Chapter XIII: Part 13

As your Majesty will have heard, the Order of St. Augustine has charge of the instruction of the best villages in these islands. Although there are many villages in the island without any convent, where they could spread and exercise their charity by preaching to and teaching the people who have no knowledge of God, without going to any great distance from this city, they thought it best to found a convent in the port of Cavite, two leguas from this city, where there has been a racionero of this church for the last sixteen years, as poor as the others. For that purpose the Augustinians went to the said port one day accompanied by the governor, Don Francisco Tello, who gave it to them as theirs to found a convent without any permission from the ordinary (according to his right) having preceded. He put them in possession of it and they immediately established a chapel, and said mass. When we tried to repair the harm that had been done us by this, the said Don Francisco Tello favored the Augustinians by saying that his permission alone was sufficient for the deed, and that ours was unnecessary. We had the provincial of the said order notified of the acts in order that he might have the church torn down, but he answered us as had the governor, saying that it had been established by the latter’s permission, and no other was necessary. Although the ecclesiastical arm has sufficient authority of itself to tear down that church, in order to avoid a scandal and the wrath of the governor which was terrible, the aid of the royal Audiencia was asked. There in order to justify our cause more thoroughly, the royal patronage, which orders that such foundations be made with the double permissions of the patron and the ordinary, was presented, as was also a clause of a letter of the king our sovereign, your Majesty’s father who is with God, written to Gomez Perez Dasmariñas. In that letter order was given the governor not to allow a church to be established in any other village where there was an establishment without the said two licenses, and it is your royal will that one should not be given without the other. However, as yet no decision has been reached in regard to the matter. This same conduct is true of all the affairs that work in favor of the church in this land, while those things that work against it are rushed through as your Majesty will see. There is a chapel an arquebus-shot from the walls of this city, called Nuestra Señora de Guia, where the natives outside the walls have always been administered. Archbishop Don Fray Ygnacio de Santivañes erected it into a parish church, and placed a cura in charge of it, giving him lately charge of the instruction of the said natives with canonical provision and collation. There was a suit with your royal officials before your royal Audiencia, as to whether he was to be paid a stipend or not. Acts of investigation and review were issued by the Audiencia in which they were ordered to pay the stipend. The said beneficiary having been in quiet and peaceful possession for four years, the said religious of St. Augustine, not satisfied with the past, published a royal decree which had been gained at the petition of Fray Francisco de Ortega of their order in the year ninety-four, by mentioning a doubtful relation which he had made, so that if it seemed best to the governor, he could give them that chapel as a house of retreat. [129] However, it was so unsuitable for that, that they having recognized it, have kept the decree until the present without caring to make use of it. But now piqued by the affair of the house of Cabite, they presented the decree to the said Don Francisco Tello, who, as he was so favorable to them, deemed it advisable to give it to them without notifying us or giving a copy [of the decree] to the cura of the said chapel. He ordered the Augustinians to be put in possession of it, and immediately sent an alcalde-in-ordinary to give it to them, in company with eighteen friars. We heard of it, and it was necessary to defend our house by closing the door and by making protests and petitions to the alcalde. In the meanwhile the said cura presented himself as the interested party to the royal Audiencia and appealed from the governor’s measure. He was ordered to cease and to go to make a relation, by which a great scandal was avoided, which would easily have happened if we had not had patience. The cause is now pending. We humbly petition your Majesty to pity our want of protection, in consideration of the fact that we are subject to innumerable insults and so far from relief, and to have silence imposed on the claim of that chapel, since it has become a parish church and a collated curacy as abovesaid. Will your Majesty also order your governors to keep the royal patronage, and not permit or consent that a church be erected in any other place where there is a religious establishment unless that of the ordinary precede. By so doing troubles will cease and peace and harmony will reign among all. If the contrary be done, many damages will ensue, for license is being so extended that even the Franciscan friars, with all the humility that they profess, also deny the jurisdiction to the ordinary, and have built another church in the village of Dilao, outside the walls of this city, by their own authority and without other license or permission, in order to instruct the Japanese. Although the provisor enacted an act ordering them not to do it, they have also made a suit and have occasioned no less scandal than the other friars. In order that your Majesty may see how unrestrained some of the religious live here, in these ships which arrived here from Nueva España this year, came a visitor for the Order of St. Augustine with authority from their superiors. They have refused to receive him, but have on the contrary treated him so that they obliged him to retire to the convent of St. Francis. He goes through the village with a friar of the latter order at his side. That has caused a great scandal in the community among Spaniards and Indians. It is thought that he will return without making the visit, although there are so many excesses and disorders that demanded that correction be not postponed, that perhaps we can not have it later by human agencies.

It is the custom here to give to all the monasteries both of this city and those outside it wine and flour from your royal treasury in order to celebrate [mass] each year. Since this church is so poor as appears to your Majesty, we petition your Majesty to order that it enjoy this alms and that sufficient be given of these two articles for that purpose, since the conventual masses which are celebrated in it are for your Majesty to whom this church belongs.

