Chapter VII: Part 7

§ 22. _Council of Ten_ ([Greek: _dekadarchian_]). It is clear that some sort of oligarchical government, nominated by Philip, is referred to; but the relation of this to the tetrarchies mentioned in the Speech on the Chersonese, § 26, as established by Philip, is uncertain. These corresponded to the four tribes or divisions of Thessaly (Thessaliotis, Phthiotis, Pelasgiotis, Histiaeotis); and this is confirmed by a statement in Theopompus' forty-fourth book, to which Harpocration (s.v. [Greek: _dekadarchia_]) refers. Harpocration states that Philip did not establish a decadarchy in Thessaly; and if he is right, then either (a) Demosthenes purposely used an inaccurate word, in order to suggest to the Messenians the idea of a government like that of the Councils of Ten established some sixty years before by Sparta in the towns subject to her; or (b) the text is wrong, and [Greek: _dekadarchian_] is a misreading of [Greek: DARCHIAN], in which [Greek: D] was the numeral (= 4), and the whole stood for [Greek: _tetrarchian_]. As to (a), it is difficult to suppose that the Messenians would not know what had happened in Thessaly so well that the innuendo would fall flat. There is no evidence that 'decadarchy' could be used simply as a synonym for 'oligarchy'. As to (b), the supposed corruption is possible; but then we are left with [Greek: _tetrarchian_] where we should expect [Greek: _tetrarchias_]: for there is no parallel to [Greek: _tetrarchia_] (sing.) in the sense of 'a system of tetrarchies'. It is, however, quite possible that Demosthenes was thinking especially of the Thessalians of Pherae, and of the particular tetrarchy established over them: and this seems on the whole the best solution. If, on the other hand, Harpocration is wrong, the reference here may be to a Council of Ten, either established previously to the tetrarchies, and superseded by them, or else coexistent with and superior to them; in either case, since the singular is used, this decadarchy must have been a single government over the whole of Thessaly (or perhaps of the district about Pherae only), not a number of Councils, one in each city or division of Thessaly. (Theopompus' forty-fourth book probably dealt with 342 B.C., two years after the present speech, though before the Speech on the Chersonese; but we are not told that he assigned the establishment of the tetrarchies to that year.)

§ 25. _find yourselves slaves_: lit. 'find your master.'

§ 28. _by yourselves_: i.e. in the absence of the ambassadors from Philip and other States.

_who conveyed the promises_: i.e. Ctesiphon, Aristodemus, and Neoptolemus (see Speech on Embassy, §§ 12, 94, 315, &c.): but Demosthenes has probably Aeschines also in view.

§ 30. _water-drinker_. See Speech on Embassy, § 46.

§ 32. _secure myself as good a hearing_. Most editions accept this rendering of [Greek: _emaut_o logon poi_es-o_]. But though [Greek: _logon didonai_] = 'grant a hearing,' and [Greek: _logon tychein_] = 'get a hearing,' [Greek: _logon eaut_o poiein_] is strange for 'secure oneself a hearing', and the passage regularly quoted from the Speech against Aristocrates, § 81, is not parallel, since [Greek: _tout_o_] in that passage is not a reflexive pronoun, and [Greek: _logon pepoi_eke_] almost = [Greek: _logon ded_oki_]. Possibly the text is corrupt, and we should either read [Greek: _psogon_] (with H. Richards) or [Greek: _emautou_] ('make you take as much account of me as of my opponents').

_further claim_: since an attack on the part of Demosthenes would incite them to make out a plausible case for Philip once more, and so earn his gratitude.

ON THE EMBASSY

[The literal translation of the title is 'On the misconduct as ambassador'.]

§ 1. _drawing your lots_. The jurors who were to serve in each trial were selected by lot out of the total number of jurors for the year.

§ 2. _one of those_: i.e. Timarchus (see Introd.).

_supremacy_. The sovereignty of the people was exercised to a great extent through the law-courts, the jury being always large enough to be fairly representative of popular opinion, though probably there was generally a rather disproportionate preponderance of poorer men among the jurors, the payment being insufficient to attract others. (See Introduction, vol. i, pp. 18, 19, 23.)

