Chapter V: Part 5

[582] MS. 5,650 reads: “St. Job,” and “for franchi.” Eden (p. 260) says of this disease: “In al the Ilandes of this Archipelagus, rayneth the diſeaſe of ſaynt Iob (whiche wee caule the frenche poxe) more then in any other place in the worlde.” Evidently this passage of Pigafetta is a reference to the disease of syphilis. This disease was not first introduced in the Orient by the Portuguese as Crawfurd claims, nor first discovered in America, for Varthema found it in Calicut in 1505, and it was observed in China long before it was noticed in Europe. Littré discovered a mention of it in a work of the thirteenth century, and it is mentioned in Sanskrit medical books prior to 1500 under the name of upadamça. It is doubtless an old disease. Stanley (p. 153) following Amoretti, wrongly believes the leprosy to be meant by this passage. From the fact that the Filipinos had a name for the disease (see vol. i, p. 189), it is conjectured that its existence was well known. See Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), i, p. 239.

The following information is received from Walter G. Stern, M. D., of Cleveland, Ohio, regarding this disease: “The maladie de Job is considered by many authors to be syphilis (lues venerea). At least all of the symptoms complained of by Job can be readily explained upon the theory that Job was afflicted with this disease. That syphilis is as old as mankind, there can be no doubt, although for centuries popular belief and tradition claimed that it was introduced by Columbus who brought it from the West Indies. The coincidence of the terrible epidemic of malignant syphilis with the discovery of the New World, the ignorance of the medical profession of those times, and the silence of the popular medical writers of former ages as to the previous existence of such a complex contagion as syphilis strengthened this belief into an axiom. The finding of undoubted syphilitic bone lesions in skeletons of the most remote historic periods is undisputed evidence of the antiquity of syphilis. The sexual excesses of the ancients, the Baal and Astarte worship of the Assyrians, the Venus, Bacchus, and Priapus cult of the Romans, were at least most favorable means of spreading venereal diseases. Not taking into account references in Roman and Grecian mythology, the old Syrian cuneiform epic Izdebar and the “papyrus Ebers,” we find the first reference to syphilitic disease in Indian literature of the Brahman period (800 B. C.). There is also a reference in the Chinese work of Musi-King, which very possibly dates from 2637 B. C.; also one in a Japanese MS. Daido-rui-shim-ho of about 810 B. C. Hippocrates, Celsus, and Pliny also mention a disease with the characteristics of syphilis, while the Roman satirists describe venereal afflictions identical to it. It is specifically mentioned by the medical writers of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when it was of a very mild type—endemic, as seen at the present day in Bosnia and Turkey. Its place of origin is unknown. It probably came from India, where it has been endemic at least from 800 B. C., and brought by the Assyrians, Phœnicians, and Carthaginians to Greece and Rome and the rest of Europe. (See Neuman’s Syphilis, Wien, 1899).” Dr. Alexander F. Chamberlain, in “The American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal” for January and February, 1905, has the following note: “American origin of syphilis. In his ‘Das erst Auftreten der Syphilis (Lustseuche) in der europäischen Kulturwelt’ (Jena, 1903, p. 35) Iwan Bloch sustains the thesis of its pre-Columbian existence in America and transference to Europe in the wake of the discovery of the new world. Bloch had previously published another work on syphilis ‘Der Ursprung der Syphilis’ (1901), in which he set forth similar views. The new work contains data concerning the first appearance of this terrible malady in Europe, and of a like sexual disease among the American Indians.”

[583] In the original Italian MS. at this point (folio 76a) follows the chart of Laut Chidol, that is, Great Sea (q.v., p. 124). This chart is given on folio 89b of MS. 5,650, without other inscription than that of the chart itself, which is the same as the above.

[584] Endé, also called Floris and Mangarai, lies between latitudes 7° and 9° south, and longitudes 120° and 123° east. It is two hundred miles long and its breadth ranges from forty-two to fifty miles. It is volcanic in origin. It is said to possess six distinct languages, and the natives are intermediate between Malayan and Papuan. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 138, and Cust, ut supra, p. 143.

[585] Tanabutun—Mani (in MS. 5,650, “Moiu,” and in Mosto “Main”) inclusive, probably refer to the islands between Endé or Floris and Sumbawa. Zumbaua is Sumbawa, which is so called from its principal people. It is the fifth island of the Sunda chain from the westward. Its length is 140 miles, greatest breadth, 50, and its area about 278 square geographical leagues. The island belongs to the Dutch, but the more civilized people are Mahometans, while some of the mountaineers are still pagans. Three languages or dialects are found there. Lomboch or Lomboc is the second island due east of Java. The name is taken from the Javanese word for capsicum. By the natives Lomboc is now called Sasak (in Malay and Javanese, “a raft” or “temporary bridge”), and sometimes Selaparang. It is volcanic and mountainous, contains numerous small and unnavigable rivers, and a number of mountain lakes. The vegetation resembles that of Java, but its fauna is considerably different. The inhabitants call themselves Sasak, who are Mahometans and subject (along the seacoast) to the Balinese who profess Hinduism (a unique example of a nation professing Mahometanism being held in permanent subjection by another professing Hinduism). The language of the Sasaks is similar to that of the western end of Sumbawa. Chorum is perhaps Bali, the island just east of Java. See Mosto, p. 107, notes 6–9; Crawfurd’s Dictionary, and Cust’s Modern Languages of East Indies.

