Chapter VIII: Part 8

As for the government of the new governor, Guido de Lavezaris, I shall discuss or say nothing; for your Excellency can learn about it there from the people who go [there] from here, and by the letters which will be written. Only I beg your Excellency not to take your information from Joan Pacheco alone, for, according to his statement and opinion, because of his obligation to the governor, and his affection and friendship, and the things that the governor has done for him, he will say that he is fit to rule and govern the kingdom of Napoles and the state of Millan. It is no wonder that he says that, for the governor has given him more than four thousand Indians in repartimiento, so that there is not a better encomienda in this region, though Pacheco is but a private soldier, and one of those who has seen least service in this country. He has done nothing but act as sentinel for the adelantado—may he be in glory—and that not for very many years, though he is a man of wealth and of noble birth, as your Excellency will have heard. Your Excellency may obtain specific information regarding him, and that from father Fray Diego de Herrera [49] who is on his way to inform your Excellency and his Majesty of affairs in this country and of the events therein. He deserves great faith and credit on account of his great goodness and devotion, for without anger or bias or self-interest, he will tell your Excellency truthfully and with a zealous Christian heart desirous to serve God and his Majesty, the state of affairs here. He will give you a particular account of the small favor in which the religious and the ministers of God are now held here more than ever, and how insulted and little regarded they are by the governor and his followers and allies and by those who have any command and power here now. He will tell you how little is done for them, and how little aid and favor is given to the instruction and the things of God, and also how little favored and protected are these natives and how oppressed and molested they are ordinarily. He will also inform your Excellency how under color of sending his Majesty a very rich present from everything brought from China by the Sangleys, he has demanded a loan in the camp of more than four hundred taes, taking from one ten, and from another twenty, and from another fifty, in accordance with what he is sending, and what each one possessed. I do not understand how the judge who receives loans as gifts or pledges from those whom he must punish, can rightly judge and enforce justice. He will also inform your Excellency of the many revolts and riots, the factions and enmities which arise among the people here, how much complaint all have in general to make of the new governor, and how they are irritated by his policy and government and murmur at it, and how well known he is to have a passionate temperament, as is manifest by those whom he is sending to that country under arrest, which will appear in the records of the process. He is also known to be very biased and partial, and that not to the older, the more prudent, and leading persons in the camp. For his companions he has an open door and has always time to spend three or four hours talking with them, while his door is shut to the religious and to the minister of God and to the poor soldier who has any occasion to do business with him, and he has no time to listen to the poor Indian about the wrongs that have been done to him, or to the Spaniard who comes to state his complaints and troubles, or to listen calmly and kindly to what is affirmed and declared regarding a demand for justice. Upon these and other matters of the same kind and quality one might say much and might write a long document. This I do not do, but refer to those who are going there to tell your Excellency that never have the forces in this camp been so disturbed and divided as at present. In almost nine years during which the good old man now departed—may he be in glory—governed us, there were not so many dissensions and disturbances, nor so much discontent, as there have been and are during the nine months in which Guido de Lavezaris has been governing us. On this account, and since he is now more than seventy years of age, and I think desires quiet, it is necessary to provide a remedy; and that is for your Excellency to send from there any person soever that is suitable for such a duty and fit for the present necessity. For I believe before God and my conscience, casting aside all bias and partiality, which in this matter have no control over me, that this is desirable for the service of God our Lord, and of his Majesty, the good of the natives, and the pacification and preservation of this country. Believing this with honest purpose and with a Christian heart desirous of the common welfare and of the service of God and of his Majesty, I give your Excellency this advice, so that, as a pious and most Christian prince you may, with your great prudence and liberality, quickly provide the remedy. If your Excellency does not see fit to send another new governor, it would be desirable in my judgment for your Excellency to send an auditor of that royal Audiencia and some person learned in the law, a man of character and a good Christian, to visit and inspect this country and to undeceive your Excellency with regard to some matters which have been written to you there with perverse reports. It will be better to send a rich advocate than a poor knight who as is suspected is pledged by gifts and by the grant of a good repartimiento. This last point, however, I know only by hearsay. If it is true, your Excellency will ascertain it there and will judge if it is right that the encomienda should not be given to those who have been here in service nine years pacifying the country, and that it should be given to a man who came and goes back again with a good salary without having been engaged in the pacification and without any of the labor of conquest. At the same time I think it is necessary that your Excellency in the name of his Majesty, or his Majesty in person should confirm the repartimientos and grants which the new governor has made without having had special permission therefor and without special command from his Majesty. Your Excellency will also decide if the regranting in encomienda of the villages which became vacant, and were in his Majesty’s hands, has been proper. All that I know of this is that the adelantado (may he be in glory) was often importuned to have this done, but never could it be brought about because he said that he had a command from his Majesty to the contrary. What the other, in his great prudence and matured wisdom did not do, he who now governs us has done with great promptness and liberality. The cause which I believe has moved him to this is the lack of Indians to be given in encomiendas to the soldiers; if this is true, it is very clear and may easily be perceived and understood that there is not in these islands the population which has been reported to your Excellency by letter, though there has been no lack of Indians for him and for the officials of the king, contrary to his Majesty’s prohibition.

