Chapter VI: Part 6

_The god Batala_. According to the religion formerly observed by these Moros, they worshiped a deity called among them Batala, which properly means "God." They said that they adored this Batala because he was the Lord of all, and had created human beings and villages. They said that this Batala had many agents under him, whom he sent to this world to produce, in behalf of men, what is yielded here. These beings were called _anitos_, and each anito had a special office. Some of them were for the fields, and some for those who journey by sea; some for those who went to war, and some for diseases. Each anito was therefore named for his office; there was, for instance, the anito of the fields, and the anito of the rain. To these anitos the people offered sacrifices, when they desired anything--to each one according to his office. The mode of sacrifice was like that of the Pintados. They summoned a _catalonan_, which is the same as the vaylan among the Pintados, that is, a priest. He offered the sacrifice, requesting from the anito whatever the people desired him to ask, and heaping up great quantities of rice, meat, and fish. His invocations lasted until the demon entered his body, when the catalonan fell into a swoon, foaming at the mouth. The Indians sang, drank, and feasted until the catalonan came to himself, and told them the answer that the anito had given to him. If the sacrifice was in behalf of a sick person, they offered many golden chains and ornaments, saying that they were paying a ransom for the sick person's health. This invocation of the anito continued as long as the sickness lasted.

When the natives were asked why the sacrifices were offered to the anito, and not to the Batala, they answered that the Batala was a great lord, and no one could speak to him. He lived in the sky; but the anito, who was of such a nature that he came down here to talk with men, was to the Batala as a minister, and interceded for them. In some places and especially in the mountain districts, when the father, mother, or other relative dies, the people unite in making a small wooden idol, and preserve it. Accordingly there is a house which contains one hundred or two hundred of these idols. These images also are called _anitos_; for they say that when people die, they go to serve the Batala. Therefore they make sacrifices to these anitos, offering them food, wine, and gold ornaments; and request them to be intercessors for them before the Batala, whom they regard as God.

_Government of the Moros_. Among the Moros there is precisely the same lack of government as among the Pintados. They had chiefs in their respective districts, whom the people obeyed; they punished criminals, and laid down the laws that must be observed. In the villages, where they had ten or twelve chiefs, one only--the richest of them--was he whom all obeyed. They greatly esteem an ancient lineage, which is therefore a great advantage to him who desires to be a lord. When laws were to be enacted for governing the commonwealth, the greatest chief, whom all the rest obeyed, assembled in his own house all the other chiefs of the village; and when they had come, he made a speech, declaring that, to correct the many criminal acts which were being committed, it was necessary that they impose penalties and enact ordinances, so that these evils might be remedied and that all might live in peace. This policy was not in vogue among the Pintados, because no one of them was willing to recognize another as his superior. Then the other chiefs replied that this seemed good to them; and that, since he was the greatest chief of all, he might do whatever appeared to him just, and they would approve it. Accordingly, that chief made such regulations as he deemed necessary; for these Moros possess the art of writing, which no other natives of the islands have. The other chiefs approved what he ordained. Immediately came a public crier, whom they call _umalahocan_, who is properly a mayor-domo, or steward; he took a bell and went through the village, announcing in each district the regulations which had been made. The people replied that they would obey. Thus the umalahocan went from village to village, through the whole district of this chief; and from that time on he who incurred the penalties of law was taken to the chief, who sentenced him accordingly. If the penalty be death, and the condemned man say that he prefers to be a slave, he is pardoned, and becomes a slave. All the other chiefs are also judges, each in his own district; but when any important case arises the head chief calls all the others together, in order to decide it, and the affair is settled by the vote of all. The chiefs are accustomed to impose the taxes; but there is no fixed amount for these, save what the proper judge decrees shall be paid.

_Marriages_. These Moros followed in their marriages the same customs as those of the Pintados, in giving the dowry. Thus, if the man should, contrary to the woman's desire, break his pledge and annul the marriage, he would lose the dowry, and she would retain it, free from him. Likewise, if the wife left the husband she was obliged to return him the dowry. If she committed adultery and the husband therefore left her, she returned him double the amount of the dowry. If the wife left the husband in order to marry another, the second husband was obliged to repay to the first husband the dowry which the latter had given to the woman, and to pay a fine, more or less--such an amount as the judge should order him to give. If the husband were a chief, and caught his wife in the act of committing adultery, he had the right to punish her with death, and the adulterer also, and could slay them with impunity. If he killed one and the other escaped, there would be open war between the two families until the other adulterer died. If both escaped, they must pay for their lives with a certain weight of gold. If they were chiefs, the penalty was one hundred taes, fifty for the woman and fifty for the adulterer. This done, they were pardoned, and remained friends. If they were timaguas, they incurred a lighter penalty.

_Wars_. In wars and slavery among the Moros, they observed the same customs as did the Pintados.

