the Ticino, with the Lago Maggiore; the Mincio, with the Lago di Guarda; the Oglio, with the Lago di Sero; and the Rhone with the Lake of Geneva. There may be some foundation for the alleged fact, because the specific gravity and the temperature of the lake may differ a little from that of the river which passes through it.

[644] According to Brotier, “fons ille olim nobilissimus, nunc ignobile est lavacrum, cujus aqua marino sapore inficitur.” He conceives that there is no actual foundation for this so frequently repeated story; and conjectures that it originated from the similitude of the names, the fountain in Sicily and the river in the Peloponnesus being both named Alpheus. He goes on to mention some examples of springs of fresh water rising up on the sea-coast; Lemaire, i. 438. The allusion to the fountain of Arethusa, by Virgil, in the commencement of the 10th eclogue, is well known to all classical scholars. The lines of Virgil have been elegantly imitated by Voltaire, in the Henriade, ix. 269, 270.

[645] This is mentioned by Ovid, Met. xv. 273, 274.

[646] This is again referred to by our author, vi. 31; also by Strabo, and by Seneca, Nat. Quæst. iii. 26.

[647] Pausanias.

[648] The river here referred to is the Tanager, the modern Rio Negro. See the remarks of Hardouin and Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 439.

[649] From a note in Poinsinet, i. 302, we learn that there has been some doubt respecting the locality of this river. It is mentioned by Virgil, Æn. i. 244, and it forms the subject of Heyne’s 7th Excursus, ii. 124 _et seq._ Virgil also speaks of the Timavus, Ec. viii. 6; and Heyne, in a note, gives the following description of it: “Timavus in ora Adriæ, non longe ab Aquileia fluvius ex terra novem fontibus seu capitibus progressus, brevi cursu, in unum alveum collectus, lato altoque flumine in mare exit.” i. 127, 128.

[650] This remark is not to be taken in its full extent; the water of these lakes contains a large quantity of saline and other substances dissolved in it, and, consequently, has its specific gravity so much increased, that various substances float on it which sink in pure water.

[651] According to Hardouin, this is now called the Lake of Andoria, near the town of Casalnuovo; Lemaire, i. 439. Poinsinet calls it Anduria, i. 303.

[652] The petrifying quality of this river is referred to by Ovid, Met. xv. 313, 314; Seneca quotes these lines when treating on this subject, Nat. Quæst. iii. 20.

[653] Aristotle, Strabo, and Silius Italicus, viii. 582, 583, refer to this property of the Silarus; but, according to Brotier, it does not appear to be known to the present inhabitants of the district through which it flows. Lemaire, i. 440.

[654] In a subsequent part of the work, xxxi. 8, our author remarks, “Reatinis tantum paludibus ungulas jumentorum indurari.” We may presume that the water contained some saline, earthy or metallic substance, either in solution, or in a state of minute division, which would produce these effects. It does not appear that anything of this kind has been observed by the moderns in this water.

[655] The coral beds with which the Red Sea abounds may have given rise to this opinion: see the remarks of Alexandre _in loco_. Hardouin informs us, that this clause respecting the Red Sea is not found in any of the MSS. Lemaire, i. 441. A similar observation occurs in a subsequent part of the work, xiii. 48.

[656] There are thermal springs in the Alpine valleys, but not any in the elevated parts of the Alps themselves.

[657] The volcanic nature of a large portion of the south of Italy and the neighbouring islands may be regarded as the cause of the warm springs which are found there.

[658] This river may be supposed to have been principally supplied by melted snow; it would appear to be colder, because its temperature would be less elevated than the other streams in the neighbourhood.

[659] The statement, if correct, may be referred to the discharge of a quantity of inflammable gas from the surface of the water. The fact is mentioned by Lucretius, vi. 879, 880, and by Mela.

[660] “Quasi alternis requiescens, ac meridians: diem diffindens, ut Varro loquitur, insititia quiete.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 443. He says that there is a similar kind of fountain in Provence, called Collis Martiensis.