If your Excellency should not send and provide another governor for these islands, it would be just for your Excellency to have our present governor ordered to take care to protect the affairs of the adelantado, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi (may he be in glory), since he governed this country with so great quietness and prudence, spent upon it his own property, and died poor in the service of his Majesty. That is very just, as is also that particular care be taken to show kindness and favor to Captain Joan de Salzedo, inasmuch as he is one of those who have labored most in this country and have shown the greatest zeal in the service of his Majesty. He is very spirited and energetic, and for a man so young, very cautious and prudent, and he has good desires and purposes to serve God and his Majesty. Hence some office might be assigned and entrusted to him. Therefore, any favor that your Excellency may extend or may command to be shown him will be very well conceded; although the governor has given him but scant reward, since he has given as much or more to a private soldier, as has already been said, by which he has given rise to comment and occasion to murmuring.

It is also just that your Excellency should show all possible favor to the sargento-mayor, Joan de Moron, who is going to that country under arrest on grounds which seem very slight, besides being imprisoned here for ten months in his house and being burdened by the expenses of the suit. Everybody thinks that there has been more passion than reason or justice in this case, as may be seen there by the report of the process. [50] He is a man of very good qualities, and though he is not at all a courtier, he is prudent and very careful and diligent in the service of his Majesty, and very useful. There is no one in this region who has seen more service than he. If your Excellency is about to send forces to this country, he might well be put in command of them, because he is one of the first who came to this region, and because he has served his Majesty so well in it, as is well known to all, and as your Excellency will already have received report. If it should be necessary for your Excellency to appoint a new captain of experience in matters here, I think it would be the best thing for your Excellency to assign to him and to the inferior captains whatever your Excellency may be able to provide here, for there are many of them and few soldiers. In this and in all other matters will your Excellency decide upon that which is most for the advantage of the service of God and of his Majesty.

The voyage to explore China has not been carried out, because of the death of Governor Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, who was very obedient to the command of his Majesty and your Excellency. After his death there was little goodwill in him who had the duty of ordering the execution of this command, since he and other captains had done what they could to prevent it from the beginning. Hence, they gave their votes against carrying it out. In spite of this, the adelantado—may he be in glory—was determined to accomplish what your Excellency had directed. After his death it happened that the ships which were going to that country put back, and since the ship “Santiago” arrived at Çubu without rigging or equipment, they took advantage of the occasion to strip and dismantle one vessel in order to equip another. Thus they did away with that which was necessary for the journey to China. However, if they had not had this opportunity, I believe that they would not have gone on with the voyage because of the little disposition which the governor had for it. Upon this point, I believe that they have sent full reports to your Excellency. What I am able to say from the little that I know, and from what those say who judge the matter dispassionately, is that it was a very desirable thing and a very important matter, and one from which great service might result to our Lord and to his Majesty, profit to the royal treasury, and increase to the royal estate, and that this might all be done in a lawful and Christian manner as is commanded and directed by his Majesty and by your Excellency in his royal name. When it was supposed that the voyage would he carried out, our father provincial commanded me to go with the forces which were about to depart on this voyage of discovery. Although the voyage is uncertain and the dangers and hardships are certain, I had offered myself for the undertaking because of my desire to serve our Lord and my king and your Excellency and would go with great willingness. If the said voyage is undertaken again, I offer myself anew to go on the expedition if your Excellency will regard that as a service and will send me a command to that effect. Should it be the will of your Excellency that the voyage should be prosecuted, it would be necessary to send from there two or three thousand pesos in tostons and to carry from here fifty quintals of wax and as many more of cotton, which are the articles of barter that have the greatest value there. It seems to me also very desirable that there should be two ships in the squadron, so that if one of them suffer any mishap, such as often occurs at sea, the men may be assisted and saved in the other. It would also be possible for them to make their voyage with greater safety from enemies, if any strive to do them harm. If it should be your Excellency’s decision and if it should seem desirable to you for two ships to go, the two above named, the “Santiago” and the “Espiritu Santo” may go. By bringing from that country what is necessary in the way of sails, rigging, and equipment, they may very well be fitted out in this country with carpentry and calking. A brigantine or pinnace may also be made for the return voyage to that country. Your Excellency may discuss there with the pilots whether they can go to the island of Cauchill [51] if the voyage is made; for it is a matter of the greatest importance for this island to be explored and examined, for it is said to be very rich and to have a great trade. According to what is said, a great deal of pepper and Moluccan cloves are exported every year. It is very near China and is also near Sian, and I think not very far from Burney. In that island the king of China has a governor and maintains a garrison. Yet as that race goes, 300 Spanish soldiers could take by assault twenty or thirty thousand of them. They say that there are horses and elephants there, and that it is a very rich and very important island. With reference to this matter will your Excellency examine it and command what is of greatest advantage to the service of his Majesty and to that of God our Lord. May God preserve the very excellent person of your Excellency for many years in His holy service with an increase of prosperity for the good of that country and the preservation and increase of this, and after this life may He grant you eternal and everlasting life. Amen. From the city of Manila, June 6, 1573. Most excellent Lord, your Excellency’s unworthy chaplain and suppliant kisses your hands.