_Thieves_. There was among the natives a law concerning thieves. It was a petty theft if the amount were less than four taes (that is, twenty pesos); but if more than that sum, it was a serious offense. He who committed the former must return the gold, and then be sentenced, at the will of the judge, to pay a fine in money. If it were the greater theft, involving an amount of four taes or upward, he incurred the penalty of slavery. But if the goods stolen amounted to a cati [catty] of gold, the penalty was death, or the enslavement of the culprit and his children and all those of his household.

It was also a law that for the first theft the penalty was a fine in money, and for the second, slavery; for further offenses, it was death. Or if pardoned, as described above, he was made a slave, with his wife and children. This punishment did not apply to the son who proved that he was outside the house--whether he dwelt in a house of his own or lived with relatives on an independent footing; and therefore he was free. Only those who lived in the house of the delinquent were liable to punishment, because they all were suspected of knowledge of the theft.

There was also a law that anyone who spoke disrespectfully of a chief, or uttered abusive language to him, was liable to death. If he could redeem his life, a fine of fifteen taes of gold was imposed. If he did not have the means to pay and relatives did not contribute to ransom him, and the delinquent begged for mercy, saying that then he would become a slave, his life was spared, and he became the slave of the injured party. For this reason the penalty of a fine was available for him who possessed wealth. If the quarrel were between persons of equal rank, the chiefs settled the matter according to justice and their laws, and the like penalty was imposed. If the delinquent refused to pay according to this sentence, war was declared between the villages or the factions. Hostilities then followed; and from that time those who were captured were enslaved.

_One may be released after paying the sum decreed; until then he is a slave._ It was a law that if, when two timaguas were together, either of them insulted the other, he must pay a sum of money according to the nature of the insult, which was decided by the judge. If the insult were a gross one, the fine was large accordingly; and if the culprit had not the means to pay more than five taes, he became the slave of the injured person. If the delinquent begged from the chief or some other friend the favor of lending him the money, he became the slave of him who loaned the money. This slavery extended only to the culprit, and not to his children or relatives, except to children who were born during his slavery.

It is usual among the natives of this island to aid one another with money-loans. He who borrowed from a chief or a timagua retained the money until a fixed time had elapsed, during which he might use the money that was lent to him; and besides, he divided with the lender the profit that he made, in acknowledgment of the favor that he had received.

It was a law that if he who borrowed the money became insolvent, and had not means to pay his debt, he was considered a slave therefor, together with the children born during his slavery; those already born were free.

It was a law among these people, when two men formed a business partnership in which each placed the same amount of money, that if one of them went to traffic with the money belonging to both, and while on a trading journey were captured by enemies, the other man who remained in the village must go to ransom his partner, with half of the ransom-price agreed upon; and the captive was then released from liability--not only for what was due to the partnership, but for the amount which was afterward given for his ransom, and was not obliged to pay anything. If the man who lost the money lost it in gambling, or by spending it with women, he was obliged to repay to the partnership the amount which he had drawn therefrom, and he and his children were obliged to pay it. If the amount were so great that they could not pay it within the time agreed upon, he and half his children would become the slaves of the partner. If there were two children, one was a slave and the other was free; if four, two were slaves, and two free; and so on with any larger number. If the children were able to pay their father's debt afterward, they were set free.

It was a law that he who killed another must die; but if he begged for mercy he would become the slave of the dead man's father, children, or nearest relatives. If four or five men were concerned in the murder, they all paid to the master of the slave the price which the slave might be worth; and then the judge sentenced them to such punishment as he thought just. If the men had not means to pay the fine, they became slaves. If the dead man were a timagua, the penalty of death was incurred by those who were proved to be his murderers; but if the condemned men begged for mercy they became slaves. Accordingly, after they were sentenced the culprit might choose between death and slavery. If the man slain were a chief, the entire village where he was slain must, when that was proved, become slaves, those who were most guilty being first put to death. If the murderers were private persons only, three or four of the most guilty were put to death, without any resource in mercy; and the rest, with their children, became slaves.

When any person entered the house of a chief by night, against the will of the owner, he incurred the death penalty. It was their custom that when such an offender was caught he was first tortured, to ascertain whether any other chief had sent him. If he confessed that he had been thus sent, he was punished by enslavement; and he who had sent him incurred the death penalty, but might be released therefrom by paying a certain amount of gold for the crime.

He who committed adultery was, if he were one of the chiefs, punished with death; the same penalty was inflicted upon any man who was caught with the concubine of a chief. Similarly, the husband might kill the adulterer, if caught in the act. If perchance he escaped by flight, he was condemned to pay a fine in money; and until this was done there was enmity between the two families concerned. The same law was in force among the timaguas.

This relation was written by order of the governor of these islands.

_Miguel de Loarca_ of the town of Arevalo.

was also one of the first, among those who came to these islands, who showed any curiosity regarding these matters; and therefore I consider this a reliable and true account.