[661] There has been considerable difference of opinion among the commentators, both as to the reading of the text and its interpretation, for which I shall refer to the notes of Poinsinet, i. 307, of Hardouin and Alexandre, Lemaire, i. 443, and of Richelet, Ajasson, ii. 402.

[662] We have an account of the Troglodytæ in a subsequent part of the work, v. 5. The name is generally applied by the ancients to a tribe of people inhabiting a portion of Æthiopia, and is derived from the circumstance of their dwellings being composed of caverns; a τρωγλὴ and δύνω. Alexandre remarks, that the name was occasionally applied to other tribes, whose habitations were of the same kind; Lemaire, i. 443. They are referred to by Q. Curtius as a tribe of the Æthiopians, situated to the south of Egypt and extending to the Red Sea, iv. 7.

[663] Q. Curtius gives nearly the same account of this fountain.

[664] The Po derives its water from the torrents of the Alps, and is therefore much affected by the melting of the snow or the great falls of rain, which occur at different seasons of the year; but the daily diminution of the water, as stated by our author, is without foundation.

[665] “Fontem ibi intermittentem frustra quæsivit cl. Le Chevalier, Voyage de la Troade, t. i. p. 219.” Lemaire, i. 444.

[666] Strabo, in allusion to this circumstance, remarks, that some persons make it still more wonderful, by supposing that this spring is connected with the Nile. We learn from Tournefort, that there is a well of this name in Delos, which he found to contain considerably more water in January and February than in October, and which is supposed to be connected with the Nile or the Jordan: this, of course, he regards as an idle tale. Lemaire.

[667] Hardouin informs us, that these warm springs are called “i bagni di Monte Falcone,” or “di S. Antonio.” They are situate so very near the sea, that we may suppose some communication to exist, which may produce the alleged effect. Lemaire.

[668] According to Hardouin this is the modern Torre di Pitino; he conceives that the river here mentioned must be the Vomanus. The effect here described is, to a certain extent, always the case with rivers which proceed from mountains that are covered with snow. Lemaire, i. 445.

[669] Seneca, Nat. Quæst. iii. 25, makes the same remark: the fact would seem to be, that in certain districts the cattle are found to be for the most part white, and in other places black; but we have no reason to suppose that their colour has any connexion with the water which they employ.

[670] This is asserted by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. iii. 12. We have a similar statement made by Ælian respecting the Scamander; viii. 21.

[671] “Annonæ mutationem significans.”

[672] The peculiar nature of the water of the Lyncestis is referred to by many of the ancients: we may suppose that it was strongly impregnated with carbonic acid gas. See Ovid, Met. xv. 329-331; also Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 3, and Seneca, Nat. Quæst. iii. 20.

[673] Vitruvius and Athenæus.

[674] Calenum was a town in Campania; this peculiar property of its water is referred to by Val. Maximus, i. 8, 18.

[675] Literally, Jovis cultus; as interpreted by Hardouin, “tanquam si dixeris, divinum Jovis munus hunc fontem esse.” Lemaire, i. 447.

[676] Seneca affirms its poisonous nature; Nat. Quæst. iii. 25. Q. Curtius refers to a spring in Macedonia of the same name, “quo pestiferum virus emanat.” x. 10.

[677] There appears to be some uncertainty respecting the locality of this district; see the remarks of Hardouin, Lemaire, i. 447.

[678] “Hunc fontem describit eximie Plinius jun. lib. iv. epist. ult. Est ad orientalem Larii lacus plagam, Lago di Como, x mill. pass. a Como.” Hardouin, Lemaire, i. 448.

[679] Our author, in a subsequent passage, v. 39, speaks of Cydonea, “cum fonte calido.”

[680] According to Hardouin, i. 448, there is a considerable variation in the MSS. with respect to this name: he informs us that “Συναὸς urbs est Magnæ Phrygiæ Ptolemæo, v. 2.”

[681] Tacitus gives an account of this oracle as having been visited by Germanicus; Ann. ii. 54.

[682] Our author refers to this history in the First book of the present work.

[683] “Comparatos scilicet cum aëris externi temperie.” Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 448.