Fray Francisco de Ortega [52]

AUGUSTINIAN MEMORANDA

Memoranda of the religious of the islands of the West in regard to the matters to be discussed with his Majesty or his royal Council of the Yndias by Fray Diego de Herrera.

The matters which father Fray Diego de Herrera is to discuss with his Majesty or with his royal Council. For the due discharge of our conscience because of our obligation, your Reverence is going there [i.e., to Spain], since you were one of the first in the country, in order to inform him both by word and writing of the evil policy and regimen in this country, both in the conquest and in the maintenance of the land, so that his Majesty as a most Christian [king] may provide their correction and discharge his royal conscience.

First: This is the way in which the land is pacified and colonies established. A captain goes with soldiers and interpreters to the village of which he has had notice only, or to one that has been pillaged by other Spaniards. The people are told that if they wish friendship with the Castilians they must immediately give them tribute. If the people acquiesce, then they consider the amount that each man must pay, and they are compelled to pay it immediately. Sometimes, the village has been pillaged because the people did not agree to what was asked from them. It also seems to be the proper thing to pillage them, if they do not wait and if they abandon their houses. All this takes place without having benefited the natives at all, and without giving them to understand that his Majesty sent them to inform the natives of God. We Spaniards are held in ignominy in this country and our name is held in abomination, as is even the most holy name of the Lord, and we are considered as the usurpers of others’ possessions, as faithless pirates, and as shedders of human blood, because we illtreat our own friends, and harass and trouble them; while many acts of violence and force are used toward them both to their own houses and to their wives and daughters and possessions, and they themselves are illtreated by word and deed. In this they have no one to defend and protect them. The most abandoned inhabitants and those at a distance commit the greatest injuries and murders; and when those in command hear of it, they do not institute relief by sending to make investigations of events so far away, for they say that it must appear in writing, and that it is a great expense and trouble to send to a distance time after time, as [is said by] the present visitor who is the first to complain of it. But he gives information of it and asks why he should go to visit all the land. Item: Because of the great outcries, murders, and captivities that have been made, both by captains and by other leaders and soldiers throughout the islands, under pretext that they did not have peace writs, although Spaniards had never gone there; and also to many who had the peace writ already and were promised safety in his Majesty’s name, that writ has been transgressed and broken. There has been no punishment inflicted for all the above which is very well known and notorious to all people. Consequently, great dissoluteness has reigned, and I believe that there are very few whose skirts are clean of this vice. For example, no aid has been given to the friends who pleading their just causes and the injuries that they have received from others, have asked protection and aid. Neither have amends been made to them as it seemed more trouble than gain. Such have been few [who have thus pleaded]. I only remember of a chief of Xaro, by name Mamicoan, a Christian, who pleaded before the alcalde-mayor of Çubu, Don Gonzalo de Luna, and the justice of Çubu, saying that while he was absent another old man, his neighbor, had burned his house. His father and mother had been burned and other damages committed, and that, as the chief declared, simply because he had just been married and become a Christian at Çubu. The religious who lived there at the same time interceded for him, asking that four Spaniards be sent to arrest that old man. They were answered that it would cause an insurrection in the land if they did that. Besides the above there is a pirate called Caxabic, who devastates Çamal and Masbat every year. Item: The Joloans devastate all the Pintados as well as Camarines, and those of Ylo and Vilnabagan. The Spaniards never go in pursuit of them or punish them, or humiliate them, or make them restore their booty. But they only go to rob those sheep for the second time by demanding tribute from those whom they know not to have been entirely cleaned up by the others.