We have also advised your Majesty of two innovations in this church which no other church has. The first is a bench for the wives of the auditors to use which fills a great part of the principal chapel. The other is a very long bench with an inscription in large letters for the officials of the Holy Office. Both are very improper for a cathedral and metropolitan church. From the second it has resulted, moreover, that because a canon of this church had the bench removed one day and shoved over to the wall, for just reason, the commissary who is a Dominican friar excommunicated him and had him placed on the lists as excommunicated. Not content with that he gave the tribunal of Mexico what information he wished, from which it has resulted that after the arrival of the ships from Nueva España at these islands this year he arrested the canon, and kept him in prison for seventeen days and fulminated a cause against him which he sent to Mexico. It is not known where he will stop; and the same may be said of an unbridled letter which the inquisitors wrote to this cabildo, of which we complain more at length to your Majesty in your royal Council of the Holy Inquisition. In this letter we petition your Majesty to please correct this matter, and have these two benches removed. There are just causes for it as may be seen in a letter written the past year of six hundred and one.

Above all we petition your Majesty to consider that this church is so poor that we are unable for that reason to send a person to look after its causes as the religious are doing. The latter are sending persons suitable for the matters that concern them, and so that they may not leave anything undone. We humbly petition your Majesty for correction in this and in all things. We petition our Lord God to communicate to your Majesty grace and ability to serve Him and aid you to govern the kingdoms rightly in which He has placed your Majesty. May He preserve you for us many long and happy years as He is able, and as we have need. Manila, July 3, 1602. Your Majesty’s chaplains and vassals.

Don Juan de Bivero, dean of Manila.
Archdeacon Arellano
Sancto de Castro, precentor of Manila.
Juan de la Za, canon.
Diego de Leon, canon.
Licentiate Gabriel Sanz
Juan Galindo de Mesa
Ramirez de Cartajena, canon.
Pablo Ruiz de Talavera
Blas Vela Melquior
Crisanto de Tapiayo

LETTER FROM BERNARDINO MALDONADONADO [130] TO FELIPE III

Sire:

I have attended carefully to my obligations as your Majesty’s servant and to my duties as castellan of the chief fort and redoubt of this city of Manila every year, and have reported to your Majesty the advisable reform for its fortification and security. For in that consists the defense of this kingdom and that from which danger is most imminent, on account of its site which is on the point and at the junction of the river and sea. At that place anchor the ships that come to this city from the surrounding kingdoms of the Chinese, Japanese, Borneans, Siamese, and other nations. Although those people come under pretense of trading, they are suspicious and treacherous peoples, over whom we must keep a close and never-ceasing watch as is advisable. In order that we might maintain that watch here in this redoubt, I begged and petitioned Don Francisco Tello, the former governor, once and many times, to station the necessary presidio and garrison of soldiers here, for it had no guard, at the time when I was given charge of it, but only an outpost of three soldiers was set at night, and they stood watch in their quarters, although we were stationed so far distant from the city and had in our keeping the arms, artillery, ammunition, and powder which your Majesty has in this kingdom for its defense. Accordingly, I petitioned that greater care and vigilance be exercised than formerly, because of the great fear generally held of the enemies by whom we are so closely surrounded and who are inside the bar [of the river] by night and by day. I insisted that there should be a garrison of infantry sufficient for its ordinary defense, and intimated to the governor for this purpose the orders and instructions given him by your Majesty for his policy and to Gomez Perez Dasmariñas his predecessor, in which it was urgently ordered him. In accordance with that, the governor appointed some soldiers under command of an alférez and sergeant, as your Majesty will have seen by the testimonies which I have sent to the royal Council. Will your Majesty have them examined, since it is very important to your royal service and to the welfare and security of this kingdom that there should be no neglect in this redoubt and that it be placed in no danger as formerly; as has been experienced by the good which resulted in having it garrisoned with soldiers, by what happened in the former year of one thousand six hundred and three, when the Sangleys who were living here in this city rose in insurrection. Had it not been for the care that I exercised, the Sangleys would have entered the redoubt if it had been found with the neglect of former years.

A castellan’s lieutenant was also appointed. In order that he might get his pay it was necessary to bring a suit in the royal Audiencia because of the opposition of your Majesty’s fiscal. It was ordered that his pay be given him, although it was very short by three hundred pesos, because the governor had so provided in accordance with the instructions of your Majesty. In those instructions it is ordered that the alférez do not receive his pay until your Majesty so order and command, as it is a new office; although your Majesty has ordered and commanded that all that which is advisable be put into execution. It is a necessary office, and appeared to be so to the governor and captain-general when he made the appointment. Will your Majesty enact what is most in accordance with your will in all things.

There are not more than fifty soldiers in this redoubt, and they are the offscouring of the companies of this camp. Some of them have been exiled from Nueba España for crime and are mestizos from that country. They are a vile lot of men, although they ought to be the most honorable and trustworthy men of these islands. Both in the above regard and in the number of men necessary for a redoubt so large and which occupies so great an extent of space with its three bastions, we need two hundred soldiers for its ordinary defense. The governor intends to station a hundred soldiers [here] according to the answer he made me when I petitioned him for men. This number is to be understood together with those that I have at present. It is a very small number of soldiers for a place that has the enemy so near and close to the wall of this redoubt, and on the other side of the river.