§ 11. _the Ten Thousand_: the General Assembly of the Arcadians at Megalopolis.

§ 13. _he came to me_, &c. Aeschines denies this, saying that it would have been absurd, when he knew that Demosthenes and Philocrates had acted together throughout (see Introd.).

§ 16. _in the very presence_, &c.: contrast Speech on the Crown,

§ 23 (and see n. there). Aeschines states that he was in fact replying to inflammatory speeches made by orators who pointed to the Propylaea, and appealed to the memory of ancestral exploits; and that he simply urged that it was possible for the Athenians to copy the wisdom of their forefathers without giving way to an unseasonable passion for strife.

§ 17. _had again acted_: i.e. as on the First Embassy, if the reading is correct (or perhaps, 'had committed a fresh series of wrongful acts'). But possibly [Greek: _peprhakot_on_] is right, 'had sold fresh concessions' to Philip.

§ 20. Aeschines replies that every one expected Philip to turn against Thebes; and that for the rest, he was only reporting the gossip of the Macedonian camp, where the representatives of many states were gathered together, and not making promises at all. It is noteworthy, however, that in the Speech on the Peace, § 10, shortly after the events in question, when the speeches made would be fresh in every one's memory, Demosthenes gives the same account of his opponent's assertions; and Aeschines probably said something very like what is attributed to him.

§ 21. _debt due to the god_: i.e. the value of the Temple-treasure of Delphi, which the Phocians had plundered.

§ 30. _for however contemptible_, &c. The argument seems to be this. 'You must not say that a man like Aeschines could not have brought about such vast results. Athens may employ inferior men, but any one who represents Athens has to deal with great affairs, and so his acts may have great consequences. And again, although it may have been Philip who actually ruined the Phocians, and although Aeschines could never have done it alone, still he did his best to help.'

§ 31. _the Town Hall_, or Prytaneum, where the Prytanes (the acting Committee of the Council) met, and other magistrates had their offices.

_Timagoras_ was accused (according to Xenophon) by his colleague Leon of having conspired with Pelopidas of Thebes against the interests of Athens, when on a mission to the court of Artaxerxes in 357. In § 137 Demosthenes also states that he received large sums of money from Artaxerxes.

§ 36. Aeschines denies that he wrote the letter for Philip, and his denial is fairly convincing.

§ 40. _a talent_. According to Aristotle (_Eth. Nic_. v. 7) the conventional amount payable as ransom was one mina per head. But from § 169 it appears that the Macedonians sometimes asked for more than this.

_laudable ambition_: i.e. to get credit for having thought of the ransom of the prisoners.

§ 47. _handed in_: either to the Clerk or to the Proedroi (the committee of Chairmen of the Assembly).

§ 51. Aeschines states that Philip's invitation was declined because it was suggested that Philip would keep the soldiers sent as hostages.

§ 65. _on our way to Delphi_. Demosthenes had been one of the Athenian representatives at the meeting of the Amphictyonic Council at Delphi this year.

_gave its vote_, &c. After the battle of Aegospotami at the end of the Peloponnesian War, the representative of Thebes proposed to the Spartans and their allies that Athens should be destroyed and its inhabitants sold into slavery.

§ 70. _read this law over_: i.e. that the herald might proclaim it after him.

§ 72. For the Spartans see § 76. The Phocians had treated the Athenians badly when Proxenus was sent to Thermopylae (see Introd. to Speech on Peace). Hegesippus may have opposed the acceptance of Philip's invitation to the Athenians to join him. Aeschines (on the Embassy, §§ 137, 138) mentions no names in connexion with the refusal, but represents it as the sacrifice of a unique opportunity of saving the Phocians (cf. § 51 n.).

§ 76. _deceit and cunning, and of nothing else_ ([Greek: _pasa apat_e_]). The argument is, 'Aeschines will try to allege wrongful acts on the part of the Phocians; but there was no time for such acts in the five days; and this proves that there were no such acts to justify their ruin, and that their overthrow was due to nothing but trickery.' This is better than to translate '_every kind of_ deceit and trickery was concocted for the ruin of the Phocians'; for this is not the point, nor is it what would be inferred from the fact that there was only a five-days' interval between the speech of Aeschines and the capitulation of the Phocians. There is no need to emend to [Greek: _h_e pasa apat_e_].