It is considered as a just cause for war in the War Council if the Indians say that they do not care for the friendship of the Spaniards, or if they build any fort to defend themselves. Such Indians are killed, captured, pillaged, and their houses burned. For that reason occurred the war of Bitis and Lubao [53] and the forts which were taken by Juan de Sauzedo; and those of Cainta, where the night before, an Indian having climbed into a palmtree cried out: “Spaniards, what did my ancestors do or owe to you that you should come to pillage us;” and that of Papagan. In all of the above many people were killed and captured, and sold as slaves, especially in Papagan, for it is said that they defied the Spaniards, although there was no resistance in any of those places. It is considered as an occasion for just war by the War Council and a village may be destroyed and all those captured may be enslaved, if any Spaniard has been killed in the village; although the occasions that the dead man might have given or the wrongs that he might have committed are not considered, as is neither the fact that those natives do not understand or have anyone whom they can ask to avenge them unless it be God and their justice. They formerly had no king or ruler from whom to ask satisfaction. This chastisement is meted out without any thought of the guilty ones, and often although only one man is to blame, the entire village is punished. Almost never has the guilty one paid for his crime, or the accomplice to it, for they immediately take to hiding. So was made the war in the island of Çubu, against those villages of Candaya, because a common seaman was killed; and in Bohol, because they killed a worthless fellow on account of his many exactions in the collection of the tribute. There as they did not find any people in the village where he was killed, they seized seven Indians from a village lower down which is called Baye, and hanged them because they confessed that they had known beforehand that the other villages had agreed to kill the man. Item: Because the natives killed Mena and three others who asked them for tributes, in the island of Marinduc [i.e., Marinduque], Captain Luis de la Haya went by the governor’s orders and that of all the Council of War and destroyed the islands of Banton and Malindus [i.e., Marinduque], and also that of Guimbar. [54] The greater portion of the land has no other peace than that some captain and soldiers have lodged there and told the people that they must pay tribute if they wished peace with the Spaniards. They have no other cause or reason for it than being there one or two days to collect what tribute the people could give and then pass on to another village. This was the procedure along all the coast of Bulinau and Ylocos for nearly one hundred leguas, where raids have been made twice in one year. Thus have more than six thousand taes of gold been collected, a sum equivalent to about one thousand marcos, and quite equal to that amount in fact. The same thing has been done along other coasts although not in the same proportion.

With no greater pacification than the above, the land is assigned and divided, whereupon the encomendero taking some companions with him goes to the village or villages which have been given him, and makes them the following speech: “Take heed that I am your master, and that the governor has given you to me to protect from other Spaniards who annoy you.” This is the universal reasoning of most of them, and they make no mention of God or the king. Then they immediately demand the tribute, each one the amount that he can get without any limit. They have generally asked three or four maes apiece from the Lusones, and two or three from the Pintados. That is a very excessive sum in the beginning for a people who do not know what it means to pay tribute. If some of the people do not wait for the encomendero in order to agree to give him the tribute, their houses and village are burned, as was done by the master-of-camp in the village of Baban, and Navarro in his encomienda of Çurigo. Many of the encomenderos stay in their encomiendas all or the greater part of the year looking after their interests, where they prove a great hindrance and obstacle to their Indians.

No attention is paid to the instruction, nor is protection or aid given to the religious for it. On the contrary they have hitherto opposed us going out or building houses among the Indians, but [try to force] us to live among the Spaniards. Neither then nor now has there been any aid extended on the part of those who govern, either to attract the natives to our holy faith or to induce them to forsake their evil customs, for they say that it is too early, although they could be got rid of with a single word. For as they are a timid race they obey immediately in this; and the Spaniards have never tried to overlook anything in the Christians in order thus to invite all the others. On the contrary they have generally harassed them more than the others as they are more peaceful and nearer at hand. They have been very slow to recompense them even in words, and it has consequently happened that very few natives outside of Çubu have been baptized for the above reasons. There is in general very little Christianity among the Spaniards, who pay very little attention to divine worship and to their ministers and even with great difficulty have poor shacks been erected in which to celebrate the divine offices. There is great lewdness among the [native] women both among infidels and the influential women—this last secretly. Many slaves have been sold and many others have been retained who have been enslaved and captured illegally and unjustly. Some, in order that they might be made use of, and might not be taken from their owners in order to return them to their own villages, have fraudulently been made to come to ask for baptism and have become Christians. Many islands and villages are devastated and almost wiped out, partly by the Spaniards or because of them, and partly by famines of which, or at the beginning of them, the Spaniards were the reason; for either by fear or to get rid of the Spaniards the natives neglected their sowing, and when they wished to sow then anguish came upon them, and consequently, many people have died of hunger.