[586] Java (a Dutch dependency), the most important island of the East Indies, is correctly called Jawa, a name derived from its principal people. It was first named among Europeans by Marco Polo. Varthema’s account of the island is almost worthless, but Barbosa, who never visited it, describes it accurately, while Pigafetta’s account is still more accurate. The botany of Java is rich and diversified, and the island is extremely fertile. The fauna is proportionally as varied as the botany. The people whether Javanese or Sundanese are Malayan. The Javanese are industrious and honest, and are only semi-Mahometan. The Sundanese who inhabit the mountainous districts of the western part are Mahometans. The language of the former is the chief language of the island, and is one of the most copious languages in the world. The Javanese are the most civilized of all Malayan peoples and could boast of civilization before the advent of Europeans in the Orient. They have cultivated certain of the arts and have many industries. They have a literature that is sufficiently abundant in both the ancient and modern languages. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 165–192; Cust’s Modern Languages of the East Indies, pp. 137, 138; and Lucas’s Historical Geography of British Colonies (Oxford, 1888), i, p. 99.

[587] The name of the king of Megepaher seems to be given as “Patiunus Sunda” in MS. 5,650. That manuscript continues: “Considerable pepper grows there. The other cities are.” Magepaher is the ancient capital Majapait; Sunda is probably the western district of Java, occupied by the Sundanese (it must be remembered that Pigafetta’s information is derived orally from the Malay pilots); Daha is the ancient Javanese kingdom of Däa; Cipara is Japara; Sidaiu is Sidayu; Tuban is the same; Chessi is Gressik or Gârsik (the first place in Java visited by the Portuguese d’Abreu); and Cirubaia is Surabaya. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 166.

[588] Balli is not properly a city of Java, but the island of Bali, located about 1–1/2 miles east of Java. The name in Javanese and Malay signifies “to return.” Its area is about 1685 square geographical miles, and it is lofty and mountainous. Its numerous rivers are navigable for native vessels only, and as far as the reach of the tide; and its mountain lakes ensure a constant water supply. The people live in villages of from five hundred to three thousand inhabitants, surrounded by walls built of clay, without stone or brick. They are said to be more skilful agriculturists than the Javanese. The religion is Brahmanical and Buddhist, although blended with Pagan forms and beliefs. The caste idea prevails among them. Their dialect is called Balinese, and although rude and simple is above those of the Sundanese and Madurese. Writing is on the palm-leaf only. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 28–31; and Cust’s Modern Languages, pp. 138, 139.

[589] Eden reads (p. 260): “Giaua the leſſe, is as bygge as the Ilande of Madera, and is but half a leaque diſtante from Giaua maior;” thus confusing the island of Madura with the Portuguese island of Madeira. Madura has the same formation, vegetation, and manners and character of its inhabitants, as Java. The name is derived from the Hindu legend, which represents it as the kingdom of the hero and demi-god Baladewa, and is a corruption of the Sanskrit Mathura. The greatest length of the island is about ninety miles. The language although poorer and ruder than the Javanese, resembles the latter. It has one dialect, termed Sumanap. Many of its inhabitants have emigrated to Java. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 233, 234; and Cust’s Modern Languages, p. 138.

[590] MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.

[591] This ceremony, as it was practiced in the island of Bali (the only one of the East Indies to preserve the custom) is described by Crawfurd (Dictionary, pp. 30, 140–142). “The ordinary funeral rites of the Balinese much resemble those of the Buddhists of Siam and Ava, and the concremation is a modification of the Hindu Suttee, and the bloody ceremony of krising, a barbarism peculiar to the people of Bali themselves.” In that island, unless the dead man were of great wealth, the woman sacrificing herself was stabbed to death with a kris, instead of being burned with her husband’s corpse, as the expense accompanying the burning was so great. Barbosa (East African and Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 93) mentions this custom of one of the countries of India. See also Linschoten (Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 249, 250, and note).

[592] MS. 5,650 adds: “of their vagina.”

[593] MS. 5,650 adds: “and more pleasantly.” This custom is also mentioned by Barbosa (ut supra, p. 184) in connection with the people of Pegu. His account, which is left untranslated by Stanley, is as follows:

“They are very voluptuous, and have certain round hawk’s-bells sewn and fastened in the head of their penis between the flesh and the skin in order to make them larger. Some have three, some five, and others seven. Some are made of gold and silver, and others of brass, and they tinkle as the men walk. The custom is considered as quite the proper thing. The women delight greatly in the bells, and do not like men who go without them. The most honored men are those who have the most and largest ones. I will say nothing more of this custom, for it is a shameful one.” Stanley says that this custom is also mentioned by Nicolo Conti in the fifteenth century.

[594] In MS. 5,650 and in Mosto: “Ocoloro.” Yule (Book of Ser Marco Polo, ii, p. 395) conjectures that this is the modern island of Engano.

[595] In MS. 5,650 “caiu paugganghi,” and “bua paugganghi.” Stanley (p. 155, note 2) says that garuda is Sanskrit and Malay for “griffin,” and (note 1) that campong anghin means “the place of wind.” Yule (Cathay, Hakluyt Society edition, ii, p. 511, note) says: “Garuda is a term from the Hindu mythology for the great bird that carries Vishnu; its use among the Malays is a relic of their ancient religion.... To an island of the Indian Sea also Kazwini attributes a bird of such enormous size, that, if dead, the half of its beak would serve for a ship.” De Gubernatis (Memorie intorno ai viaggiatori italiani nelle Indie orientali, Firenze, 1867) says that the tree of the text is perhaps the mythical tree, whose fruit gives felicity in the Hindu paradise; and the bird is the one with the golden feathers, into which Vishnu or the sun is transformed in the Hindu mythology. Mosto, p. 108, note 5.

[596] Probably Point Romania, at the southeastern extremity of the peninsula of Malacca.