_on account of the Peace_: i.e. of the negotiations for the Peace, before it was finally arranged.

_all that they wished_: viz. the restoration of the Temple of Delphi to their kinsmen, the Dorians of Mount Parnassus.

§ 78. _four whole months_: in reality, three months and a few days.

§ 81. _Phocian people_: i.e. those who were left in Phocis, as distinct from the exiles just referred to.

§ 86. _of Diophantus_. In 352, when Philip had been repulsed by Onomarchus, Diophantus proposed that public thanksgivings should be held (see Introd. to First Philippic).

_of Callisthenes_: in 346, after the Phocians had surrendered to Philip.

_the sacrifice to Heracles_: perhaps one of the two festivals which were respectively held at Marathon and at Cynosarges.

§ 99. _constitutional_: lit. 'an excuse for a citizen,' under a constitution by which no one was compelled to enter public life, and any one who did so without the requisite capacity had to take the responsibility for his errors.

§ 103. _impeached_. An impeachment was brought before the Council (or, more rarely, the Assembly). The procedure was only applied to cases of extraordinary gravity, and particularly to what would now be called cases of treason.

§ 114. _by torture_. The evidence of slaves might be given under torture, in response to a challenge from one or other of the parties to a suit. The most diverse opinions as to the value of such evidence are expressed by the orators, according to the requirements of their case. The consent of both sides was necessary; and in a very large number of cases, one side or the other appears to have refused to allow evidence to be taken in this way.

_was going_: i.e. to Philip.

§ 118. _accept his discharge_. There seems to be a play on two senses of the verb [Greek: aphienai], viz. 'to discharge from the obligations of a contract', and 'to acquit'.

§ 120. _Why, this is the finest_, &c. The expression ([Greek: touto gar esti to lamprhon]) recurs in § 279, a closely parallel passage, and need not be regarded as an interpolation in either case. The interpretation given seems slightly preferable, and is approved by Weil. It is almost equally possible to translate the Greek by 'such is the brilliant defence which he offers'; but perhaps this does not suit § 279 so well.

_stand up_. Apparently Aeschines declined the invitation, which was quite within the custom of the Athenian courts. Either of the principal parties could ask the other questions, and have the answers taken down as evidence.

_cases that have all_, &c. The reference is to the prosecution of Timarchus, when advanced in age, for offences committed in early youth. There may also be an allusion to Aeschines' early career as an actor.

§ 122. _declined on oath_. An elected official could refuse to serve, if he took an oath that there was some good reason (such as illness) for excusing him.

§ 126. _though not elected_. Aeschines (on the Embassy, § 94) replies that in fact the commission was renewed at a second meeting of the Assembly, and that he was then well enough to go and was elected. (That there was a second election of ambassadors is confirmed by Demosthenes' own statement in § 172 of the present speech, that he himself was twice elected and twice refused to serve.)

§ 128. _Thesmothetae_: the six archons who did not hold the special offices of archon eponymus, polemarch, or king archon.

_Aeschines went_, &c. To have refused to be present would really have been to make a political demonstration against Thebes, which would have had perilous results. Aeschines defends himself on the ground that in his view the Peace was no disadvantage to Athens, so that he might well join in the honours paid to the Gods.

§ 129. _Metroon_. The temple of the Great Mother (Cybele), which was the Athenian record-office.

_the name of Aeschines_: i.e. its removal from the list of ambassadors.

§ 131. _in their interest_. If the words are not corrupt, the meaning is probably 'in the interest of Philip and the Thebans'; or possibly, 'in reference to these matters.'

§ 136. _as his informant_. The text is possibly corrupt, though as it stands it might perhaps bear the meaning given, if [Greek: hyparchei] were understood with [Greek: autos]. Others (with or without emendation) take the sense to be 'to manage his business ... just as he would manage it in person '.

§ 137. For Timagoras see § 31 n.

§ 144. _summon Philip's envoys_: i.e. in order to report the decision of the Assembly, and so close the matter.