Many injuries have been and are still practiced on the Indians by the Spaniards or by their encomenderos themselves. Even murders have been committed; and since they live in remote regions, and since the aggrieved parties cannot go to plead their justice, or have no one to plead it for them, if it even comes to the ears of the governor, it is not corrected. For the latter either says that it must appear in writing or that when he shall go to that place he will inflict punishment for the matter. So he remarked to me when I told him of an Indian woman whom Luys Perez had killed, and of the other chief woman who had been imprisoned, and of the Indian whom Gudinez killed. So declared the adelantado when the deeds of Luys de la Aya, Andres de Ybarra, and of the accountant were discussed.

All or most of the Spaniards act as justices when they go through the villages and decide the suits and quarrels among the natives. They take pay for it, although they often judge unjustly in favor of him who pays more. Your Reverence will inform his Majesty of the condition of the people and that they do not have any king or sovereign, but live in bands or families where the richest or the most powerful is the leader. Some tyrannize over and pillage the others. The slaves owned by the natives are partly so from time immemorial, for their parents and grand-parents were slaves, as were their ancestors; Some have become slaves for loans and debts because they always reckon the loans by usurious rates which are greatly practiced here. Some are slaves for crimes, either for having stolen the slightest thing or for having given false testimony, or having dared do anything by word or deed against a chief. Others, and these are the fewest, are those who have been captured in the wars which they wage among themselves, some of which have been waged for many years between enemies, while others are waged because of some injury done to one side by the other. It is difficult to ascertain which of those causes is just. However, they are so evilly inclined a race in respect to this that when occasion offers they do not keep faith with their friend. Since the coming of the Spaniards to this land there has been another kind of slaves who have sold themselves very cheaply in times of famine in order to live during the famine—the father to his son, the brother to his brother, the uncle to his nephew, and others likewise—in which he who bought showed charity to the one purchased. Such slaves were never sold unless by such an one who could not live through his own efforts. I do not speak of those who pillaged the timauas and sold them as slaves.

The requests to be made of his Majesty

That his Majesty provide relief in all the above as a most Christian [king] and give instructions for what is yet to be discovered and for the future; and that in so far as it is possible he try to give some satisfaction to the villages and provinces destroyed by the Spaniards, or because of them, and for the tributes that have been wrongly collected. That all the Indians who are and have been captured by Spaniards and sold into foreign lands be ransomed and returned to their lands. That he declare for this the method which has been ordered here for restitutions. Likewise that the Cebuans be ransomed wherever found although it be in the estate of his Majesty in these islands, since that village has been depopulated because of the Spaniards.

That an inquiry be made into slaves acquired wrongly and of timauas wrongly held who are in the power of Spaniards; and that such be taken away from them even though they be Christians. That his Majesty send men for this purpose who are not infested with vice, or who are not pledged by gifts or loans as are the men here. That his Majesty endow two hospitals, which can be done with vacant encomiendas to the sum that seems advisable to his Majesty. You must give him to understand his obligation for it and the gain that will accrue to his Majesty in the preservation of the people, which will be so greatly furthered by this. That his Majesty order the method by which we may be supplied with religious who are necessary here, although it even cause a lack of them there.

That his Majesty send a couple of secular priests of learning and conscience so that they may correct the customs of the Spaniards; and that he might strictly order the justices to correct them as far as they are concerned. That if a trip should be made to China or otherwhere, although when that be done there be religious of the other orders here, that we be the first, since our order can conveniently furnish such religious. Item: In order that nothing may be asked, which may be justly denied to us after first consulting the president and auditors [of Nueva España] or some secretary, you shall petition his Majesty to have such and such a sum given us as aims annually in order to build one or two monasteries in which to rear novices and give them a chance to study wherever it shall be deemed most advisable here. In order that he may not imagine it to be for an infinite time as it is in Mexico, let him assign a limited period of so many years. You shall give him to understand and make much of the relics of the child Jesus and the image which our Lord was pleased to keep in this land for so many years for our consolation. That if his Majesty permit the natives to be held as slaves by the Spaniards as they are among the natives, that he do not permit them to be taken from their lands, for by so doing in a short time the land will be depopulated and destroyed. That the slavery be more mild than that of the negroes, and you shall give the king to understand how free the slavery of the Indians is, and that the Indian cannot sell more right than that which he possesses [over a slave]. That from him who maltreats his servant, the latter may be taken away by the justice, or the owner may be compelled to sell him, for the slaves have this right among the natives themselves. That his Majesty order that, under heavy penalties, no one buy slaves from the natives by force. That the determination of who can be rightly held as a slave be at the advice of the religious. That his Majesty order that the chiefs be treated as such, and that they do not pay tribute in their persons or be made prisoners except for very serious matters. You shall tell him that that is a very insulting thing among them and will anger them greatly, for among them only fugitive slaves are made prisoners. You shall inform him that they are thrown into irons or stocks here for very slight causes, and often for the fault of their slaves, who run away or do not obey the orders of the Spaniards; since it is a fact that the chiefs have very little control over their slaves.