It is also necessary that the artillerymen assigned to this redoubt live and reside inside the redoubt, and that they be in sufficient number and paid with the soldiers of the redoubt. They ought not to be taken to other places, so that it happens that there are no artillerymen for the manipulation of the artillery, as happened during the insurrection of the Chinese. At that time there were no more than three, and it might have given rise to the greatest injury. Fifteen or twenty artillerymen are needed, for each gun needs one man for any occasion that may arise. Those assigned should not be taken to other places for that would be the same as not having them. They must be instructed in the art [of handling artillery] and if not the castellan should be able to dismiss them and engage others who may be sufficient, since it is important for him and his reputation to have competent artillerymen and not those assigned by the royal official. Those soldiers are generally the latters’ pages and those of their wives; and the latter have influence to get such places. In regard to what concerns the soldiers, I had an order from Governor Don Francisco Tello to dismiss those who were not competent and to get others who were. Governor Don Pedro de Acuña does not want that to be done, and accordingly the redoubt has the men above mentioned.

I have already advised your Majesty that Don Francisco Tello took some of the artillery and the best of it for the expedition against the Dutch pirate. [131] It was lost and went to the bottom in the encounter with him and not more than twenty pieces or so, counting big and little, were left, not more than ten of which are serviceable. Governor Don Pedro de Acuña wishes now to take the best of those for the expedition to Maluco. I would not be complying with my obligation or covenant or my management if I did not oppose the taking of them, and, in regard to the matter, take the precautions necessary for the discharge of my conscience and for possible events, if the pieces were taken. I know well that I shall be treated as on other like occasions and shall be told in regard to it words that one could not believe would be addressed to a man in the most private walks of life, much more in a person who holds such offices and has such privileges [as I]. For it is not right that this redoubt and city be left without artillery, and more, that the most experienced and important men be taken away for the said expedition as are those who are being persuaded to take part in it.

[A short account of the three Chinese mandarins that came from China in 1603 and the Chinese insurrection of that year follows. For an account of this insurrection, see VOL. XII, pp. 83–97, 103–111, 136, 138, 139, 142–168; and VOL. XIV, pp. 119–139. Maldonado speaking of his own part in the insurrection says:]

Having considered how restless the Chinese were, and because of the war which was expected, I prepared provisions and other necessary things in anticipation of whatever might happen, at the expense of my private possessions so that this redoubt, the soldiers in its garrison, and whatever other reënforcement entered might have food with which to maintain and support ourselves. In order that we might not suffer any lack in the future, and inasmuch as I did not know how long that insurrection would last, I petitioned the governor to have this redoubt provided with some food. The governor referred me to the royal official judges saying that they would give them to me. They replied to my petition that they had none and that there were no supplies in the royal magazines which they could give me. The governor sent to ask me for those which I had, and I gave them to the sergeant, Alonso de Bargas, who has charge of the supplies and royal magazines. By that aid were the soldiers acting as a guard for the walls succored. Not only did I aid them with food on the said occasion but also with a sum of money as appears by the attestations and testimonies which your Majesty can have examined if it be your pleasure. By them will be seen how this affair stood, and the precautions which this city took in case that we had had a war as was expected. The governor will have written your Majesty in addition of the great fear in which we are constantly of the Japanese who were living in this city, and who generally live here.

Immediately the following year, a number of Chinese merchantmen came upon their ordinary trading, without knowing what had happened until they reached this bay. They exhibited great sorrow at the death of sons, brothers, and relatives, and the loss of the property which they had left here. The governor ordered them to be accommodated in this city in the houses of the inhabitants, for their alcaicería had been burned. Many persons were very angry when they saw so many Sangleys in the city and houses of the inhabitants. There were more than four thousand of them, while the inhabitants were so few that the number who could bear arms did not reach seven hundred. Had it happened by accident that any negro or Indian had set fire to any house (as has often happened) in order to pillage, the greatest kind of evil would have resulted. For no citizen would have dared to leave his wife and children in order to rejoin his company or the guardhouse and arsenal to which he belonged, without first having secured his house by killing the Chinese. They on their part being in so great number, and being so fearful and apprehensive of us, and thinking that we wished to kill them, could not have done otherwise than to cause a great insurrection, and endangered the majority of the Spaniards; by which everything would be lost together with the trade. Consequently, our men would never be assured.

The same thing has been done this year, although the number of Chinese was less than one thousand; for the rest were lodged in the Parián, which is being rebuilt.

I have also thought best to advise your Majesty of the many companies that have been enrolled and enlisted for the last two years from the natives of this country. They are put under regular captains and have an alférez and other officials and carry company banners like a regiment. They are in addition to the Spanish infantry which your Majesty has here in your royal service, in which we ought alone to trust. The latter have two masters-of-camp and sargentos-mayor to whom so great obedience is rendered that it is a cause for wonder. This is an occasion that demands that the faithful servants of your Majesty, and especially those of us who have such obligations as I, ought to report to you the manifest danger to this kingdom because of this. Those companies have the best arms, muskets, and arquebuses of this camp and in great quantity. A very considerable quantity of arms are sent from Japon, especially catans (a weapon resembling a broad cutlass), and a great number of iron pikeheads. Those weapons are used in those companies, for the Spaniards do not use the catan; and the native soldiers should be prohibited from carrying them. They go about with swords and gilded daggers at the belt and wear military badges. They pay one hundred pesos for a musket and do not refuse to buy them because of the price, for such is their happiness and pleasure in this and in being soldiers. Although this enrollment has been made because of the expedition to Maluco, it must prove of greater injury than gain. We lose great reputation if we give them to understand that we need them for any occasion of war rather than for only rowers and servants. It is, after God, the reputation of the Spanish nation in these districts that has sustained and is sustaining us here. Those people are now very skilful and are reared among us, especially those of Pampanga and the vicinity of this city. They are a people of great boldness only needing a leader whom they would recognize, and they are so many in number that it is a matter that must be feared considerably, and one of which your Majesty orders us to be fearful and watchful.