[597] Cinghapola is Singapore or Singapura, so called from the Sanskrit singa, “lion,” and pura, “city.” It is an island and town located at the extremity of the Malacca Peninsula, and is a busy mart of trade. Pahan is Pahang (called Pam by the Portuguese, and properly spelt Päang), which is a city and district or province of the eastern part of the Malacca Peninsula. Calantan (Kalantan) and Patani are districts of the eastern part of the peninsula of Malacca whose chief towns have the same names. Both states were from early times tributary to Siam. Lagon is the Siamese province of Ligor (called Lâkon by the Siamese). Phran is perhaps the same name as seen today in the Pran River. Cui figures on the maps of Ortelius and Mercatorius; and Valentyn gives an island “Couir.” Brabri is perhaps Bangri, and Bangha, Bang-kok. India (error of ancient amanuensis for Iudia) is Yuthia, which became the Siamese capital in 1350. Mosto believes that Jandibum, Sanu, and Langhonpifa are also the names of Siamese kings, but they are probably the names of cities. MS. 5,650 makes Zacabedera the name of a city, but it appears later as part of a sovereign’s name. Stanley (following Amoretti, who mistranscribed) has Bradlini, Trombon, Joran (for Phran), Laun (in MS. 5,650 “Lauu”), and Langonpifa. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, and Mosto (p. 109, notes 1–8).

[598] MS. 5,650 reads: “the rest.”

[599] MS. 5,650 reads: “Cameggia.” This is the country of Cambodia or Camboja (Kamboja), called also Champa by the Malays. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 80, 81.

[600] Champa, the name of an ancient Malay settlement on the eastern side of the gulf of Siam, in the country of Cambodia. Stanley makes the name of its king “Brahami Martu.” Mosto (p. 109, note 10) makes Chiempa, Binh-Thuan in Anam. See preceding note; and Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 93.

[601] Stanley (p. 156, note) says: “Pigafetta has confounded rhubarb with the decayed wood of a tree found in Siam, which, when burnt, gives a very sweet perfume, and which sells at a high price.”

[602] MS. 5,650 confuses this country with the cocoanut, and translates accordingly: “Cocoanuts are found there.” It is, of course, the country of Cochin. MS. 5,650 also makes the Seribumni (Scribumni, in Mosto) Pala (Seribumnipala, in MS. 5,650) the ruler of Champa, although a ruler has already been named for that country.

[603] This king is known in Chinese history as Chitsong, of the Ming dynasty, who succeeded to Woutsong in 1519 and reigned for forty-five years. See Boulger’s Short History of China (London, 1900, pp. 94–96).

[604] In Eden (p. 260) the names of these Chinese cities are “Canthan, Nauchin, and Connulaha.” The last is the city of Peking which was called Khan-palik (the city of the Khan) by the Mongols, a form which was changed into Cambalu in the accounts of those times. See Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, p. 55.

[605] MS. 5,650 reads: “great and little.” See VOL. XXXIII, p. 331, note 273.

[606] Eden (p. 261) calls the Chinese emblem a “linx;” an allusion doubtless to the Chinese emblem, the dragon, called lung. See Williams, Middle Kingdom, ii, p. 267.

[607] MS. 5,650 continues from this point: “so that he may furnish an example.” See Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, pp. 408–420, for modes of Chinese punishments (the obeisance made by criminals being mentioned on p. 315). The zonghu of the text is perhaps the simplest ceremonial form called kung shau, which consists in joining the hands and raising them before the breast (ii, p. 68).

[608] MS. 5,650 adds: “also artificially made.” Naga in Sanskrit is the name of a fabulous snake or dragon, and is found in all the cultivated languages throughout the Indian Archipelago. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 290.

[609] This passage reads as follows in MS. 5,650: “Each circle or enclosure of the wall has a gate. At the first is a porter who holds in his hand a large stout iron club called satu horan. In the second is a dog called satu hain; in the third a man with an iron mace called satu horan with pocun bessin; in the fourth a man with a bow in his hand called satu horan with anach panan; in the fifth a man with a lance called satu horan with satu tumach; in the sixth a lion called satu hurimau; and in the seventh, two white elephants called two gaggia pute.” Mosto has houman for the horiman of our text and the hurimau of MS. 5,650; while Stanley has hurimau. Mosto also prints the word con meaning “with,” as a part of the various Malayan words. The meaning of these words as given by Stanley and corroborated by Mosto are as follows: satu orang, “one man;” anjing, a “dog;” pokoh bisi, “club of iron;” panah, a “bow;” tombak, a “lance;” horiman, a “tiger.”

[610] MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence; and continuing reads: “If one stops to examine the palace thoroughly, he finds four halls, where the principal men go at times to visit and converse with the king.” Eden (p. 261) says: “In this pallaice are lxxix. haules, in the which is an infinite number of women that ſerue the kynge hauynge euer lyght torches in theyr handes for the greater magnifycence.”

[611] See description of Peking with map showing the palace in Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, pp. 55–66.

[612] Eden (p. 261) reads: “They haue the croſſe in ſum eſtimation, but knowe not the cauſe whye.”

[613] The remainder of this sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[614] “Commaru” in MS. 5,650.

[615] MS. 5,650 reads: “Then it is steeped in the urine of the said cat.”

[616] MS. 5,650 adds instead of the following sentence: “But the real musk comes from the blood abovesaid, and if that be made into little round pellets, it evaporates.”

[617] Mosto (p. 110, note 5) thinks it more probable that this passage refers to the animal Moschus moschiferus, or the musk deer, which is found in the high Himalayas, Tibet, and Eastern Siberia, rather than to the civet cat, which Pigafetta names. Castor is derived from the Sanskrit kasturi, which is used by the Malays and Javanese for the perfume of the civet cat (although they also use native and Arabic names). It is very probable that Pigafetta has confused musk and civet. However, Cosmas says also that the Kasturi produces the musk (see Yule’s Cathay, Hakluyt Society edition, i, p. clxxiv). Friar Jordanus gives a very superficial account of the musk deer and the preparation of musk (Wonders of the East, pp. 47, 48). Early descriptions of preparing musk and prices are given by Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 102), Barbosa (East African and Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 186, 187, 222), who mentions the leeches, and Linschoten (Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, i, p. 149, ii, pp. 94, 95), who also describes civet (ii, pp. 95, 96). Wallace (Malay Archipelago, p. 41) notes that leeches are very abundant and annoying on the peninsula of Malacca.