[_Endorsed at end_: "A memoir regarding the peculiarities of these islands, written in obedience to a decree of his Majesty. To the royal Council of the Indies."]

[_Endorsed on outside wrapper_: "Relation of the Filipinas Islands, their discovery, the Spanish settlements, the usages and customs of the natives, their religion, etc.; written, in virtue of a royal decree, by Miguel de Loarca, a citizen of the town of Arevalo, one of the earliest conquerors and settlers." _A similar endorsement is written on the inside cover of the MS_.]

LETTER FROM DOMINGO DE SALAZAR TO FELIPE II

Royal Catholic Majesty:

After having written the letters and memoranda which are going to your Majesty, there came some neighboring Indians to this city, who begged me to make known to your Majesty the contents of their testimonial. A few days afterward I told certain of them that they should decide what they wished, and that I would write to your Majesty concerning them--as your Majesty is a most Christian king who considers well their interests, and has commanded that they be well-treated, and will order punishment for those who maltreat them.

On the same day, some of the most prominent Indians came, and with them more than forty others from the neighboring villages. They asked from me the things that I have stated elsewhere; and I certify to your Majesty that, if all that they said could be written in this account, it would be but little shorter than the other one which I am sending to your Majesty. Without doubt it would break your Majesty's heart if you could see them as they are, and how pitiable are their appearance and the things that they relate.

Another day there came chiefs from other villages to say the same and much more. Today ten or twelve chiefs have come to see me from a province called Mauban, which belongs to your Majesty. They are all heathen, and told me that they had learned that I wrote to your Majesty in their behalf. They asked me to remember them also. I did not wish to admit more than what was said by those who came first, as it would make a disturbance in the land, should they all come here to complain. Your Majesty will be pleased to command that their case be considered, and provision made for them. I can do nothing, save to deplore it, and to beseech your Majesty for the remedy. Manila, June twenty, 1582.

_Fray Domingo_, Bishop of the Felipinas

In the city of Manila, on the fifteenth day of the month of June, of the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-two, before the very illustrious Don Fray Domingo de Salasar, first bishop of these islands and a member of his Majesty's council, and in the presence of me, the secretary undersigned, there appeared certain Indians who spoke through Francisco Morantes and Andres de Cervantes, interpreters of the Moro tongue. They declared themselves to be Don Luis Amanicaldo, Don Martin Panga, Don Gabriel Luanbacar, and Don Juan Bautangad, Christians; and Salalila and Calao Amarlenguaguay, heathen; and Doña Francisca Saygan: all chiefs of the villages of Tondo and Capaymisilo; and many other chiefs. Through the interpreters, they said that they had learned that by this ship which is about to depart for Nueva España, his most reverend Lordship was to write to his Majesty. As they were suffering so many injuries, grievances, and vexations, as is well-known to all, they humbly begged that he be so kind as to inform his Majesty thereof in detail, in order that his Majesty, after having learned of their afflictions, may be pleased to remedy them. They were then asked what things they desired to be especially placed before his Majesty's consideration, and to declare the same. They replied that the injuries which they suffer, and which ought to be redressed, are those inflicted by the alcaldes-mayor. Much trouble is caused them by these officials, as within three leagues there are four alcaldes-mayor and their officers, who inflict serious penalties for light offenses. They take at their own price the rice of the Indians, and afterward sell it at a very high rate, doing the same with all other articles of provisions and agricultural products. Furthermore, they oblige the Indians to act as their oarsmen, whenever they wish. If they return from an expedition which has lasted a month, they are told straightway to prepare for another, being paid nothing whatsoever; nevertheless in every village assessments are levied upon the natives, for the payment of those who go on such service. If at any time they are paid, it is very little, and that very seldom. Because of the many acts of oppression which they have suffered, many Indians have now abandoned Tondo, Capaymisilo, and other villages near this city of Manila. They have gone to live in other provinces, which has occasioned much damage and loss to the chiefs. Out of the three hundred Indians who were there, one hundred have gone away, and the said chiefs are obliged to pay the tribute for those who flee and die, and for their slaves and little boys. If they do not pay these, they are placed in the stocks and flogged. Others are tied to posts and kept there until they pay. Moreover, they dig no gold, for the officials oblige them to pay the fifth. If they do not make a statement of their gold it is seized as forfeited, even when it is old gold; and the gold is not returned to them until after payment of a heavy fine. They do not wish to let the alcaldes-mayor buy rice, because they all hoard it. If the natives come to complain of their grievances to the alcaldes-mayor alone, they are imprisoned and thrown into the stocks, and are charged with prison-fees. Their afflictions and troubles are so many that they cannot be endured; and they wish to leave this island, or at least to go to some encomienda of a private individual. In the said villages of the king they cannot endure the alcaldes-mayor.