The soldiers of the garrison of this redoubt are ill paid their wages. On that account they suffer many and extreme necessities. Since they make no outside expeditions as do the soldiers of this camp, and since they generally live here and have no other resource than their pay, will your Majesty please have them paid according to the usual custom before the soldiers of the camp, so that this redoubt may not be deprived of its preëminence. For all the infantry and the galleys are paid and the soldiers here are left without any pay and they are injured thereby. Inasmuch as they entered suit in the royal Audiencia in regard to the fact that the royal official judges did not pay them from their situado, it resulted therefrom that the said royal officials were arrested because they did not pay them as appears by the records that I am sending to your Majesty. If I had not aided them from my own property, they would not have been paid at all. No honorable soldier, on this account, cares to enter upon service in this redoubt; and since the governor has to station here a hundred soldiers whom according to his declaration he is about to station here, for its ordinary defense, it will be advisable that they be soldiers of greater satisfaction. For if they are the class of people whom I have mentioned to your Majesty, we shall be more fearful of them than of those outside. Will your Majesty please order the pay of six reals which these soldiers receive increased somewhat, because this country is very dear in the matter of food; and I am enduring great anxiety and expense because of the great need that the soldiers are suffering, as do the other officials who are serving here, and endeavoring to have this redoubt an honored and good post, and your Majesty better served.

This city needs arms badly, especially arquebuses and muskets in case of any emergency. Will your Majesty please send one thousand muskets here for this purpose so that we may have them at hand and that they may not be taken out to any other place.

Now for twenty years I have served your Majesty in these islands in the posts of infantry captain and castellan of this city, during which time I was continually occupied in war matters; especially coming as master-of-camp and commander of three companies which I raised for the reënforcement of these islands for which purpose I went to Nueba España by order of Governor Gomez Perez. No pay or aid was given me because I offered to do it at my own cost, as appears from the paper and offer that I made although the others who come here with like duties receive a pay of three thousand pesos. The treasury saved six thousand pesos by that. I did that in order to accumulate services so that your Majesty might reward me more highly.

The command of this redoubt was given me in accordance with one of your Majesty’s decrees in the former year of ninety-five. I have had many expenses and costs in it as your Majesty will see by the testimonies and documents that I am sending. Will your Majesty please send me if my services deserve it, the title and confirmation [of this post], since that is fitting and I have it by decree, so that I may better serve your Majesty both in what pertains to this redoubt and in the cabildo of this city, where the castellan has a vote. Will you please order the privileges that are kept for those who serve your Majesty in similar posts kept for me, and grant me six halberdiers for my personal bodyguard from the number of soldiers assigned, without increasing their pay; and who when occasion offers shall serve as do the others, and whom it will be necessary that I have.

Also in accordance with my expenses and costs, which will appear there, will your Majesty please increase my salary and assign me another sum equal to the amount received by the master-of-camp. For this is a post of equal caliber and one of closer residence and greater expense. If there is no possibility for this will your Majesty please have the encomienda which was granted me by your Majesty’s decree (which amounts to an income of seven hundred pesos) increased for me, and give it precedence over all those who have been here less time than I, since I merit as much as he who merits the most in offices and services.

In the allotment of the cargo of the ships made to the citizens of this city, I petition your Majesty to have me granted some leeway when I pay the royal duties, for I am usually injured in this particular by the occasions that arise; and that I may have recourse to the royal Audiencia whenever I receive injury. May our Lord preserve the royal Catholic person of your Majesty with the increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories as is necessary to Christianity. Manila, June 24, 1604.

Don Bernardino Maldonado

[Endorsed: “Letter from Don Bernardino Maldonado, castellan of the redoubt of Manila, giving an account of the condition of that fortress. Manila June 21, 1605.”]

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

The documents of the present volume come from various places as follows:

1. Primo viaggio intorno al mondo, by Antonio Pigafetta.—See Bibliographical Data, in VOL. XXXIII.

2. Description of the Philippines by Chao Ju-kua.—This is retranslated into English from the Spanish translation by F. Blumentritt of the fortieth chapter of Chao Ju-kua’s Chu-fan-chih, which was translated from the Chinese by F. Hirth. Our translation is made from the version published by Clemente J. Zulueta, in Periódico Hebdomario Escolar (a students’ paper of Manila), for November 9, 1901, as the English version was not available.

The following documents are from the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla:

3. Letter from Lavezaris.—Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes vistos en el consejo; años de 1565 á 1594; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 34.

4. Letter from Mirandaola.—The same as No. 3.

5. Letter from Lavezaris.—The same as No. 3.

6. Letter from royal officials—Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de los oficiales reales de Filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1564 á 1622; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 29.

7. Letter from Rada.—Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de religiosos y misioneros en Filipinas vistos en el consejo; años de 1569 á 1616; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 37.

8. Royal communications to and regarding Legazpi.—Audiencia de Filipinas; registros de oficio y partes; reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades y particulares del distrito de la Audiencia; años 1568 á 1605; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 11.

9. Letter from Herrera.—Simancas—eclesiastico; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticas vistos en el consejo; años 1570 á 1608; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 42.