[618] Chienchii are probably the people of Chincheo (Chinchew; the modern Chwan-Chow-Foo), a name formerly often applied to a province of China. See VOL. III, p. 41, note 6.

[619] Bellemo, basing his assertion on the fact that the Peguans proper are called Mon, says (Mosto, p. 110, note 6) that Burmah is here referred to. It would seem rather to be one of the northern districts of China, possibly about the Yellow River, and Lechii may refer to the city of Linching. Mosto and Amoretti transcribe Moni, and MS. 5,650, Mon.

[620] Cathay, at first restricted to the northern part of the country now called China, became later (in the Middle Ages) the name for the entire country. See Yule’s Cathay, i, preliminary essay.

[621] MS. 5,650 reads: “Hau.” Han was a small Chinese state which gave name to the first national Chinese dynasty, and it may be the Han referred to by Pigafetta. See Boulger’s Short History of China, p. 10.

[622] “Chetissirimiga” in MS. 5,650.

[623] “Triagomba” in MS. 5,650.

[624] These names appear before (see VOL. XXXIII, p. 321, note 177) where they are given as the name of one island.

[625] Javanese for “South Sea.”

[626] Sumatra, a name probably of Sanskrit origin, is first mentioned with that spelling by Varthema, but it had been visited previously by Marco Polo (who calls it Java the less); and probably by Nicolò de Conti, who calls it Sciumathera, and before him by the Arabian traveler Ibn Batûta (ca., 1330), who calls its capital Shumatrah or Sumatrah. Taprobane was the ancient name of Ceylon, not Sumatra. It is the most western of all the East India Archipelago, and next to Borneo and New Guinea the largest island proper, being about 1,000 miles long and having an area of about 128,560 square miles. The ancestral home of the Malay race was in the interior of Sumatra, in the region of Menangkaba, whence they colonized the coasts of Sumatra and spread to outlying islands. A number of tongues akin to the Malay and many dialects are spoken in the island. Neither the English nor the Dutch obtained any real foothold in the island until after 1816, since when the latter have entered upon a system of conquest. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition); Cust’s Modern Languages; and Lucas’s Historical Geography British Colonies, i, pp. 98, 99, 101.

[627] Eden (p. 261) reads: “Fearyng leaſt if they ſhuld ſayle toward the firm land, they myght bee ſeene of the portugales who are of great power in Malaccha.”

[628] Pegu (with a capital of the same name) formerly wielded great influence in the East, but was eclipsed by the kingdoms surrounding it. Together with Bengal or Bengala and Orissa (Uriza), it forms a portion of British India. Bengal was incorporated with the Ghôrî or Patan empire of Hindustân toward the end of the twelfth century, and was formed into a separate province under the second emperor. It became an independent kingdom at least by 1340, continuing as an independent state until conquered by Akbar in 1573. Chelin is probably Coulam or Quilon in Malabar, once an important center of trade, but an insignificant place by the middle of the seventeenth century. Narsinga or Bijayanagar, now a ruined city, was formerly the capital of the ancient Brahminical kingdom of the Carnatic, which before the conquests of the Mahometans extended over the greater part of the peninsula between the Malabar and Coromandel coasts. Calicut, Cambay, Cananore, Goa, and Ormus (Armus) were all important centers of trade before and during Portuguese occupation in the East. MS. 5,650 reads: “Gon” and “Armux.” See Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition), and Mosto (p. 111, notes 3–11).

[629] In MS. 5,650 “Irauai,” “Poleni,” and “Poleai.” Stanley gives the first as “Franas.” The names of the castes as given by Varthema (Travels, pp. 141, 142) are as follows: “Brahmins (or priestly class), Naeri (or military class), Tiva (or artisans), Mechua (or fishermen), Poliar (who collect pepper, wine, and nuts), and Hirava (who sow and reap rice). There are only four main castes, viz.: the Brahman or Sacerdotal, which sprang from the mouth of Brahma; the warrior, styled Kshatriya, Ksettri, or Chuttree, and formerly the Rajputs, who sprang from the arms of Brahma; Vaisya or husbandmen class, who form the industrial class, and who sprang from the belly and thighs of Brahma; and the Sudra or servile class, who sprang from the feet of Brahma, and have no part in the sacred law. Each caste is further subdivided within its own ranks, and specific laws govern each branch. Under British rule and the influence of western civilization the rigidity of caste is gradually being relaxed. Pigafetta does not mention the priestly caste and confuses the various other divisions. For early descriptions of caste, see Barbosa’s East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 121–144; Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), i, pp. 278–284 (very defective and inadequate); Gray and Bell’s Voyage of François Pyrard de Laval (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 114, 115, 371–420; and Ball’s Travels in India by Jean Baptiste Tavernier (London and New York), ii, pp. 181–189.

[630] MS. 5,650 reads: “and never enter any city.”

[631] Malayâlam for “go.” Linschoten (i, p. 281), and Pyrard de Laval (i, pp. 383, 384), make the Nairs give this warning cry instead of the lowest caste, in order that the latter may keep out of their path. Varthema and Barbosa agree with Pigafetta. The Brahmans also call out for the same reason (Linschoten, i, p. 281, note 1).

[632] Eden says (p. 261): “ſeuen weekes.”

[633] Albo (Navarrete, iv) says under date of February 13, 1522, that the course was laid west southwest toward the Cape of Good Hope.