_Fray Domingo_, Bishop of the Filipinas _Andres de Cervantes_ _Francisco Morante_

Before me: _Salvador de Argon_, secretary

LETTER FROM JUAN BAPTISTA ROMAN TO THE VICEROY

Most Illustrious and Excellent Sir:

I do not know whether the letters with new information which the governor is writing today will arrive in time to go on this ship, which has been despatched to this port of Acabite; so I wish to give your Excellency notice of what is going on. Yesterday--St. John's Day--in the afternoon, there arrived six soldiers who had gone with Captain Juan Pablo de Carrion [19] against the Japanese, who are settled on the river Cagayan. They say that Juan Pablo sailed with his fleet--which comprised the ship "Sant Jusepe," the admiral's galley, and five fragatas--from the port of Bigan, situated in Ylocos, about thirty-five days' journey from Cagayan. As he sailed out, he encountered a Chinese pirate, who very soon surrendered. He put seventeen soldiers aboard of her and continued his course. While rounding Cape Borgador near Cagayan one fair morning at dawn, they found themselves near a Japanese ship, which Juan Pablo engaged with the admiral's galley in which he himself was. With his artillery he shot away their mainmast, and killed several men. The Japanese put out grappling-irons and poured two hundred men aboard the galley, armed with pikes and breastplates. There remained sixty arquebusiers firing at our men. Finally, the enemy conquered the galley as far as the mainmast. There our people also made a stand in their extreme necessity, and made the Japanese retreat to their ship. They dropped their grappling-irons, and set their foresail, which still remained to them. At this moment the ship "Sant Jusepe" grappled with them, and with the artillery and forces of the ship overcame the Japanese; the latter fought valiantly until only eighteen remained, who gave themselves up, exhausted. Some men on the galley were killed, and among them its captain, Pero Lucas, fighting valiantly as a good soldier. Then the captain, Juan Pablo, ascended the Cagayan River, and found in the opening a fort and eleven Japanese ships. He passed along the upper shore because the mouth of the river is a league in width. The ship "Sant Jusepe" was entering the river, and it happened by bad fortune that some of our soldiers, who were in a small fragata, called out to the captain, saying to him: "Return, return to Manila! Set the whole fleet to return, because there are a thousand Japanese on the river with a great deal of artillery, and we are few." Whereupon Captain Luys de Callejo directed his course seaward; and although Juan Pablos fired a piece of artillery he did not and could not enter, and continued to tack back and forth. In the morning he anchored in a bay, where such a tempest overtook them that it broke three cables out of four that he had, and one used for weighing anchor. He sent these six soldiers in a small vessel to see if there was on an islet any water, of which they were in great need. The men lost their way, without finding any water; and when they returned where they had left their ship they could not find it. They met with some of those Indians who were in the galley with Juan Pablos, from whom it was learned that Juan Pablo had ascended the river two leagues and had fortified himself in a bay; and that with him was the galley, which had begun to leak everywhere, in the engagement with the Japanese. The Indian crew was discharged on account of not having the supplies which were lost on the galley. Most of these men went aboard the "Sant Jusepe." They said that the Japanese were attacking them with eighteen _champans_, [20] which are like skiffs. They were defending themselves well although there were but sixty soldiers with the seamen, and there were a thousand of the enemy, of a race at once valorous and skilful. The six soldiers came with this news, and on the way they met a sailor who had escaped from a Sangley ship which had sailed from here, with supplies of rice for Juan Pablo. He says that the Sangleys mutinied at midnight and killed ten soldiers who were going with it as an escort, who had no sentinel. This one escaped by swimming, with the aid of a lance that was hurled at him from the ship.

Moreover, I have just detained some passengers who were going on this ship, because there are no troops on these islands, and a hundred soldiers have to go immediately as a reenforcement, although the weather is tempestuous. I expect to be one of them, if the governor will give me permission.

These enemies, who have in truth remained here, are a warlike people; and if your Excellency do not provide by this ship, and reenforce us with a thousand soldiers, these islands can be of little value. May your Excellency with great prudence provide what is most necessary for his Majesty's service, since we have no resource other than the favor your Excellency shall order to be extended to us.

The governor was disposed to send assistance to the ship, which was a very important affair; but after these events he will not be able to do it, because there do not remain in this city seventy men who can bear arms. May our Lord guard the most illustrious and excellent person of your Excellency and increase your estate, as your Excellency's servants desire. From Cabite, June 25, 1582. Most excellent and illustrious sir, your servant kisses your Excellency's hands.

_Juan Baptista Roman_

LETTER FROM PEÑALOSA TO FELIPE II

Royal Catholic Majesty:

By this ship, which is to leave these islands on the last of June of this year, I am giving your Majesty a full account of the condition of affairs and events in this region. As it was about to sail news came of the fleet--which, I wrote among other things, I had despatched to effect a settlement in Cagayan--and of the punishment and resistance of the Japanese pirates, of whose coming we had news this year. The fleet sent by me, as above stated, met two vessels of the enemy near Cagayan, one of Japanese and the other of Sangleys; an engagement ensued, and those vessels surrendered after a fierce fight, in which two hundred Japanese, among them the commander of the fleet and his son, were killed, while we lost only three soldiers.