[684] Thin leaves or films of metal have little affinity for water, and have, generally, bubbles of air attached to them; so that, when placed upon the water, the fluid is prevented from adhering to them, and thus they remain on the surface.

[685] Depending not upon their absolute, but their specific gravity.

[686] Being partly supported by the water.

[687] The stone may have floated in consequence of its being full of pores: these are more quickly filled with water when it is broken into small pieces. It was probably of the nature of pumice or some other volcanic product.

[688] This is well known to depend upon the commencement of the decomposition of some part of the viscera, by which there is an evolution of gaseous matter.

[689] This is an erroneous statement; it is not easy to ascertain what was the source of the error.

[690] Rain, as it falls from the clouds, is nearly pure; and rivers, or receptacles of any kind, that are supplied by it, are considerably more free from saline impregnations than the generality of springs.

[691] This statement is altogether incorrect.

[692] When salt water freezes, it is disengaged from the saline matter which it previously held in solution; a greater degree of cold is therefore required to overcome the attraction of the water for the salt, and to form the ice, than when pure water is congealed.

[693] “Celerius accendi.” We can scarcely suppose that by this term our author intended to express the actual burning or inflaming of the water, which is its literal and ordinary meaning. This, however, would appear to be the opinion of Hardouin and Alexandre; Lemaire, i. 449. Holland translates it, “made hot and set a-seething,” i. 46; Poinsinet, “s’échauffe le plus vîte,” i. 313; and Ajasson, “plus prompte à s’échauffer,” ii. 217.

[694] The temperature of the ocean, in consequence of its great mass and the easy diffusion and mixture of its various parts, may be conceived to be longer in becoming raised or depressed than any particular portion of the land, where contemporary observations may be made.

[695] The evaporation that is going on during the heats of summer, and the heavy rains which in many countries fall during the autumn, may produce the effects here described, in confined seas or inlets.

[696] The statement is true to a certain extent, as is proved by the well-known experiments of Franklin and others; but the degree of the effect is considerably exaggerated. See the observations of Hardouin, Brotier, and Alexandre; Lemaire, i. 450, 451.

[697] In the Mediterranean the warm vapours rising from the water and its shores may melt the snow as it descends; but this is not the case in the parts of the main ocean which approach either to the Arctic or the Antarctic regions.

[698] The theory of springs is well understood, as depending upon the water tending to rise to its original level, so as to produce an equilibrium of pressure.

[699] When we consider the great extent of the base of Ætna, and that the crater is in the form of an inverted cone, we shall perceive that there is ample space for the existence of springs in the lower part of the mountain, without their coming in contact with the heated lava.

[700] Samosata is situated on the Euphrates, in the north of Syria.

[701] The Petroleum or Bitumen of the modern chemists; it is a tarry substance, more or less fluid, which has probably been produced by carbonaceous matter, as affected by heat or decomposition, below the surface of the earth. Our author has exaggerated its properties and action upon other bodies.

[702] Respecting the transaction here mentioned, I shall refer to the note of Hardouin, Lemaire, i. 452.

[703] The substance here mentioned may be considered as not differing essentially from the Maltha of the last chapter, except in being of a more fluid consistence.

[704] The Astaceni are supposed to have inhabited a district near the sources of the Indus, probably corresponding to the modern Cabul.

[705] We may conceive of a quantity of inflammable vapour on the surface of the naphtha, which might, in some degree, produce the effect here described.

[706] Horace, in one of his Epodes, where he refers to the magical arts of Medea, says, that it was a cloak, “palla,” which was sent to Creüsa; v. 65. So far as there is any foundation for the story, we may suppose that some part of her dress had been impregnated with an inflammable substance, which took fire when she approached the blazing altar.

[707] When the volcanos are less active the flame is visible in the night only.

[708] The observations of modern travellers and geologists have proved, that the number of extinct volcanos is considerably greater than those now in action.

[709] Chimæra was a volcano in Lycia, not far from the Xanthus; the circumstance of its summit emitting flame, while its sides were the resort of various savage animals, probably gave rise to the fabulous story of the Centaur of this name, a ferocious monster who was continually vomiting forth flame.