10. Letter from Ortega.—Simancas—Filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las Yslas Filipinas; años 1566 á 1586; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 2, doc. 24.

11. Augustinian memoranda.—The same as No. 9.

12. Letter from Rada.—The same as No. 9.

13. Letter from royal officials.—The same as No. 6.

14. Letter from Loarca.—The same as No. 3.

15. Salazar’s council regarding slaves.—The same as No. 9.

16. Erection of Manila cathedral.—Simancas—secular; cartas y expedientes del arzobispo de Manila vistos en el consejo; años de 1579 á 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32.

17. Letter from Sedeño.—The same as No. 9.

18. Letter from Salazar.—The same as No. 16.

19. Letter from Roman.—The same as No. 6.

20. Letter from G. P. Dasmariñas.—Simancas—secular; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha Audiencia vistos en el consejo; años 1583 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18.

21. Decree regarding hospitals.—The same as No. 8.

22. Letter from ecclesiastical cabildo.—Simancas—eclesiastico; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del cabildo eclesiastico de Filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1586 á 1670; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 35.

23. Letter from Maldonado.—Simancas—secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha Audiencia vistos en el consejo; años de 1600 á 1612; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 19.

The following are from the Archives of the Vatican, Rome:

24. Letter from Pablo de Jesus.—Principi 32; p. 174.

25. Augustinian affairs.—Arm. v, cap. 7, no. 7.

The following is from Pastells’s edition of Colin’s Labor evangélica, i, pp. 157, 158, note:

26. Encomiendas assigned by Legazpi.

The following is obtained from an unsigned and undated printed pamphlet in the British Museum:

27. Relation of the Philipinas Islands.

NOTES

[1] There is no direct reference as to the time in which Chao Ju-kua lived, but his name is mentioned in the Imperial Catalogue, whence it appears that he was probably descended from some member of the imperial family of the Sung dynasty, whose real name was Chao; and that he was born after the beginning of the second half of the twelfth century. He was inspector of the salt gabel in the province of Fo-kien, and his title was probably Shih-po, which means “Superintendent of Sea Trade.” As this post existed in Fo-kien only during the years 1277–1287, it is probable that those dates fix the period of Chao Ju-kua. His work is called the Chu-fan-chih, and the greater part of his notes are copies from older records. His position, however, gave him opportunity to gather information personally from the traders who anchored at his port. At that time more foreign traders frequented Chinese ports than either before or after, and it would be comparatively easy to gather information. The Chu-fan-chih contains more geographical information than do the court records. See F. Hirth’s China and the Roman Orient (Leipsic and Munich; and Shanghai and Hong-kong, 1885), pp. 21–25.

[2] “Ma-yi,” the ancient name for Luzón, is derived from “Bahi” or “Bahy,” former names of the lake of Bay. In other Chinese dialects, the name is given as “Ma-yit,” “Ba-hi,” or “Ba-yit.” As the chief Tagálogs of Bulakan at the time of the conquest bore the title of “Gat-maytan,” I infer that the name “Ma-yi” might very reasonably be derived from the ancient name of Bulakan, for that province was always the richest district of Luzón. The whole of the Philippine archipelago was called “Ma-yi” by the Chinese author. Dr. Hirth says also that the Chinese character “Ma-hi,” may also be read. “Mo-yat,” “Ba-ek,” “Ma-i,” “Ma-yek,” etc.—B.

[3] Ancient Chinese name for the island of Borneo.—B.

[4] Probably the river is the Pasig, and the settlement, Manila.—B.

[5] Sarong is the Malay word for skirt.—B.

[6] This confirms the statement that the Philippine Islands were once under the influence of Buddhism, from India.—B.

It is far more likely that such images were traded by the Chinese to the superstitious people, and that Buddhism never had any foothold and was never introduced in the Philippines; notwithstanding P. L. Stangl’s belief that Buddhism was introduced into the Philippines from Java.

[7] The Chinese call all foreigners savages except the Japanese, Koreans, and people of Anam.—B.

[8] San-hsii signifies the “Three Islands” and is attributed to the Visayan Islands. Pai-pu-yen is perhaps the Babuyanes. Pu-li-lu may be Mindanao; Li-yin-tung, Lingayen; Lin-hsin sounds like Lin-hsing (called Lin-sung by Stangl), a Chinese name corresponding to their name for modern Luzón. However, Lin-hsin appears to be the Chinese name for Calilaya (modern Tayabas). Li-han is the primitive Chinese name for the present Malolos, whose princes bore the title of “Gat-Salihan” or “Gat-Salian.”—B.

[9] Stangl believes that the yellow wax is an aromatic resin resembling wax, and somewhat like but not exactly the same as white pitch, and today sold in Mindanao under the name of yellow wax.

[10] i.e., Tortoise-shell.—B.

[11] Yu-ta seems to be the abacá.—B. Stangl prints “yii-ta.”

[12] Coins of Siam and Java? For it appears that such coins circulated in the country.—B.

Stangl reads the second half of this note “But how did it come to pass current in the country?” It is probable that the commercial gold was in the form of gold dust or ornaments of gold. If there were any Javanese or Siamese gold coins in the country (and it is highly improbable), they must have been taken there by the Chinese, who were keen traders who early penetrated to all parts of the eastern archipelagoes.

[13] Stangl inserts here “iron fixtures” [enseres de hierro].