Juan Pablo de Carrion, whom I sent as my lieutenant-general in charge of this fleet, continued his journey, and entered the Cagayan River, where he was to make a settlement. At the entrance of the river he found six more Japanese vessels belonging to the fleet of those which had surrendered. There was also a goodly number of people there, and fortifications. On account of his lack of men--a severe storm having driven out to sea the flagship, which he took on this expedition--he did not sack these forts, but attempted only to enter the river. This he did, going up about six leagues, where he made a settlement in a place where he could erect a fort, whence he could direct offensive and defensive warfare against the enemy. This news came yesterday; and with all possible despatch I am sending reënforcements, boats, ammunition, and the provisions necessary. I considered it so needful to employ the soldiers for this purpose, because too small a force remains to me for the aid of Maluco, as I have written, since that undertaking is so important. However if they send from that place to beg aid, I shall give it with what forces I can. For I suffer a great lack of men and other things because no reënforcements have been sent me from Nueva España, although I have implored them. This land suffers from a constant and pressing need of reënforcements, on account not only of its unhealthful climate, but of the many emergencies which continually arise when I must send aid. These occasions now are not so much a matter of jest as they have been hitherto; for the Chinese and Japanese are not Indians, but people as valiant as many of the inhabitants of Berberia [Barbary], and even more so. I entreat your Majesty to give careful attention to this, and to order that in all vessels as many men as possible be sent; for it is the key to what is necessary for the preservation of this camp. I beg also that careful attention be given in the other things.

The gratuity for the expenses incurred in these necessary undertakings and for others similar to them, which are thrusting themselves forward every moment--which was provided by your Majesty's auditors of your royal Audiencia of Mexico in the ship arriving at this bay on the twenty-fourth of last month, consisted of a decree and warrant in which they order that Doctor Sande be paid here for the time while he remained here after my arrival, and until his arrival at Mexico. For this purpose they set aside in their decree the tributes which belong to your Majesty, and order that they be attached for this and sent to them--threatening me with imprisonment if I do not comply. I have written to your Majesty already of the poor state of your treasury here and its many pressing necessities, and of the extreme difficulty experienced in raising the amount needful for the same. Will your Majesty please take suitable action in this? for without the aid of what little resources your Majesty possesses here, this colony cannot be preserved. May our Lord guard the Catholic and royal person of your Majesty for mary prosperous years, and give you increase of many kingdoms and seigniories for the good of Christianity. Manila, July first, 82.

[_Endorsed:_ "To the royal Catholic Majesty, King Don Phelipe, our sovereign, through his royal council of the Indies. Governor of the Philipinas."]

TWO PAPAL DECREES

Indulgence Granted to the Dominicans on Their Setting Out for the Philippines

Gregory, Bishop, servant of the servants of God: In perpetual remembrance of the affair.

Since, as we have learned, very vast kingdoms, islands, cities, and towns in the parts of the Western Indias are being converted to the faith of Christ, and daily the light of heavenly learning is beaming on the peoples thereof--who, hitherto unacquainted with the law of God, and under the yoke of the demon, were groping their way in the dark places of unbelief; but now, rejecting the errors of heathenism, are revering and following the name of our Savior Jesus Christ: therefore our beloved son, the master-general of the Order of Preachers [21] [Dominicans], has determined to send thither professed members under the care of their own vicar, with rules for austere life and a reformed standard of conduct--as is becoming to a religious and praiseworthy institute, and according to which their province of New Spain was established--who there may found a new province of their order.

We, on whom through appointment of the Lord it is incumbent to foster the spread of the gospel, desirous of taking part in this duty of preaching the gospel in kingdoms wherein Christ is unknown, desirous moreover to aid, in as faras we can, the pious and religious endeavors of the Friars Preachers--who, with their abandonment of fatherland and their self-denial of comforts, are now exposing themselves to dangers of land and sea for the sake of spreading the name of Christ--therefore, trusting in the mercy of almighty God and the authority of His blessed apostles Peter and Paul, we by our apostolic authority, in virtue of these presents do grant, etc., a plenary indulgence and remission of all their sins to the professed members of the said Order, all and singular, if really penitent and confessed, who by leave or order or mandate of their afore-named master-general shall go to the Philippine Islands.

Given at Rome, at St. Mark's, under the seal of the Fisherman, on the fifteenth day of September, in the year 1582, the eleventh of our pontificate.

Foundation of the Province of the Dominicans in the Philippines

Gregory XIII, Pope. Beloved son, health and apostolic blessing.