[710] The word in the text is “fœnum”; Hardouin suggests that the meaning of the author may have been litter, or the refuse of stables. Lemaire, i. 454.

[711] The emission of a gas, which may be kindled by the application of flame, is a phænomenon of no very rare occurrence; but the effects are, no doubt, much exaggerated. See the remarks of Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 454.

[712] The country of the Bactrians was a district to the S.E. of the Caspian Sea, and to the north of the sources of the Indus, nearly corresponding to the modern Bucharia.

[713] There would appear to be some uncertainty as to the locality of this place: our author derived his statement from the writer of the treatise de Mirab. Auscult.

[714] “Caminis.”

[715] Probably the crater of a former volcano.

[716] This mountain, as well as the Θεῶν ὄχημα mentioned below, has been supposed to be situated on the west of Africa, near Sierra Leone, or Cape Verd; but, as I conceive, without sufficient authority. See Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 455.

[717] “Internus.” “In interiore nemore abditus.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 455.

[718] If this account be not altogether fabulous, the appearance here described may be, perhaps, referred to the combustion of an inflammable gas which does not acquire a very high temperature.

[719] We have an account of this place in Strabo, vii. 310. Our author has already referred to it in the 96th chapter of this book, as a pool or lake, containing floating islands; and he again speaks of it in the next chapter.

[720] We have an account of this volcano in Ælian, Var. Hist. xiii. 16. It would appear, however, that it had ceased to emit flame previous to the calamitous events of which it was supposed to be the harbinger.

[721] This circumstance is mentioned by Dion Cassius, xli. 174. We may conceive that a sudden influx of water might force up an unusually large quantity of the bitumen.

[722] We have a full account of this circumstance in Strabo, vi. 277.

[723] “Currum deorum Latine licet interpretari.” Hardouin in Lemaire, i. 456.

[724] “torrentesque solis ardoribus flammas egerit;” perhaps the author may mean, that the fires of the volcano assist those of the sun in parching the surface of the ground.

[725] “Tot rogis terræ?” in reference to the remark in a former chapter, “natura terras cremat.”

[726] “Humani ignes,” according to Hardouin, “Hi nostri ignes, quos vitæ usus requirit, ut Tullius ait de Nat. Deor. ii. 67;” Lemaire, i. 457.

[727] This is the mode which many savage tribes employ for exciting flame.

[728] It is not known whether the Scantia was a river or a lake, or where it was situated; see Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 457.

[729] This may have been owing to the emission of an inflammable gas which burns at a comparatively low temperature, as was observed on a former occasion.

[730] These are said by Columella, xi. 3, to occur in August; the statement as to the fire occurring on these particular days we may presume is erroneous.

[731] Aricia was a town in Campania, near the modern Lake of Nemi: this place, as well as the other places mentioned by our author, were probably of volcanic origin.

[732] Sidicinum was a town in Campania, also called Teanum; probably the modern Teano.

[733] Egnatia was a town in Calabria, on the coast of the Adriatic: the circumstance mentioned by our author is ridiculed by Horace, in his well-known lines, Sat. i. 5, 97; but it is not improbable that there may be some foundation for it.

[734] This circumstance is referred to by Val. Maximus, i. 8, 18. The altar was probably in the neighbourhood of the Lacinian Promontory, at the S.W. extremity of the Bay of Tarentum, the modern Capo delle Colonne.

[735] This may be referred to the inflammable vapours mentioned above, unless we regard the whole narrative as fabulous.

[736] See Livy, i. 39, and Val. Maximus, i. 6. 2. Although it would be rash to pronounce this occurrence and the following anecdotes respecting Marcius to be absolutely impossible, we must regard them as highly improbable, and resting upon very insufficient evidence.

[737] In the 66th chapter of this book.

[738] In the estimate of distances I have given the numbers as they occur in the text of Lemaire, although, in many cases, there is considerable doubt as to their accuracy. See the observations of Hardouin and Alexandre in Lemaire, i. 460.

[739] Artemidorus was an Ephesian, who wrote on geography; see Hardouin’s Index Auct., Lemaire, i. 167.