[14] The following paragraph begins chapter xli in Stangl.

[15] Ka-may-en is Mait or the modern Mindoro; and Pa-lao-yu, Paragua. “Pa-chi-neng” may also be read “Pa-kat-lung” and “Ba-ki-lung.” It seems to be the term for the true Visayans, while under the name San-hsii are understood the Visayans proper, together with the islands of Mindoro and Palawan.—B.

[16] I believe that the word “tribe” means here village or settlement; for I think that the author meant to say that the villages usually had one thousand families.—B.

[17] This phrase needs explanation. The Indians were accustomed to stain the teeth black, a custom quite general among many Malay nations. The Negritos, on the contrary, did not stain them.—B

In Chao Ju-kua’s description, Stangl translates “round eyes of a shining appearance,” instead of “round yellow eyes.”

[18] These “Hay-tan” are the Aetas, Itas, or Negritos of modern authors. The antiquity of this ethnographical name surprises us. The description of the Negritos seems to have been written yesterday. The Chinese author, in speaking of the nests of the Negritos, seems to have confused them with the houses that are built today in the forking of the branches of trees by some heathen tribes of Mindanao.—B.

Mr. James A. LeRoy, in a letter dated March 14, 1905, says that it is at least doubtful that the Negritos were ever tree-dwellers in the true sense of the word, i.e., building solid, defensible structures like those of the typical tree-dwellers. The Negritos do indeed spend a portion of their time in the treetops and often hunt their game in that way. It is probable that the tree-dwellers of the Philippines are Malays, although some of them may have a strain of Negrito blood.

[19] This refers to the Indians and not the Negritos.—B.

[20] Of the mouth of the rivers?—B.

[21] By cotton, the author evidently means cotton textiles.—B.

This is not necessarily so. Stangl remarks that the author’s meaning must be the tree cotton, which is called kapok, basing his assertion upon the word that is used, presumably in the Chinese. The cotton plant is called kapas in Java. Apropos of tree cotton, Census of the Philippines, iv, p. 120, says: “A species of tree cotton (Ceiba pentandra) is found growing in a wild state in many of the islands; the cotton is useless for spinning purposes, the staple being very short, but it is used for making cushions and other articles.”

[22] Foreign cloth: sinamay [a light fabric made from abacá] and other textiles of the country?—B.

[23] Camotes?—B.

[24] The author accentuates the fact that the Visayan villages had no common jurisdiction. This appears to imply that several villages in Luzón were under the jurisdiction of one king or prince.—B. This does not necessarily follow.

[25] The island of Mindanao was also more populous during the period of the Spanish conquest than now. The islands of Sarangani which have now 1,500 Bilanes and 100 Moros, were very thickly populated by the latter in 1548, and they had a large fort on a hill there.—B.

But see VOL. IX, p. 290, where it appears that the early reports of the population of Mindanao were greatly overstated.

[26] According to the letters from the Jesuit fathers of Filipinas, there are yet similar coasts near Zamboanga, and such as are described by the Chinese author.—B.

[27] This reminds us of the dangerous and arduous navigation about the eastern and southern coasts of Mindanao, especially near Cape San Agustin.—B.

[28] The disastrous expedition to Florida was undertaken in pursuance of a royal order to Velasco, although the latter was unwilling to undertake it. The Spaniards imagining Florida to be overflowing with riches, eagerly offered themselves for the expedition. The Spanish force sent comprised six squadrons of cavalry and six companies of infantry, and was accompanied by one thousand Indian archers. Under the command of Tristan de Luna y Arellano (also called Acuña), this force left Vera Cruz in thirteen vessels in June, 1559. On reaching Florida, they were so harassed by the Indians that they were compelled to send for aid, which was sent under Angel Villafañe, who was appointed Luna’s successor. In a short time, however, the attempt was abandoned, the few survivors reaching Mexico via Havana. See Bancroft’s Mexico, ii, pp. 593–595.

[29] See VOL. II, p. 208.

[30] See VOL. II, pp. 209–210.

[31] See VOL. II, pp. 210–216.

[32] Andres de Mirandaola was treacherously killed by a private soldier while attending to his duties regarding the collection of the tribute, as appears from a letter to Felipe II from the royal officials, June 18, 1583, the original of which is conserved in Sevilla, with pressmark “est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 29.” The document states further that the soldier was not punished but was serving as alcalde-in-ordinary at Oton, although his case was pending in the royal Audiencia.

[33] See VOL. II, pp. 149, 150; and the following letter.

[34] See VOL. II, for the negotiations between Pereira and Legazpi.

[35] The map does not accompany this letter.

[36] See VOL. II, pp. 143, 144, 148.

[37] See VOL. III, p. 44, note 7.

[38] The Census of the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905) gives (i, p. 57) the area of Luzón as 40,969 square miles, and that of Mindanao, as 36,292 square miles. These figures being later than those of VOL. XXIII, p. 165, note 29, have probably a better scientific basis, and are hence more nearly correct.

[39] See Wallace’s Malay Archipelago (pp. 318, 319) for a modern corroboration of this statement, with regard to the slaves of Ternate.

[40] See VOL. III, p. 52, and VOL. XXIII, pp. 189, 190.