§ 147. _ask him whether_, &c. The argument seems to be this 'if Aeschines was the ambassador of a city which had been victorious against Philip, the latter would naturally wish to buy easy terms of peace; and Aeschines might undertake to procure such terms, without committing a particularly heinous offence, since he would only be getting some advantage for himself out of the general good fortune of his country. But to secure advantages for himself at his country's expense, when his country was already suffering disaster, would be far worse. And as Aeschines complains that the generals had incurred disaster, he convicts himself of the worse offence.'

§ 148. The _Tilphossaeum_ was apparently a mountain near Lake Copais in Boeotia. The town which Strabo calls Tilphusium may have been on the mountain. Neones, or Neon, was a Phocian village; Hedyleion, a mountain in Boeotia.

§ 149. _Ah! he will say_, &c. Either the words are interpolated, or there is a lacuna. The objection is nowhere refuted.

§ 156. Doriscus, &c. The places mentioned did not really belong to Athens, but to Cersobleptes, who was being assisted by Athenian troops, so that, strictly speaking, Philip was within his rights; and in fact (according to Aeschines), Cersobleptes and the Sacred Mountain were taken by Philip the day before the Athenians and their allies swore to the Peace at Athens.

§ 162. _Eucleides_ had been sent to protest against Philip's attack upon Cersobleptes in 346 (see vol. i, p. 122). Philip replied that he had not yet been officially informed by the Athenian ambassadors of the conclusion of the Peace, and was therefore not yet bound by it.

§ 166. _procure their ransom_: i.e. from the various Macedonians who had captured them, or to whom they had been given or sold.

§ 176. _committed to writing_, &c. Formal evidence (as distinct from the mere assertions of a speaker) was written down, and the witness was asked to swear to it. A witness who was called upon might swear that he had no knowledge of the matter in question ([Greek: _exomnysthai_]). By writing down his evidence and swearing to it, Demosthenes took the risk of prosecution for perjury.

§ 180. _might be proved in countless ways_: or 'would need a speech of infinite length '. But as [Greek: _kai_] and not [Greek: _de_] follows, I slightly prefer the former rendering. (The latter is supported by the Third Philippic, § 60, but there the next clause is connected by [Greek: _de_].)

_Ergophilus_ was heavily fined in 362 (see Speech against Aristocrates, § 104); Cephisodotus in 358 (ibid. § 167, and Aeschines against Ctesiphon, § 52); Timomachus went into exile in 360 to escape condemnation (against Aristocrates, § 115, &c.). Ergocles was perhaps the friend of Thrasybulas (see Lysias, Orations xxviii, xxix), and may have been condemned for his conduct in Thrace, as well as for malversation at Halicarnassus. Dionysius is unknown.

§ 187. _has got beyond_, &c.: an ironical way of saying that he has so much overdone his application to himself of the title of (prospective) 'benefactor' of Athens, that another word (e.g. 'deceiver') would be more appropriate. The word [Greek: _psychrhon_] is (at least by Greek literary critics) applied to strong expressions out of place, and here also, probably, of an exaggerated phrase which falls flat. This is perhaps the best interpretation of a very difficult passage.

§ 191. For Timagoras, see § 31 n. Tharrex and Smicythus are unknown. Adeimantus was one of the generals at Aegospotami, the only Athenian prisoner spared by Lysander, and on that account suspected of treason by the Athenians, and prosecuted by Conon (called 'the elder', to distinguish him from his grandson, who was a contemporary of Demosthenes).

§ 194. guest-friend. The term ([Greek: xenos]) was applied to the relationship (more formal than that of simple friendship) between citizens of different states, who were bound together by ties of hospitality and mutual goodwill.

§ 196. _the Thirty_: i.e. the 'Thirty Tyrants' who ruled Athens (with the support of Sparta) for a few months in 403. See n. on § 277.

§ 198. Aeschines warmly denies this story. He says that Demosthenes tried to bribe Aristophanes of Olynthus to swear that it was true, and that the woman was his own wife. He adds that the jury, on an appeal from Eubulus, refused to let Demosthenes complete the story.

§ 199. _initiations_: see Speech on Crown, §§ 259 ff., with notes.