That no one be taken on raids or [word illegible] or to any other place by force or against his will unless it be a very necessary case and then by paying him. And if any slave is killed in the raid, that his master be paid if he gave the slave against his will and under special restriction, if his death happened through any fault of the Spaniards—which is always to be presumed since they so evilly go to the lands of others who owe them nothing to beg or to seize their property.

Memorandum of the products or means of gain in this land

There is gold both in mines or native deposits, and in places in the rivers in almost all parts of the land; although, notwithstanding that, not much is seen among the Indians (although the mines are rich) because they are a lazy race, because the slaves are very arrogant, and because of the plundering and warfare among themselves, so that they do not dare to leave their houses unless they are in bands and armed. However, the chief mines that the Indians work and of which we have notice, are those of Pangasinan, Ylocos, those of Paracali, Vicor, Camarines, and Bongdo. They are all located in the island of Luzon, and in another island outside it, called Catandoanes. Item: In the island of Ybabao, in that of Samal, in that of Masbat, in the island that the Spaniards call Vermeja about two leguas from Çurigao, where, according to the report of the Indians, was the greatest wealth of all. However, that island is now deserted because of a certain superstition until the death of the children of the one who was its ruler. Also in many parts of the island of Mindanao, especially in the river of Çurigao, in that of Parasao, in that of Butuan, and in that of Vaguindanao. The gold in the last named island is fine and in quantity.

Pearls are also found near Tandaya in the island of Ybabao, in the island of Vatayan, in that of the Cagayanes, in that of Bohol, in that of Mindanao between Cavite and the bay of Baguindanao, and in the island of Xolo, where there is reported to be a very great quantity.

There are spices and drugs, especially cinnamon, in the island of Mindanao, where it is found in quantities in Cavite, in Cagayan, in Compor, and in the bay near Butuan. There is also pepper, both long and round, although not in quantity, but if it were planted, as much as one would desire could be raised. There are quantities of it in an island called Cauchin [55] located near China where there are also many elephants. There are also elephants in the island of Xoloc. [56] There are ginger, cubebs, tamarinds, and other drugs. This is without touching on the mainland of China, Sian, and Patani, or in Java or the Malucos, where all manner of spices, drugs, and perfumes are found. In some of those places precious stones are found, according to the report of both the Portuguese and the Borneans who trade with them.

LETTER FROM MARTIN DE RADA TO VICEROY MARTIN ENRIQUEZ

Most Excellent Sir:

May the grace of the Holy Ghost dwell forever in the soul of your Excellency. I received a letter from your Excellency last year after the departure of the ships from this place, in which your Excellency orders me to write at length and minutely of events in these islands. Although I wrote your Excellency last year and father Fray Diego de Herrera went to that country from here to report both to your Excellency and to his Majesty concerning all the matters of this land, and concerning the manner of the conquest and the wars waged here, and concerning the encomiendas: yet inasmuch as we do not know what happened in the voyage nor how affairs have been discussed there, I shall briefly retell the most essential things, first advising your Excellency of what happened here after [the departure of the ships]. This is that the governor immediately sent Captain Juan de Salzedo accompanied by Captain Pedro de Chaves and some men to pacify the river of Vicor and the Camarines, which are located in this same island of Lusson. The people there are the most valiant and best armed men of all these islands. Consequently, although they never attacked the Spaniards, still they defended themselves in all their villages, and would not surrender unless conquered by force of arms. Consequently all those villages were entered in the same way, by first summoning them to submit peacefully, and to pay tribute immediately unless they wished war. They replied that they would first prove those to whom they were to pay tribute, and consequently, the Spaniards attacking them, an entrance was made among them by force of arms, and the village was overthrown and whatever was found pillaged. Then the Spaniards sent to have the natives summoned to submit peacefully. When the natives came, they asked them to immediately give them tribute in gold and to an excessive amount, for which they promised to give them writs of peace. Therefore, since all the people defended themselves, more have perished in that land than in any other yet conquered. After he had accomplished this, Juan de Salzedo returned with the gold, and left Pedro de Chaves settled on the river of Vicor with seventy men. Juan de Salzedo having returned, the governor again sent him with forty or fifty men to colonize Ylocos. He apportioned the land among them, and in that the governor showed himself to be very partial; for although three companies had come together from Nueva España, namely, those of Felipe de Salzedo (which was later transferred to Juan de Salcedo), Artieda, and Andres de Ivarra, to only the company of Juan de Salsedo did he grant repartimientos, while he gave nothing at all to those other companies. Although we have declared here how unjust has been the affair of the Ylocos, as is so evident a thing, they cannot believe us, for they have done nothing there for two years back but make raids to tell the people that they should be friends and pay tribute immediately. Accordingly, a portion of the people gave it through fear, and a portion because they are not very warlike; and they did the same lately for the second year. They even pillaged the people in the place where they fled and wasted their village. They have now gone to collect the tribute for the third time. They have done them no other benefit or kindness and have had no other communication or contact with them than the abovesaid. The same thing happened in the island of Acuyo which was granted some two months ago to Luys de la Haya. The master-of-camp went there about four years ago with soldiers and pillaged them of tribute to the sum of two hundred taes. As they have been unable to go there since it is out of the way, the governor ordered those who went thither for Luys de la Haya to collect the entire sum that those people ought to have paid during the past years for his Majesty, and the tribute of this year for Luys de la Haya. But since the Indians either refused or were unable to pay the back tribute, they paid only that of the present year. The governor exhibited considerable annoyance over this, and finally took one-half of what they brought in the name of his Majesty. Although there is little or no justice or reason in the other regions [of the Indias] for the tribute that is asked of those districts, there is no trace or surplus of it here. Besides that the tribute that is collected from the natives is excessive and intolerable, judging by the wretchedness of the natives; and in order that your Excellency may see the senselessness and harm perpetrated there in all this matter, I am enclosing to your Excellency in this present letter, the copy of an “Opinion” I handed to the governor the other day, in regard to the tribute that was collected. [57] In that “Opinion” I declared briefly, inasmuch as I was dealing with a person who knows the conditions of the country, the injustice that was and that is being done. Although I believe that he will send it to your Excellency, still whether he does or not, I am sending this copy. Although I charge in it that war has been made without his Majesty’s order, besides that the land is so slightly pacified that the collectors have to go in bands to ask the tribute and with guards and arquebuses to collect the tribute. Little is consequently lacking to make them highwaymen. Item: The villages that are somewhat distant from the Spaniards also pillage one another as before, and as many pirates are to be seen as formerly. Even those who come to plead justice are very ill attended to or despatched. Finally since both the governor and the officials and all the rest who hold posts are encomenderos, there is no one to protect the poor Indians. The governor having assembled the men who were in this city, read them this “Opinion” of ours, and asked them for their opinion. They all said as one man that the tribute which was given them was little in proportion to what could be given, for each of them was considering his own interests and was not frank. In regard to the justification for their wars, they say that some are waged on the authority of father Fray Andres de Urdaneta, and some on mine. In those on my authority, I know that they have never asked my opinion in any of them except at the beginning (not at the first entrance in Çubu, but in the insignificant warfare waged at Baybay). That was for no other purpose than to destroy some boats of the natives, for no people or anything else were encountered in the villages. Also at other times when they were going in search of provisions when they were suffering dire necessity, [my opinion was asked]. They also summoned me when it was resolved that the master-of-camp should go for the first time to this city of Manila. It was, however, resolved in that council that hostilities must not be engaged in with the natives, although the Spaniards should be provoked. Whether they did it is seen from the result, for they entered Manila by force of arms, and turned the very artillery of the natives upon the latter when they were fleeing, and burned their village. If they have no blame in the matter, then let them allege their excuses, and that doctrine has been preached to them often. 1 gave my “Opinion” in writing so that they can clear themselves if they can truly do so; for I wish that most heartily, or any greater good, rather than that they should have any blame before God. However, I cannot discover that they are cleared, for they have made war and conquest by their sole authority and without his Majesty’s order. After that they made a false report to his Majesty, saying that the land was subdued, and that the natives had become subject to his Majesty voluntarily and without any war. I would like, just as was shown by our “Opinion,” that you would examine his Majesty’s instructions, so that one may see whether I say true, or whether the conquest has been made according to his Majesty’s instructions. Many complaints are made against the governor, and some of them with good reason. For will your Excellency consider whether he can be a good governor who is favorable to bribes, and not only that, but who even asks them from all persons, even if they be for mean considerations; and who although they be given outright and not loaned, readily grants his pay-warrant [on the treasury], the payment for which will be made even if another [than the original holder] should demand it; and who hates to hear Indians on whom he was taking vengeance complain. But insomuch as this is so notorious here that your Excellency can get information regarding it from all who come to this country, I refer the above to them, as well as other slight faults of which I shall say nothing although they arc public property. I will say no further, for I am well assured that some one will not be lacking who will give his pen full sway in this, to say nothing of his tongue.