Not long ago you acquainted us with the fact that, some time before, Paul Conestabile, master-general of the entire order of Friars Preachers, gave you leave--with thirty or forty professed members of the said order, to be gathered by you from the provinces of Spain, Aragon and Andalusia, and ten from the province of Mexico and from Chiappa, [22] to go to the Philippine Islands and to the kingdom of China. Moreover, appointing you his vicar-general in the said Philippine Islands and kingdom of China, etc., he granted to you, all and singular, the privileges which had been granted by former generals to the province of Santiago of Mexico--to the end that you might there establish a rule of life in accordance with the same, and found provinces, etc.

But since, as you also told us, the said General Paul is dead, and there are some who are doubtful of your power in the premises, and therefore you have humbly petitioned us to determine what through our apostolic bounty you should do in the premises: therefore, holding that you are free from any sort of excommunication, etc., and by these presents decreeing that the tenor of the said letters is to be considered as if herein expressed; moreover, being not unwilling to hearken to your petition, we by our apostolic authority, in virtue of these presents, approve and confirm the things contained therein, all and singular; and, as far as needs be, do again depute you to the aforesaid charge, [23] etc.

Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, under the seal of the Fisherman, on the twentieth day of October in the year 1582, the eleventh of our pontificate.

REPORT ON THE OFFICES SALEABLE IN THE PHILIPPINES

The following are the saleable offices in these Philipinas islands, from which some gain may be derived.

Seven positions as city magistrates in Manila; because, of the twelve which are available, three are filled with officials of his Majesty, and two by Captain Juan de Moron and by Pedro de Herrera, both possessing titles from his Majesty.

Two offices as notaries-public in the same city; for, of the three available, one is filled by Diego Alemán who was appointed by his Majesty, and the other two are appointed by the governors, and therefore are not royal notaries.

A notary of the cabildo, for no one has been supplied by his Majesty.

The office of alguacil-mayor [high constable] in this city was held by Hernan Lopez: he has lived during the last three years in Mexico, where he has married, and has not attended to his office; and consequently the governor disposes of this position. More will be given for this office on account of its dignity, as holding a seat in the cabildo next to the royal officials.

The office of chief clerk of registers and mines of these islands; for no appointment has been made by his Majesty.

Six magistrates for the town of Zubu, which is the required number. No one has been appointed by his Majesty.

In the said town, two notaries--one public, and the other for the cabildo; for they have not been filled by his Majesty.

In the said town, the office of alguacil-mayor; for his Majesty has made no provision for the said dignity.

The offices which are available in the town of Zubu are also available in the town of Caçeres, in the province of Camarines; and in the town of Arevalo, in the island of Panai.

The town of Fernandina in the province of Ylocos has proved to be so unhealthy a region that, from being the richest town of these islands, it has now only a few inhabitants with no organized cabildo or government.

The city of Segovia, in the province of Cagayan, is a newly-settled city. The offices have been filled by the governor with the early conquerors; it will therefore be convenient for his Majesty to confirm them, in order that the community may become permanently settled.

Concerning the office of alcalde-mayor in the villages and provinces of the Indians, the following method is carried out. The alcalde-mayor, who goes there for a year or two, takes with him his own alguacil and clerk, appointed by himself. The lawsuits which take place before them are seldom made public; and they can keep the fines forfeited to the royal treasury--which are not slight, for they fine the natives even for treading the ground. They keep neither archives nor record of anything, so that his Majesty is ill served in their office; the natives suffer, and the officials condemn themselves. In view of all this, it would be better for each province of Indians possessing the office of alcalde-mayor to have a permanent alguacil and clerk appointed by his Majesty; for if they are not appointed by the alcalde and are not his servants, they will not conform so thoroughly to his will. Thus light would be shed upon the legal proceedings, of which an account would be kept; and the fines forfeited to the royal treasury would not be lost, together with the expenses of justice. Finally, if they are appointed permanently, they will aim at the preservation of the Indians for their own benefit, and will not plunder and then go away, as they do now. The three most important provinces in which an alcalde resides are: the province of Pampanga, which is the most fertile region of these islands, and which has about thirty thousand Indians; the province of La Laguna de Bai, with a like number of Indians; and the province of Bombon, Balaian, Mindoro, with about twenty thousand Indians. I believe that in these three provinces the offices of alguacil and clerk will be of no less value than they are in Spanish communities. In the other provinces, these offices are of little importance at present.

DOCUMENTS OF 1583

Complaints against Peñalosa. Gabriel de Ribera; [1583?]
Affairs in the Philipinas Islands. Fray Domingo de Salazar;
[1583].
Instructions to commissary of the Inquisition. Pedro de los
Rios, and others; March 1.
Foundation of the Audiencia of Manila. Felipe II; May 5.

_Sources_: These documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla--excepting the third, which is from the Archivo general at Simancas.

_Translations_: The first and third documents are translated by Alfonso de Salvio, of Harvard University; the second, by Herbert E. Bolton, of the University of Texas; the fourth, by Henry B. Lathrop, of the University of Wisconsin.