[41] The number of islands and islets in the Philippine Archipelago is, according to G. R. Putnam, in charge of the U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey in the Philippine Islands, 3,141. This number comprises everything, however small, which at high tide appears as a separate island. Of them, 1,668 are listed by name, while 1,473 are, so far as known, without names. More accurate information will doubtless further increase this number, which, as well as the following, cannot be regarded as yet as entirely definitive. The total area of the islands, so far as known, is 115,026 square miles. Two islands have areas exceeding 10,000 square miles each; nine of more than 1,000 but less than 10,000 square miles; 20, between 100 and 1,000 square miles; 73, between 10 and 100 square miles; 262, between one and ten square miles; and 2,775, less than one square mile each. See Census of Philippine Islands, i, pp. 56, 57.

[42] Herrera probably confuses the word “kasis” (see VOL. XVI, p. 134, note 161—here also used wrongly) with the American word “cacique” or “chief”.

[43] See Pigafetta’s statements, VOL. XXXIII, pp. 223–225, 227–231; see also his statement about the introduction of Mahometanism into the Moluccas, ante, p. 73.

[44] These must be the letters dated July 15 and 23, q.v. VOL. II, PP. 233–239. The error in the month in the present document could easily arise through carelessness of the royal secretary or clerk.

[45] See VOL. II, pp. 157–160.

[46] By a decree dated at Burgos, February 22, 1512, Fernando orders that no encomendero may have more than three hundred Indians; for if they have more than that number, “they cannot be well treated, aided, maintained, or instructed in the matters of our holy Catholic faith, as would be proper.” In the Philippines, encomenderos had sometimes as many as one thousand two hundred natives. See Doc. Ined. Amer. y Oceania, i, pp. 237–241, and Census of Philippine Islands, i, p. 423.

[47] See Lavezaris’s report on slavery in the Philippines, VOL. III, pp. 286–288; also the memoranda of Augustinians, post, pp. 273–285; and Rada’s letter, post, pp. 286–294, where the king’s order is mentioned.

[48] On the question of the tribute, see VOL. VII, pp. 267–318, and VOL. VIII, pp. 25–69.

[49] See post, the memoranda of the Augustinians, regarding the various questions to be discussed in Spain by Diego de Herrera.

[50] See the viceroy’s report to Felipe II, regarding the arrest of Mirandaola and Moron, VOL. III, p. 210. The viceroy appears to have formed his judgment regarding the matter from the present letter.

[51] Evidently a reference to Cochinchina, and hence not an island, but part of the mainland. See VOL. IV, p. 131, note 14.

[52] For sketch of this religious see VOL. IX, p. 95, note 18. See also his reports on the Philippines in the same volume, pp. 95–119.

[53] The natives of these two rivers were assigned as encomiendas by Guido de Lavezaris to himself, but he was deprived of them by Dr. Francisco de Sande, although they were later restored to him. See VOL. IV, pp. 74, 80, 81; and VOL. VIII, p. 101, where the natives of these rivers have again reverted to the king.

[54] No such island appears in the list given in Census of Philippine Islands (i, pp. 263–308). It may possibly be the island of Simara, south of Bantón or Guimaras, south of Panay. There is a point called Guimbal on the south coast of Panay.

[55] See ante, p. 271, note 24.

[56] See VOL. IV, pp. 176, 236, 237.

[57] See this “Opinion” in VOL. III, pp. 253–259; and Lavezaris’s reply thereto, pp. 260–271.

[58] The original at this point is somewhat blind. The last two sentences read there: Ay ya muchos xptianos aqui en manila y en tondo y en lubao y en mindoro y en Octon y en çubu en vahi y en bonbon aunque tan bien ay Religioso aun no an començado a convertirse.

[59] See this order in the letter written to Legazpi by Felipe II, on November 16, 1568, ante, p. 237; and the report given by Guido de Lavezaris, VOL. III, pp. 286–288.

[60] Of the four sons of Felipe II and Anna of Austria, only the third, Felipe III, lived beyond childhood.

[61] This was the battle of Lepanto, which was fought October 7, 1571. Cervantes, the author of Don Quixote, took part in this battle, in which he was wounded.

[62] See ante, p. 236, note 19.

[63] Loarca mentions this village. See VOL. V, p. 85.

[64] See VOL. VI, p. 116, note 28; also Loarca’s Relation, VOL. V, pp. 34–187.

[65] See VOL. VI, p. 88, note 22.

[66] The preceding document says that Legazpi assigned the villages of Oton (where the shipyard was established) to Miguel de Loarca, June 1, 1572.

[67] This should be March 15, 1577, for the first Franciscan mission arrived at Manila June 24, 1577. The date 1578 is also given by Gonzalez de Mendoza (see VOL. VI, p. 125).

[68] Priapus, the son of Dionysus and Aphrodite, was the god of fruitfulness of the field and of the herd. Horticulture, vine-growing, goat and sheep-herding, bee-keeping, and even fishing were under his protection. His statues (generally cut out of wood, stained with vermilion) with a club and sickle and a phallic symbol of the creative and fructifying power of nature were usually placed in gardens.—See Seyffert’s Dictionary of Classical Antiquities, p. 515.

[69] See account of the Franciscan expedition to China by Gonzalez de Mendoza in VOL. VI, pp. 125–134.