[634] MS. 5,650 reads: “one thousand and sixty.”

[635] The Portuguese occupation of Mozambique dates from 1498, when Vasco da Gama landed at the mouth of the Zambesi. A number of settlements were founded there in the first decade of the sixteenth century. Its present boundaries were fixed by agreement with Great Britain in 1891 and with Germany in 1886 and 1890. It has an area of 310,000 square miles, and has great vegetable and mineral wealth. Slavery was abolished in the colony in 1878. It is governed by a governor-general sent out by Portugal. John Pory in his preliminary translations prefixed to his translation of the history of the converted Moor Leo Africanus (Hakluyt Society edition, London, 1896) says (i, p. 58) that the kingdom of Mozambique was “so called of three small islets, situate in the mouth of the river Meghincate in fowerteene and a halfe or fifteene degrees of southerly latitude, which kingdome in ancient time by Ptolemy was called Promontorium Prassum.” Continuing he says that notwithstanding its unhealthful site, the chief of the three islands, where there was a secure port and where the Portuguese built a strong fort, became the most frequented Portuguese station on the way to the East Indies, and ships often wintered there. This must have been the settlement mentioned by Pigafetta. See also Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society reprint, London, 1879), pp. 80–97.

[636] MS. 5,650 adds: “and stank.”

[637] On March 14, the crew of the “Victoria” worked at repairs on the ship until noon, and then set sail again. On the eighteenth they saw a lofty island (Amsterdam Island), which they tried in vain to make, and were compelled to lie to for further repairs. April 16, the course was altered to the north. Land was sighted on May 8, and on the following day they anchored on the rough coast. On the sixteenth the ship was further disabled by the loss of a mast. After many struggles they were finally clear of the cape on May 22, and directed their general course northward. See Albo’s log (Navarrete, iv), and Guillemard’s Magellan. Considering Albo’s date as correct, Pigafetta is in error by almost half a month in his date for the doubling of the cape.

[638] Herrera takes pains to mention this phenomenon (Mosto, p. 111, note 15). The official list shows a record of fifteen deaths of Europeans on the high sea and the desertion of two others. The ship left Tidore with forty-seven Europeans and arrived at the Cape Verde Islands with thirty-one, a number that tallies if Pigafetta does not include himself in the forty-seven who left Tidore. Consequently six of the natives taken had died during the voyage. (Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 291, note).

[639] Eden adds: (p. 261): “that is, ſaynte Iames Ilande, parteyning to the kyng of Portugale.” This is the island of Santiago, the largest and most southernmost of the Cape Verde Islands. Albo says (Navarrete, iv, p. 241): “On the ninth of the said month [i.e., July], I did not take the sun. We anchored in the port of Grande River, where we were given a hospitable reception, and as many provisions as we wished. That day was Wednesday, but they [i.e., the Portuguese] maintained that it was Thursday. Consequently, I believe that we were mistaken by one day. We stayed there until Sunday night, and then set sail for fear of the bad weather and the crossing of the port. In the morning we sent the ship’s boat ashore for more rice, of which we had need, while we sailed about on various tacks until its return.”

[640] This clause is lacking in MS. 5,650.

[641] These four words are omitted in MS. 5,650.

[642] MS. 5,650 reads: “and that we did not dare to go to Spain.”

[643] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 241) further recounts events at the island of Santiago as follows: “On Monday, the fourteenth, we sent the ship’s boat ashore for more rice. It returned next day, and went back for another load. We waited until night, but it did not return. Then we waited until next day, but it never returned. Then we went nearer the port to discover the reason of the delay, whereupon a vessel came out and demanded our surrender, saying that they would send us with the ship that was coming from the Indias, and that they would place their men in our ship, for thus had their officials ordered. We requested them to send us our men and ship’s boat. They replied that they would bear our request to their officials. We answered that we would take another tack and wait. Accordingly we tacked about and set all our sails full, and left with twenty-two men, both sick and well. That happened on Tuesday, the fifteenth of the month of July.” See also Transylvanus’s account, VOL. I, pp. 336, 337. The names of the men detained at this island are given as follows by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, p. 94):

Martin Mendez ship’s accountant
Pedro Tolosa steward
Ricarte de Normandia carpenter
Raldan de Argote gunner
Master Pedro
Juan Martin sobresaliente
Simon de Burgos sobresaliente
Felipe de Rodas sailor
Gomez Hernandez sailor
Socacio Alonso sailor
Pedro Chindurza common seaman
Vasquito Gallego boy

Cf. the corrected list given by Guillemard (Magellan, p. 338, and note 5) who mentions thirteen men (the number given by Pigafetta). These men were shortly released and sent to Seville (Guillemard, ut supra, p. 337).

[644] Eden says (p. 262) that it was the seventh. Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 246, 247), says that Cape St. Vincent was sighted on September 4, 1522.

[645] The official death list records two desertions, which must have been the ones mentioned by Pigafetta. Gomara mentions a mutiny at Timur: “There was a mutiny and conflict, in which a considerable number of the crew were killed.” Oviedo says also: “Some were beheaded in the island of Timor for their crimes.” Guillemard conjectures that both accounts are borrowed from this passage in Pigafetta (Guillemard, p. 291, note). The survivors of the “Victoria” who reached Spain, as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, p. 96) from a document conserved at Archivo general de Indias, were as follows:

Juan Sebastian de Elcano captain
Francisco Albo pilot
Miguel Rodas master
Juan de Acurio boatswain
Martin de Yudicibus merino
Hernando de Bustamente barber
Aires gunner
Diego Gallego sailor
Nicolao de Nápoles sailor
Miguel Sanchez de Rodas sailor
Francisco Rodriguez sailor
Juan Rodriguez de Huelva sailor
Anton Hernandez Colmenero sailor
Juan de Arratia common seaman
Juan de Santander common seaman
Vasco Gomez Gallego common seaman
Juan de Zubileta boy
Antonio Lombardo sobresaliente

Cf. the list as given by Guillemard (Magellan, pp. 337, 338), who attempts to correct the various lists, and which shows several differences from Navarrete’s list. Navarrete (ut supra, iv, pp. 96, 97) basing his assertion on Herrera, says: “Among the Indians who reached land safely and desired to see the emperor and these kingdoms, was one so sharp that his first action was to ask how many reals made one ducado, how many maravedis one real, and how much pepper was given for one maravedi, informing himself from shop to shop of the value of spices. That furnished a reason for his not returning to his country, although the others did.” See also Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 296.