COMPLAINTS AGAINST PEÑALOSA

Most powerful lord: [24]

Captain Gabriel de Rivera [25] beseeches your Highness on behalf of the Filipinas islands, kindly to see that due attention and consideration be given to the advancement and preservation of those islands, upon which his Majesty has set his eyes so fixedly, and which have cost so many thousands of ducats and Spanish lives. May what has been asked be provided, according to the memorials which I have presented to the royal person and to your Highness; for it befits the service of God our Lord, that of your Highness, and the advancement and good government of those islands.

The appointment of Don Gonzalo Ronquillo [26] by your Highness as governor for life, and the many sentences, decrees, and favors in his behalf, greatly injure the said islands in their advancement; they harass and totally ruin them as we have seen with our own eyes. Such an appointment is contrary to the orders and laws given for the new discoveries; for the Filipinas islands were discovered more than fifty years ago, and were settled at the time of the emperor (may he rest in peace). Since a way of return to Nueba España had not been discovered, the settlers for lack of sustenance abandoned the land, until the viceroy, Don Luis de Belasco, by order of your Highness despatched a fleet to the said islands, and sent Miguel Lopez de Legazpi as governor, who made a settlement and discovered a way of return. He went there at his own expense. All favors granted him in the meantime were so small and inadequate that he was not even allowed to take a repartimiento. The islands have been settled for twenty years, and have enjoyed peace and quiet. [27] The appointment may have been a very lawful one, but it should not be forgotten that it is injurious to the said islands and their advancement. God alone can remedy the abuses perpetrated every day, for, as is well known by your Highness, they are beyond any other remedy--inasmuch as Don Gonzalo has carried out no part of the agreement he made with his Majesty. In regard to this, and the papers and memorials which I have presented, may your very Christian Highness take the measures befitting the service of God, and the advancement and good government of those islands.

_Gabriel de Ribera_

AFFAIRS IN THE PHILIPINAS ISLANDS

_By Fray Domingo de Salazar_

_Memorial regarding occurrences in these Philipinas Islands of the West, also their condition, and matters which require correction; written by Fray Domingo de Salazar, bishop of the said islands, in order that his Majesty and the gentlemen of his royal Council of the Indies may see it._

At first, when the Spaniards came to these islands, there was a great abundance of provisions, such as are produced in the country; namely, rice, beans, fowls, swine, deer, buffaloes, fish, cocoanuts, bananas and some other fruits, wine, and honey. Of these a large quantity could be bought from the natives with very little money. Although among them there was gold, with which they traded and trafficked, yet it was most usual to barter eatables for rice until the Spaniards introduced the use of money, from which no little harm has come to the country. Wine and rice are measured by the ganta, which is equivalent to a quarter of a celemín in our measure.

The prices which articles brought after the Spaniards introduced silver coins--which are, as a rule, tostóns, as the four-real pieces are called--were as follows: [four] [28] hundred gantas of rice [for one tostón]; for another, a hundred of wine; and for another, twelve, fourteen, or sixteen fowls; and other things in proportion. These rates continued until a year and a half or two years ago. Then products began to be scarce in this country, and articles which were formerly cried through the streets have today reached so high prices and such scarcity that there is now no one who can obtain them, even when they go to search for them in the Indian villages. For what is thus found the common prices are forty or fifty gantas of rice, or eight or ten gantas of wine, for one tostón; fowls have advanced to two reals apiece, although the usual price is one real; while a hog costs four or five pesos, or six or eight for one of considerable size. Oil of agenxoli [sesame], cocoanuts, and butter, which formerly could be bought very cheaply, cannot now be obtained--although in this there is variation, as little or much comes to the market.

I have tried to ascertain the reason for so great a change, and for the dearness of food; and after thoroughly informing myself through persons who know, and through what I have seen with my own eyes, I find the following reasons therefor. First: When Don Gonçalo Ronquillo came here as governor of La Pampanga, [29] whence all this country used to be supplied with rice, wine, and fowls, a great number of Indians went to the mines of Ylocos, where they remained during the time when they ought to have sowed their grain. Many of them died there, and those who returned were so fatigued that they needed rest more than work. As a result, in that year followed a very great scarcity of rice, and for lack of it a great number of Indians in the said Pampanga died from hunger. In Luvao alone, the encomienda of Guido de la Vaçares, the dead exceeded a thousand.