Blessed be God, the instruction goes on, and the Indians are taking it up. Already there are many Christians here at Manila. Although there are religious also at Tondo, Lubao, Mindoro, Octon, Çubu, Vahi, and Bonbon, the Indians have not yet begun to be converted. [58] We priests are living each one singly in his own house, except in Manila where there are two, and in Çubu where there are also two.

Although some of the religious desire to return to that Nueva España because of their great scruples concerning the actions of this country and the lack of permanence here, I have detained them and am detaining them in the hope that your Excellency or his Majesty will provide the relief that is advisable by the first ships.

A general epidemic of smallpox has raged here this year, which has spared neither childhood, youth, nor old age. I believe that there are very few who have not had it (that is, of the natives), and many people have died of it.

I have seen one of his Majesty’s decrees, in which he orders the governor to inform him of the causes for making slaves among these natives. [59] Although the causes might be more largely drawn out, yet all the causes might be covered under four heads: those who are slaves of long standing or from their birth; those by captivity; those for crimes; and those for loans. Although there is nothing known about the causes for the slavery of those were born slaves, because their fathers and grandfathers were slaves, it is presumed that the cause is one of the other three. The captives are generally made slaves by unjust wars, for all these people are pirates who go annually by sea to pillage those who live in careless ease, or to any village which may not be bound to them by ties of blood or alliance. At times when they see their own people, they do not even keep peace with them. I speak of the Visayans or Pintados, who are more quarrelsome than the Lussones or Moros. However, some villages have just wars against others because the others have shown them some act of treachery under guise of friendship; for they are a very treacherous people, and eager to shed blood. But very few are captured in this way unless they are very young children, for they kill all of them, even the women, when they make any prisoners. Those enslaved for crimes are generally enslaved for theft, however small it be; and for other small offenses that break their laws and prohibitions. The chiefs invent many things in order to subject the common people. When they break any of the laws, whether they know it or not, they are immediately fined. If the culprit has nothing with which to pay the fine to which he is condemned, he is immediately enslaved. If one commits a serious crime such as murder, adultery, administering poison to any influential person, not only he but his children, parents, brothers and sisters, and relatives are enslaved. Slaves are also made for loans, for the principal of the loan continues to increase at such a rate that however small a sum may have been borrowed (although it be only of the value of four reals), it will have increased to such an extent before four years have passed that one will become wholly a slave on account of it. The same thing occurs for the mere fact of having fed one for a few days during a period of need. Also among the slaves lately made one may, strange to say, find a man who seems to have been made a slave justly, and we believe it is also true of those slaves of long standing, although the origin of their slavery is unknown. I write this here distinctly and clearly as a man who has mixed and lived with the natives and in their midst from the beginning. I know their customs, more intimately, I believe, than most of the people who live in this country. [I write this] so that there may be no occasion for the ruination of the land because of the false relations made there [in Nueva España]. May our Lord preserve the great and excellent person of your Excellency and prosper you for many years with ever increasing station. Manila, the last of June, 1574. Your Excellency’s most humble servant and chaplain kisses your hands.

Fray Martin de Herrada

LETTER FROM THE ROYAL OFFICIALS TO FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

We wrote your Majesty a report of occurrences in these regions by the ships that left these islands in the month of July of last year. Inasmuch as we have heard from the viceroy and officials of Mexico that the letters have been received, as well as the other things sent to your Majesty, we shall repeat nothing of that letter in this except to say that the ship “San Juan,” one of the three that set out last year, returned to port again, although we thought here at the time of its return that it was already in Nueva Spaña. Consequently, it was necessary to allow it to remain, and again careen and scrape it since there was time for it. Therefore the deck was again entirely replanked and the keel releaded, and it is as good as if just from the shipyard. It will sail somewhat short of rigging, for we have not been able to get any, try as we would; and although we have written to Mexico asking them to supply it thence, we have not been supplied because of what will be related below in the present letter. However, it is ready to sail at the first opportunity with that defect remedied as well as possible. Consequently, we are writing this letter in order to advise your Majesty of the other things that have occurred hereabouts.