§ 200. _played the rogue_. The scholiast says that clerks were sometimes bribed to alter the laws and decrees which they read to the Court; and a magistrates' clerk had doubtless plenty of opportunities for conniving at petty frauds.

§ 204. _should not have been sworn to_. This is out of chronological order as it stands, and emendations have been proposed, but unnecessarily.

§ 209. _would not have him for your representative_: in the question about Athenian rights at Delos. See Introduction to the Speech.

§ 213. _I have no further time, &c_.: lit. 'no one will pour water for me' into the water-clock, by which all trials were regulated.

§ 221. _consider_, &c. There is an anacoluthon in the Greek, which may be literally translated, 'Consider, if, where I who am absolutely guiltless was afraid of being ruined by them--what ought these men themselves, the actual criminals, to suffer?'

§ 222. _get money out of you_: i.e. to be bought off.

§ 230. _choregus and trierarch_: see Introd. to Speech on Naval Boards, and n. on Philippic I. § 36.

§ 231. _all was well_ ([Greek: eupenespai]). The reading is almost certainly wrong. Weil rightly demands some word contrasting with [Greek: agnoein] ('did not understand his country') in the corresponding clause.

§ 237. _vase-cases_: i.e. boxes to contain bottles of oil or perfume for toilet use.

§ 245. _the cock-pit_. That this is the meaning seems to be proved by the words of Aeschines (against Timarchus, § 53); otherwise the natural translation would be 'to the bird-market'. Cocks were no doubt sold in the bird-market; but Aeschines refers directly to cock-fighting, not to the purchase of the birds.

§ 246. _hack-writers_: lit. 'speech-writers,' who composed speeches for litigants, and no doubt padded them out with quotations from poets, as well as with rhetorical commonplaces. Demosthenes taunts Aeschines particularly with ransacking unfamiliar plays, instead of those he knew well.

§ 249. _reared up... greatness_: or possibly, 'reared up all these sons of hers.'

_Hero-Physician_. See Speech on the Crown, § 129 n.

_Round Chamber_, in the Prytaneum or Town Hall (see § 31 n.).

§ 252. _at the risk of his own life_. He tried to avoid the risk by feigning madness. Salamis was in the hands of the Megareans, and the Athenians had become so weary of their unsuccessful attempts to recover it, that they decreed the penalty of death upon any one who proposed to make a fresh attempt. The verses, however, which are quoted in the text, are probably derived not from the poem which Solon composed for this purpose, but from another of his political poems.

§ 255. _with a cap on your head_. Plutarch (Solon 82 c) says that 'Solon burst into the market-place suddenly, with a cap on his head'. The cap was intended to suggest that he had just returned from Salamis, since it was the custom to wear a cap only when on a journey, or in case of illness (of. Plato, _Republic_, iii. 406_d_). There may possibly be an allusion also to Aeschines' own alleged sickness (§ 136 above), but this is very doubtful. The words more probably mean, 'however closely you copy Solon' (as you copied his attitude in speaking), 'when you run about declaiming against me.'

§ 257. _accepted the challenge_. At the examination before the Board of Auditors (Logistae) the question was almost certainly put, whether any one present wished to challenge the report of the ambassador under examination.

§ 259. _claim_ ([Greek: axioumenoi]): or, 'are thought worthy'; but the first sense is much better in the parallel passage in § 295, and this 'middle' use seems to be sufficiently attested, though the active voice is used in the same sense in § 338.

§ 260. _paramount position_: i.e. among the tribes of North Greece (Magnetes, Perrhaebi, &c.).

§ 264. _concluded the war, &c_. In 383 B.C. In fact, however, they only obtained peace by joining the Spartan alliance.

§ 271. _Arthmius_: see Philippic III. § 42 (and note).

§ 273. _Callias_, in 444 B.C. Cf. Speech for the Rhodians, § 29. The Chelidonian Islands lay off the south coast of Lycia, the Cyanean rocks at the northern mouth of the Bosporus.

§ 277. _Epicrates_ was sent as ambassador to Persia early in the fourth century, and received large presents. According to Plutarch he escaped condemnation; but he may have been tried more than once. The comic poets make fun of his long beard.