[646] The value of the spices brought to Spain by the “Victoria” exceeded the cost of the other four vessels and their entire equipment by about £200. The cargo consisted of cloves, cinnamon, nutmeg, mace, and sandalwood. The “Victoria” afterward made one voyage safely to Cuba, but was lost on a second. See Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 297, 310.

[647] Eden (p. 262) says that on disembarking they went to give thanks “to almyghtie god who had brought them ſafe to theyr owne countrey, and reſtored them to theyr wyues and chyldren.”

[648] The account of the voyage given by Pigafetta to the emperor was probably only his brief records as set down from day to day, and not in any sense the relation as here published. The relation is known to have been compiled after Pigafetta’s return to Italy. Stanley (p. xiv, appendix) gives the original petition made by Pigafetta to the doge and council of Venice, asking permission to print his relation. Its translation is as follows:

“M.D. xxiv. of the month of August.

“Most Serene Prince, and your Excellencies:

“Petition of me, Antonio Pigafetta, Venetian knight of Jerusalem, who desiring to see the world, have sailed, in past years, with the caravels of his Cesaræan Majesty, which went to discover the islands in the new Indies where the spices grow. On that voyage I circumnavigated the whole world, and since it is a feat which no man had [before] accomplished, I have composed a short narration of all the said voyage, which I desire to have printed. For that purpose, I petition, that no one may print it for xx years, except myself, under penalty to him who should print it, or who should bring it here if printed elsewhere, of a fine of three lire per copy besides the loss of the books. [I petition] also that the execution [of the penalty] may be imposed by any magistrate of this city who shall be informed of it; and that the fine be divided as follows: one-third to the arsenal of your Highness, one-third to the accuser, and one-third to those who shall impose it. I humbly commend myself to your kindness. August v.” The docket follows.

[649] Ramusio says that Pigafetta presented one of his books to the regent Louise, and that she had it translated into French by Jacques Fabre (see volume on Bibliography, at end of this series). Stanley is wrong in his conjecture that MS. 22,224 of the Bibliothéque Nationale is the copy above mentioned, as it is in fact even later than MS. 5,650.

[650] The signature in MS. 5,650 is “Anthoyne Pigaphete.”

DESCRIPTION OF THE PHILIPPINES

By Chao Ju-kua, a Chinese official and geographer, ca. 1280.

Source: This document is obtained from the Filipino paper
Periódico Hebdomadario Escolar, issue of November 9, 1901.

Translation: This is by James Alexander Robertson.

CHAO JU-KUA’S DESCRIPTION OF THE PHILIPPINES

[The following description is translated from a copy of the Periódico Hebdomadario Escolar (i.e., “Students’ Weekly Paper”) for November 9, 1901, being no. 6 in order of issue of that paper. It was there published by Clemente J. Zulueta (now deceased), then professor of history, and later engaged in archival researches in Spain for the Philippine branch of the United States government, who was a man of real ability. He himself communicated the existence of this publication to us; the copy of the paper, which is rare, was lent us by James A. LeRoy. An editorial note at the beginning of the chapter reads as follows: “As we consider it of some importance to the historical, or rather pre-historical, cartography of Filipinas, we transcribe the following lines, which are a Spanish translation of chapter xl of the geography of the Chinese writer Chao Ju-kua. [1] Professor Blumentritt translated it from the English, and Dr. Hirth translated directly into English the MS. of Chao Ju-kua [ca., 1891] who according to Blumentritt, flourished in the thirteenth century—that is, three centuries before Magallanes’s expedition.” Our search for the translation by Dr. Hirth has been unavailing, and we are therefore compelled to retranslate Blumentritt’s translation. Concerning this translation we are furnished the following information in a letter from James A. LeRoy, dated January 27, 1904: “Zulueta owns the original letter and the translation of this chapter as written out by Ferdinand Blumentritt and sent to Rizal while the latter was in exile in 1894. Blumentritt made the annotations to the chapter, as is proved by his letter. In his letter to Rizal enclosing the translation of the chapter, Blumentritt tells Rizal that the previous year (1893) a friend of his in Madrid had published (how or where is not told) his hastily-made version of this chapter, with hasty notes, which he had sent this friend for his own use in a study of the prehistoric Philippines, but had no idea that it would be used independently.” A Spanish version with parallel English translation appeared in Revista historica de Filipinas (i.e., “Filipino Historical Review”) for June, 1905 (vol. 1, no. 2), which is signed by P. L. Stangl. His version differs from that of Blumentritt given by Zulueta, being divided into two chapters—xl, called “Ma-yi,” and xli, called “San-Hsii.” We have, however, preferred to use Zulueta’s version, as we do not know whence Stangl’s version has proceeded. We subjoin Blumentritt’s notes accompanying Zulueta’s version, signing such notes “B.”]