[70] Pablo de Jesus was born of a noble family in Catalonia in 1533. He studied at Alcalá de Henares, and at the age of nineteen took the Dominican habit in Madrid. In 1576 he was enrolled in the first Dominican mission for the Philippines, where he arrived June 24, 1577. He labored in the provinces of Camarines, Bataan and Zambales, until July 1, 1580, when he became custodian. In 1583 he despatched the first missionaries to Cochinchina. After the completion of his office he was assigned to the villages of Santa Ana de Sapa and Taytay, and in 1591 was again elected to the head of his province. He sent the first Franciscans to Japan. In 1600 he was appointed visitor, and on his return to Manila retired to the convent of Manila. In 1602 he was elected definitor. He died at the Manila convent in 1610. See Huerta’s Estado, pp. 442, 443.

[71] See VOL. VI, p. 46, note 2.

[72] See VOL. IX, p. 311, note 46. He was born of a noble family in San Clemente of the bishopric of Cuenca in 1532 or 1533. As a youth, he went to England in the service of the duke of Feria. He entered the Society of Jesus in 1558 or 1559, and studied at Padua, while at Rome he had charge of the German college. There he was assigned to the Japanese missions. He was sent to Nueva España in 1572, after his campaign in Florida in 1568. After going to the Philippines, it is said that he planned the first real fortifications of Manila. He endeavored to introduce silk raising into the islands, and planted many mulberry trees for that purpose; although his efforts failed. He also introduced many plants into the islands. His death occurred, according to Sommervogel, September 2, 1595, after having served his order as rector of Manila and vice-provincial. Colin (p. 197) gives his official permission for Sanchez’s journey to Spain in 1586. See Colin’s Labor evangélica, pp. 335–342, and Sommervogel’s Bibliothèque.

[73] See VOL. XXIII, p. 226, note 79.

[74] See VOL. XXIII, p. 224, note 76.

[75] See VOL. VII, p. 137, note 9. He was born at Mondejar in 1547, and entered the Jesuit novitiate at Alcalá, June 18, 1565. He went to Mexico in 1579, going thence immediately to the Philippines. He was twice in China. On his memorable journey to Spain in 1586, he also went to Rome. He died at Alcalá, May 27 1593. See Colin’s Labor evangélica, pp. 167–317 (a portion of which consists of documents by Sanchez), and Sommervogel’s Bibliothèque.

[76] Cristóbal de Salvatierra was a native of Salvatierra in Extremadura, and professed in the Dominican convent at Salamanca, August 27, 1571. He accompanied Bishop Salazar to the Philippines. He became provisor, and was inexorable in his denunciations of all immorality; but notwithstanding his duties in that office had time to minister to the natives. He died early in 1595, deeply regretted. See Reseña biog., i, pp. 50–52.

[77] See VOL. VII, p. 185, note 21.

[78] Alonso de Castro was born in Mejialburgis, and took the Augustinian habit at Salamanca in 1559. He went to the Philippines in 1577, where he became proficient in the Tagálog and Visayan languages. In 1578 he labored in Calumpit; in 1581 in Tigbauan; in Tondo in 1583, and in Otón in 1587. He was elected prior of Manila in 1589, and presided at the provincial chapter of 1593 as senior definitor. Felipe II proposed him as bishop of Nueva Cáceres but he died (1597) before he could assume the office. He wrote three volumes of certain “moral happenings” that occurred during his stay in the Visayas. See Pérez’s Catálogo, p. 18.

[79] Juan Pimentel was born at Alba de Tormes, and professed at the Valiadolid convent. He reached the Philippines, by way of Mexico, with a mission of twenty religious in 1581. Having accompanied Father Andrés Aguirre to Spain on an important mission in 1582, he died at the Burgos convent in 1586. See Pérez’s Catálogo, p. 22.

[80] See the bull for the erection of the Manila cathedral in VOL. IV, pp. 119–124.

[81] The citations from Isaias represent passages from three distinct places, viz.: xli, 5; lx, 4–5; and liv, 2.—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

[82] The terms “portiones” and “dimidiæ portiones” (farther on) correspond to the “raciones” and “medios raciones” of Spanish church language.—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

[83] Feasts in the Catholic Church are divided according to their rank into doubles, semi-doubles, simples, etc. It was the custom till late in the middle ages to recite the office of the feria in spite of any feast which might occur on it. Hence on greater solemnities, clerics were obliged to recite a double office—one of the feria, another of the feast. These double offices were few in number; even the office for the feast of the Apostles was not double. On lesser feasts the office was simple—i.e., the feast was merely commemorated—and in a third class of feasts the office of the feria and feast were welded into one. These last offices were called semi-doubles. Later on the ferial gave way more and more to the festal offices, and before the end of the thirteenth century the classification is used in a new sense. The word “double” is applied, not to the two offices recited in one day, but to the single office of a feast on which the antiphons were doubled—i.e., repeated fully at the beginning and end of a psalm. On semi-doubles, half of the antiphon was repeated before, the whole after the psalm: in other words it was half doubled. The office for simple feasts differed little from that of the feria. In modern office-books the doubles are further subdivided into doubles of the first class, of the second class, and greater and ordinary. The object of this division is to determine which of the two feasts must give way to the other, should both fall on the same day. See Addis and Arnold’s Catholic Dictionary, p. 344.

[84] A reference to the history of the passion of Jesus Christ as read in the four gospels.—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

[85] A reference to I Corinthians, ix, 13.—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

[86] i.e., “The see being vacant.”

[87] In the transcript the phrase is ista tua, perhaps an error for ista dua.—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.