_who brought the people back from the Peiraeus_. Thrasybulus occupied the Peiraeus in 403, secured the expulsion of the Thirty Tyrants from Athens, and restored the democracy.

§ 278. _the decree_: i.e. the decree by which Epicrates and his colleagues were condemned.

§ 279. _for this is the splendid thing_: cf. § 120 n.

§ 280. _exiled_ and _punished_. We should perhaps (with Weil) read [Greek: _e] ('or') for [Greek: kai] ('and').

_descendant of Harmodius_: i.e. Proxenus, who had been only recently condemned, and is therefore not named.

§ 281. _another priestess_. According to the scholiast, the reference is to Ninus, a priestess of Sabazios, who was prosecuted by Menecles for making love-potions for young men. The connexion of this offence with the meetings of the initiated is left to be understood.

§ 282. _the burden undertaken_. Such burdens as the duties of choregus, trierarch, &c., might be voluntarily undertaken, as they were by Demosthenes (see n. on Philippic I. § 36).

§ 287. _Cyrebion_, or 'Light-as-Chaff', was the nickname of Epicrates, Aeschines' brother-in-law (not the Epicrates of § 277). _as a reveller_, no doubt in some Dionysiac revel, in which it was not considered decent to take part without a mask. (The original purpose of masks, however, was not to conceal one's identity from motives of shame, though Demosthenes suggests it as a motive here.)

_were water flowing upstream_. A half-proverbial expression implying that the world was being turned upside-down, when such a person could prosecute for such offences.

§ 290. _Hegesilaus_ was one of the generals sent to Euboea to help Plutarchus; cf. Speech on the Peace, § 5 n. He was accused of abetting Plutarchus in the deception which he practised upon Athens. For Thrasybulus, cf. § 277.

_the primary question_: i.e. of the guilt or innocence of the defendant. If he was pronounced guilty, the question of sentence (or damages) had to be argued and decided separately.

§ 295. _claim to be_: cf. n. on § 259.

_churning the butter_ ([Greek: etyrheue]): i.e. concocting the plot. (For the metaphor cf. Aristophanes, _Knights_ 479.)

§ 299. _Zeus and Dione_. These names show that the oracles referred to were probably given at Dodona.

§ 303. _oath of the young soldiers_. When the young Athenian came of age, he received a shield and spear in the temple of Aglaurus, and swore to defend his country and to uphold its constitution (cf. Lycurgus, _Against Leocrates_, § 76).

§ 314. _keeping step with Pythocles_, who was a tall man, while Aeschines was short.

§ 326. _Drymus and Panactum_ were on the border between Boeotia and Attica. Nothing else is known of the expedition.

§ 332. _Chares_. See nn. on Philippic I. §§ 24, 46; Olynthiac II. § 28, and Introductions.

§ 333. _of one of whom_, &c.: i.e. of Philip (see § 111 ff., and Introd. to Speech on the Peace).

§ 342. _Euthycrates_. See Introd. to Olynthiacs.

ON THE CHERSONESE

§ 9. The argument is, 'if Philip is not committing hostilities so long as he keeps away from Attica, Diopeithes is not doing so, so long as he keeps away from Macedonia, and only operates in Thrace.'

_drive the vessels_, &c. See Speech on the Peace, § 25 n.

§ 14. _passing the time_: i.e. until a convenient season for an attack arrives.

_those who are on the spot_: i.e. in Thrace, and who had doubtless sent messages to Athens. Others think that the words mean 'those who are here from Thrace'.

_Etesian winds_. See First Philippic, § 31 n.

_infatuation_: i.e. hostility to Athens.

§ 16. _punish the settlers_: i.e. those who were sent with Diopeithes and demanded admission to Cardia.

§ 18. _Chalcis_, in Euboea (see Introd.).

§ 21. _keep our hands ... revenues_: a reference to the distributions of Festival-Money (see Third Olynthiac, with Introduction and notes).

_contributions of the allies_. This interpretation seems on the whole better warranted than 'contributions promised to Diopeithes'.

§ 24. _I consent to any penalty_: lit. *'I assess my own penalty at anything'--a metaphor from the practice of the law-courts, which allowed a convicted prisoner to propose an alternative penalty to that suggested by the prosecutor.