CHAPTER XL

Ma-yi

The country Ma-yi [2] is located north of Poni. [3] About one thousand families inhabit the shores of a river which has many windings. [4] The natives dress in linen, wearing clothes that look like sheets; or they cover their bodies with sarongs. [5] In the thick woods are scattered copper statues of Buddha, but no one can tell the origin of those statues. [6] Pirates seldom visit those districts. When [Chinese] merchantmen arrive at that port they cast anchor at a place [called] the place of Mandarins. That place serves them as a market, or site where the products of their countries are exchanged. When a vessel has entered into the port, (its captain) offers presents consisting of white parasols and umbrellas which serve them for daily use. The traders are obliged to observe these civilities in order to be able to count on the favor of those gentlemen.

In order to trade, the savage traders are assembled, [7] and have the goods carried in baskets, and although the bearers are often unknown, none of the goods are ever lost or stolen. The savage traders transport these goods to other islands, and thus eight or nine months pass until they have obtained other goods of value equivalent to those that have been received [from the Chinese]. This forces the traders of the vessel to delay their departure, and hence it happens that the vessels that maintain trade with Ma-yi are the ones that take the longest to return to their country.

The most noteworthy places of this country are: San-hsii; Pai-pu-yen; Pu-li-lu, which is located near San-hsii; Li-yin-tung; Lin-hsin; and Li-han. [8] The products of that country are yellow wax, [9] cotton, pearls, shells, [10] betel nuts, and jute [yu-ta] textiles. [11] Foreign traders import porcelain, commercial gold, [12] iron vases for perfumes, leaden objects, glass, pearls of all colors, [13] and iron needles. [14]

San-hsii, or the “Three Islands,” belong to Ma-yi. Their names are Ka-may-en, Pa-lao-yu, and Pa-chi-neng. [15] Each of these islands is inhabited by its own races, who are scattered throughout them. But upon the arrival of the vessels, the natives assemble in order to trade. Their general name is San-hsii. Their customs are about the same as those observed in Ma-yi. Each tribe [16] consists of about one thousand families. The country has many lofty hills and rugged rocks which rise up like gigantic walls. The houses of the inhabitants are built of bamboo. The high region of the country has few springs, but the women go to the banks of the rivulets and creeks and thence back to the mountain bearing on their heads two or three jars filled with water, a load that does not bother them. They ascend the mountain with the same ease as if they were on the level. The interior of the valleys is inhabited by a race called Hay-tan. They are of short stature, have round yellow eyes, curly hair, and their teeth can be plainly seen [showing] from between their lips. [17] They build their nests in the forking of the branches of trees, and a family, usually consisting of from three to five individuals, lives in each nest. [18] They wander through the fastnesses of the thickets and invisible to the sight, shoot their arrows at the passers-by. On this account they are greatly feared. When the trader takes them a porcelain jar, they bow and take it, and then uttering cries of joy, run away with it.

When foreign traders come to one of their villages, [19] they must not touch the ground, but must remain aboard their vessel, which is anchored in the middle of the current [20] and announce their presence by beat of drum. Thereupon the savage traders approach in their light craft, in which they carry cotton, [21] yellow wax, strange cloth, [22] cocoanuts, onions, [23] and fine mats, and all those things they offer for sale in exchange [for the articles of the Chinese]. In case of misunderstanding in the price of the goods, it is necessary to summon the chief of the traders of that place, so that he may present himself in person, and arrange the tariff to the satisfaction of all. The imported objects are silk umbrellas, porcelain, and a kind of basket woven from rattan. Foreign traders receive twice or thrice the value of the goods sold aboard, in order to serve them as a bond of security. Afterward the foreign traders disembark and perform their contracts there, and then return to their vessel. The goods pledged by the natives remain only three or four days aboard the vessel, and then after the expiration of that term they are restored [to shore]. Then the vessel visits another village of the savages, for the coast villages of the Three Islands do not have one common jurisdiction. [24] The hills keep the winds from the vessels during the continuance of the northeast monsoon. But when the southwest monsoon begins, the dashing of the waves against the coast is so violent that great currents are formed that do not allow the vessels to remain at anchor. This is the reason why those who maintain trade with the Three Islands delay their return for four or five months. Porcelain, black damask, and other silk fabrics, pearls of various colors, lead, fishnets, and tin are imported. Pu-li-lu is near Three Islands. Its villages are very densely populated, [25] but its inhabitants are very cruel and inclined to piracy. The sea is full of reefs and shoals, and the beach has rocks which are indented like dry wood, and their points are very sharp like those of swords and spears. [26] In order that the vessels may reach that country, they take a long and circuitous route, in order to avoid those shoals. [27] There are corals there, but it is very difficult to get them. The popular and trading customs are the same as those which exist at Three Islands.

DOCUMENTS OF 1565–1576

Letter to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; May 30, 1565.
Letter to Felipe II. Andres de Mirandaola; 1565.
Letter to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; July 25, 1567.
Letter to Felipe II from the royal officials. Guido de Lavezaris,
and others; July 26, 1567.
Letter to the Marquis de Falces. Martin de Rada, O.S.A.;
July 8, 1569.
Letter to Felipe II. Diego de Herrera, O.S.A.; July 25, 1570.
Royal communications to and concerning Legazpi. Felipe II;
August 6, 1569-August 29, 1570.
Letter to the viceroy of Nueva España. Francisco de Ortega,
O.S.A.; June 6, 1573.
Augustinian memoranda. [Unsigned and undated, but probably compiled
by the Augustinian missionaries, ca. 1573.]
Letter to the viceroy of Nueva España, Martin Enriquez. Martin de
Rada; June 30, 1574.
Letter to Felipe II, from the royal officials. Andres Cauchela and
Salvador de Aldave; July 17, 1574.
Encomiendas assigned by Legazpi. Hernando Riquel; June 2, 1576.

Sources: These documents are all obtained from MSS. in the
Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, except the last which is
translated from Pastells’s edition of Colin’s Labor evangélica,
i, pp. 157, 158.

Translations: These are all by James Alexander Robertson except
the eighth, which is by Henry B. Lathrop.