Second: in regard to the many occupations in which the Spaniards employ the Indians, such as setting them to row in the galleys and fragatas despatched by the governor and officials on various commissions, which are never lacking. At times they go so far away that they are absent four or six months; and many of those who go die there. Others run away and hide in the mountains, to escape from the toils imposed upon them. Others the Spaniards employ in cutting wood in the forests and conveying it to this city, and other Indians in other labors, so that they do not permit them to rest or to attend to their fields. Consequently, they sow little and reap less, and have no opportunity to attend religious instruction. It sometimes happens that while these miserable creatures are being instructed for baptism the Spaniards force them to go to the tasks that I have mentioned; and when they return they have forgotten what they knew; for this reason there are today many Indians to be baptized. In some cases when I have gone to a village to administer confirmation, I have returned without confirming any one, because the Indians were not in the place, but were occupied in labors ordered by the alcalde-mayor, and I could not collect them together. In proof of this, I send a mandate issued by a deputy of Tondo. (I was present at the time, and all the people were away, occupied in the tasks assigned to them; and the only Indians in the village were those who were being instructed for the reception of baptism.) This ordinance commanded all the Indians of the said village to cut wood, and those who were receiving instruction to quit it.

Third: Before the governor Don Gonçalo Ronquillo came, there were not more than three or four alcaldes-mayor in all these islands; but now there are sixteen and most of them are men who came with him. As they came poor, and as the salaries are small, they have taken away the Indians--as all affirm, and it is common talk--at the time for harvesting rice; and they buy up all other provisions, and many profit by selling them again. In this way everything has become dear, because, as they have forbidden the Indians to trade and traffic, they sell at whatever price they wish. Formerly the Indians brought their produce to the gates, and sold it at very low-prices; for they are satisfied with very little gain, which is not true of the Spaniards. But, not to ascribe all the guilt to men, but to our sins, the cause of this dearness has in part been that these years have not afforded as good weather as others. This is the state in which the country has thus far been up to the present.

_Injuries inflicted upon the Indians_

First: When a long expedition is to be made, the wrongs which they suffer are many. One is to despatch for the Indians who are to row in a galley or fragata a sailor who has neither piety nor Christian feeling. Moreover, it is notorious that, without inquiring whether an Indian is married or single, or whether his wife is sick or his children without clothing, he takes them all away. It has happened that when a husband has led this deputy to his wife, who was great with child, and has asked with tears that he might be left behind as she had no one to care for her, the sailor has beaten her with cudgels in order to make her go, and the poor husband also, despite his resistance. In other cases, their wives are abandoned when dying, the husband being compelled to go away to row. The Indians are put into irons on the galleys, and flogged as if they were galley-slaves or prisoners. Moreover, the pay that is given them is very small; for they give each man only four reals a month--and this is so irregularly paid that most of them never see it. The [officials of the] villages from which they take the rowers divide the pay among themselves, or give it to those whom they impress as oarsmen. This statement is thoroughly authenticated; for when the governor, Don Gonçalo Ronquillo, sent to the mines, in Vitis and Lobao alone they divided three thousand pesos belonging to the Indians themselves; and when he sent to Borney, in Bonbón they divided more than two thousand. They say that in all Pampanga five or six thousand pesos were taken, and similarly in all towns where they get recruits.

Sometimes they do not go at harvest-time to collect the rice which they say belongs to your Majesty, but only when it is very dear; and then they require it to be sold for the price which it was worth when they harvested. Sometimes the Indians buy back for five or six tostons what they sold for one. The past year, when the Indians ate shoots of palms and bananas because they had no rice, and many Indians died from hunger, they made them sell the remaining rice at the price which it was worth at harvest-time. Sometimes the entire quantity of his rice is taken from an Indian, without leaving him a grain to eat. One poor widow, seeing that they were carrying off all her rice without leaving her a grain to eat, took, as best she could, two basketfuls to hide under the altar, and there saved them; but it is certain that if the collector had known it, they would have been taken from that place.

Another injury that they do to this poor people, under pretense of its being for your Majesty, whereby your royal name is detested among them, is as follows. Formerly, when rice was plentiful, four hundred gantas were worth one tostón; your Majesty's officials of La Pampanga furnished me with the price which it was worth. Last year the governor ordered that twelve thousand fanégas of rice be taken from La Pampanga for your Majesty, and that the Indians should give three hundred gantas for one tostón. It was then worth among them about a peso of gold, because it could not be had at any price. Many Indians died of hunger. The three hundred gantas which they took from them for one tostón were worth about six tostóns, and a person who wished to buy it could not find it. This present year, when they have so little grain and the famine is so great in La Pampanga, the Spaniards might have sent to other districts to buy rice, where--although they must go farther--it is more plentiful, and could be taken without injuring the Indians. Yet the Spaniards have chosen not to do this, but rather to order that it be taken from La Pampanga. And while the price among the Indians is fifty gantas for one tostón, they require them to give for your Majesty at the rate of two hundred and fifty gantas. At the season when this was collected, I was visiting La Pampanga, and I saw so much weeping and moaning on the part of the wretched Indians from whom they took the rice, that it moved me to great pity--and all the more since I could see so little means to provide a remedy; for although I wrote about it to the master-of-camp, who was at that time lieutenant-governor, it profited me little.