_Erythraeans_: Erythrae was on the coast of Asia Minor, opposite Chios.

§ 25. _benevolences_: the same word as was used of the forced contributions levied by English kings.

§ 27. _surrendering_: i.e. to his soldiers, to be plundered (if the phrase is meant to convey anything but a vague accusation).

§ 28. _wax-tablet_: i.e. a summons.

_so many ships_. The critics of Diopeithes must have proposed the sending of a definite force to control him.

§ 29. _a dispatch-boat_: lit. 'the _Paralus_'. This ship, and the _Salaminia_, were the two vessels regularly employed on public errands.

_spitefulness_: i.e. towards Diopeithes.

§ 30. _Chares_: see references in n. on Speech on Embassy, § 332.

_Aristophon_. The reference may be to his conduct as general in the early days of the war with Philip about Amphipolis. His activity as a statesman began as far back as 403, and he was one of the most influential politicians in Athens from about 361 to 354.

§ 31. _losing something_: _sc_. a scapegoat whom you could punish.

§ 40. _Euthycrates_, &c. See Introd. to Olynthiacs.

§ 44. _wretched hamlets_ ([Greek: kak_on]): lit. 'evils' or 'miseries'; but the word is possibly corrupt. (The original reading may possibly have been [Greek: kalyb_on].) According to the scholiast, Drongilum and Cabyle are near Amphipolis and the Strymon; but others assign different localities to them. Masteira is quite unknown.

§ 45. _pit of destruction_ ([Greek: barhathrh_o]). This was literally the pit into which the bodies of condemned criminals were thrown at Athens.

_silos_: underground store-houses for grain, such as were found in Ceos not many years ago, and may still be in use.

§ 46. _irremediable_ ([Greek: an_ekeston]). The reading of two good manuscripts [Greek: aneikaston] (otherwise only known as a late Greek word) may be correct. If so, it may mean 'unparalleled', or 'inexplicable'.

§ 57. The meaning is, that by denouncing those who propose active measures now, they are preparing the way in order to prosecute them so soon as you find the war burdensome; whereas they should themselves be prosecuted for letting things go as far as they have gone.

§ 59. _Oreus_. See Introd.

_Pheraeans_, in 344. See Introd. to Second Philippic; and cf. Third Philippic, § 12.

_compromise_. Slavery seems to be ironically regarded as a compromise between activity and quiescence.

§ 63. _robbed of at an earlier period_. The sense must either be this, or else 'all that you have lost in open war '. In either case emendation is required.

§ 70. _trierarch and choregus_. Demosthenes was choregus in 348, and trierarch in 363, 359, and 357.

§ 74. _Timotheus_: in 358, when Athens liberated Euboea from the Thebans. Cf. First Philippic, § 17, First Olynthiac, § 8. The effect of Timotheus' speech was such that the expedition started within three days. (Speech against Androtion, § 14.)

§ 75. _best counsel that he can_. The text is probably corrupt; but this was probably the sense of the original.

THE THIRD PHILIPPIC

§ 2. _actively at work_: the reference is to Diopeithes (see Speech on Chersonese, § 57).

§§ 4, 5. Passages are repeated from the Speech on the Chersonese, § 4, and First Philippic, § 2.

§ 8. _not to defraud us_: i.e. by making statements which he is not prepared to act upon.

§ 11. _as though visiting his allies_. This is not true, though envoys from the Phocians, as from most other Greek states of importance, were in Philip's camp. With the whole passage, cf. Speech on Embassy, §§ 20 ff.

§ 12. _Pherae_. See Speech on Chersonese, § 59 n. For Oreus see Introd. to Speech on Chersonese, and § 33 and 59 ff. of this Speech.

§ 15. _Serrhium, &c_. See Introd. to Speech on Peace.

_he had sworn to a Peace_. This is untrue; see Speech on Embassy, § 156, where it is part of the charge against Aeschines' party, that they had enabled Philip to take these places _before_ he had sworn to the Peace.

§16. _religion_: with special reference here to the sanctity of the oath.