LETTER FROM GUIDO DE LABEZARIS TO FELIPE II

Sacred royal Catholic Majesty:

Inasmuch as when Don Antonio de Mendoça, your viceroy of Nueva España, went to Piru, he ordered me to go to those kingdoms of España, in order to inform your Majesty of affairs touching this western region, I being one who understood them and had had experience in them, and had come to these districts as your accountant in the fleet under command of Rruy Lopez de Vyllalobos: I went to those kingdoms in order to kiss your Majesty’s feet, and gave the most detailed relation and information possible concerning the islands and provinces of these districts, the character and number of the people, their trade, means of gain, and mode [of life]. Your Majesty ordered that the fleet for the expedition be equipped immediately; that ships be built and the necessary things prepared for it in the sea west of Nueva España. I busied myself in that work and despatch from the time of my return; also as soon as I returned to Nueva España, I went, by order of your viceroy of that country, Don Luis de Velasco, to explore the coast and ports of Florida where I had to go afterward when the fleet sailed of which Don Tristan de Arellano was commander. [28] After my return from that expedition, I continued in the despatch and equipment of this fleet, in which I occupied myself most sedulously. When it was quite ready for the sea, I embarked in it as your treasurer. When I was in España, your Majesty assigned me four hundred pesos de minas payable in acquittances in Nueva España. But they have been poorly collected, and there are none from which I can be paid. I humbly beseech your Majesty to have me paid from the royal treasury for the support of my wife and family whom I left in Mexico. Besides this, as is well known to your Majesty, when I left Yndia, I brought pepper and carried away ginger from Yndia at a very great risk, because of the ordinances and penalties passed and imposed by the most serene king of Portugal, which are executed without remission upon transgressors. The pepper was lost, but there is a great quantity of the ginger in your Nueva España today, all of which has come from the roots which I took there with the purpose and design that your kingdoms might enjoy so many profits and a common usufruct. I communicated in regard to it with Don Francisco de Mendoça, asking him to treat with, your Majesty, so that some favor might be shown me from the profits that would result from the ginger. Don Francisco negotiated it for himself and not for me as he had agreed. Consequently, he obtained the reward for my services without having performed any work or labor on his own part, while order was given to give me three hundred pesos de minas of acquittances with the injunction that they be conferred. I wrote your Majesty in regard to the matter, and although I intended to go to ask for justice from your Majesty, as from a most just prince, after the despatch of the fleet, in whose preparation I had been occupied, I did not go, because I thought that if I failed to sail in the fleet, I would not be performing my duty to your royal service; and that since I was one who knew the land and the season in which to return for the discovery of the return passage, and that success might be had now in that in which so many fleets have not been able to succeed, it was important for me to come. Therefore on account of coming (as I did), I did not go to España, being confident in the liberality and grandeur of your Majesty, and that if I petitioned you from here, you should show me justice and thorough favor. Also [I did this] because it is well for me to end my life in your Majesty’s service, since most of my life has been spent in serving you. With that motive, I embarked, and we set sail at Puerto de la Navidad. After a sixty-four days’ voyage we made the Filipinas. While some masts were being prepared in the island of Bohol for the fleet, your general sent me to the province back of the island to attend to other things. There I traded for the samples of gold, wax, and cinnamon which are being sent to your Majesty, with the greatest care possible. I returned to Bohol, where the fleet was stationed, and where, at the last resolution taken, it was determined that the fleet should come to this island of Cubu, because of the information that we heard of it, and for other reasons. We arrived here on the twenty-seventh of April of this year sixty-four (or rather sixty-five). We are located in the best center of the country although there is no other advantage in this island than that it is well settled, and consequently we can maintain ourselves until your Majesty have us informed of what is best for your royal service and that we should support ourselves. We are stationed here at the gateway of great kingdoms and Maluco is very near, where our holy faith will be exalted and your royal patrimony increased, for there is a natural fitness for it. I am busying myself and shall continue to busy myself in your royal service, and there will be no lack of service. Will your Majesty aid us with the wherewithal, so that trade may be maintained and introduced among many of these nations. It is a fact that entrance must be made in your royal name, and by force of arms. We are not well equipped, and consequently, it is necessary that the aid that we are now sending to ask from Nueva España be sent with promptness. In the matter of the ginger it is already clear to your Majesty, that I brought it and that Don Francisco did not treat in my favor as he ought to have done, and that I was notably injured in this, and that the three hundred pesos de minas in acquittances have not been collected because of the difficulty in doing so. I beg your Majesty that I be given warrants on the treasury reserving the right of the rest that makes for my justice in this matter, until it is pleaded in my name and until amends may be made to me; since before nor since no one else has done such a service in which there is an annual sum of more than fifty thousand ducados involved (or rather more than one hundred and fifty thousand). In that I will receive grace and justice. May our Lord happily prosper your sacred royal Catholic Majesty with the increase of life and greater kingdoms that is desired by your servants. Cubu, May 30, 1565. Your royal Catholic Majesty’s faithful servant, who humbly kisses your royal feet and hands.

Guido de Lavezaris

LETTER FROM ANDRES DE MIRANDAOLA TO FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

Miguel Lopez de Legaspi came as general of the fleet which came to these islands of the West at your Majesty’s orders. Don Luis de Velasco, the viceroy of Nueva España (may he rest in peace) appointed me to the office of factor and overseer of your Majesty’s royal estate in your Majesty’s name, in consideration of my constant obligation to serve your Majesty, whose sacred royal Catholic person I beseech our Lord to ever increase with great kingdoms and seigniories.

This fleet reached these Filipinas Islands February xvi, 1565, and I shall [here] relate what has been seen in them thus far, with that fidelity, faithfulness, and willingness which is always to be found in me, with all possible diligence.