_into the Chersonese_: i.e. to help Cardia. The claim of Athens to Cardia was not good, and it appears from the Speech of Hegesippus against Halonnesus, § 2, that the Athenians had recognized the independence of the town.

§ 18. _if anything should happen_: e.g. the outbreak of open war, or (more probably) a defeat.

§ 23. _seventy-three years_: i.e. 476-404 B. c.

_thirty years save one_: i.e. 404-376 B.C. (in the latter year Chabrias defeated the Spartans off Naxos).

_battle of Leucira_: in 371 B.C.

§ 24. _disturb the established order_: i.e. by establishing oligarchical governments in place of democracy.

§ 26. _in the Thracian region_: strictly, in Chalcidice and the neighbourhood. See Introd. to Olynthiacs.

_robbed their very cities of their governments_. This is preferable to the (grammatically) equally possible rendering, 'robbed them of their constitutions and their cities,' as it suits the facts better. Philip seems to have substituted tetrarchies for separate city-states. (See Speech on Chersonese, §26, and Second Philippic, § 22 n.)

§ 27. _Ambracia_. See Introd. to Speech on Chersonese. _Elis_: Introd. to Speech on Embassy. _Megara_: Speech on Embassy, §§ 294, 295.

§ 32. _Pythian games_. See Introd. to Speech on Peace. In 342 Philip sent a deputy to preside in his name.

§§ 33, 34. See Introd. to Speech on Chersonese. Echinus was a Theban colony in Thessaly, on the north coast of the Malian Gulf.

§ 42. _Arthmius_, &c. (cf. Speech on Embassy, §271). Zeleia was in the Troad, near Cyzicus. Arthmius was apparently proxenus of Athens at Zeleia, and as such had probably certain rights at Athens, of which the decree deprived him; so that Demosthenes' remarks at the beginning of §44 are slightly misleading.

§ 46. At the end of this section two versions are imperfectly blended, and it does not appear what were the contents of the document. Some suppose that the insertion 'He reads from the document' is an early conjectural interpolation.

§ 49. _because be leads_, &c. Philip did, in fact, bring the Macedonian heavy infantry to great perfection for the purposes of a pitched battle, though the decisive action was generally that of the cavalry. But the other troops which Demosthenes names would enable him to execute rapid movements with success. The use of light-armed troops had already been developed by the Athenian general, Iphicrates.

§ 50. _with such advantages_: lit. 'under these conditions' (_not_ 'to crown all', nor 'at the head of these troops').

§ 52. Contrast Speech on Naval Boards, Section 9.

§§ 57 ff. See Introd. to Speech on Embassy.

§ 59. Euphraeus had been a disciple of Plato, and an adviser of Perdiccas, Philip's elder brother. It was he who recommended Perdiccas to entrust the government of part of Macedonia to Philip, whom he afterwards so strongly opposed.

§ 72. _embassies_. See Introd. to Speech on Chersonese.

ON THE CROWN

§ 1. _to take counsel_, &c. Aeschines had asked the jury to refuse Demosthenes a hearing, or at least to require him to follow the same order of treatment as himself.

§ 3. _unpleasant_. Many render [Greek: duocheres] 'inauspicious', 'ill-omened'; but as we do not know exactly what was in Demosthenes' mind, it is better not to give the word a meaning which it does not bear elsewhere. It may, however, mean 'vexatious'.

§ 11. _knave as you are_, &c. The assonance of the original might perhaps be partly reproduced by rendering 'evil-minded as you are, it was yet a very simple-minded idea that your mind conceived', &c.

§ 12. _it does not enable the State_: lit. 'it is not possible for the State.' The point is that the prosecution of Ctesiphon, while expressing the malice of Aeschines towards Demosthenes, does not enable the State to punish Demosthenes himself for his alleged offences, since any penalty inflicted would fall on Ctesiphon.

§ 13. _to debar another_, &c. This probably refers to the attempt to deprive Demosthenes of a hearing, not (as some have thought) to the attempt to get so heavy a fine inflicted upon Ctesiphon that he would be unable to pay it, and would therefore lose his rights as a citizen.

§ 17. _ascribed to me_, &c. Aeschines was anxious, in view of the existing state of feeling at Athens, to disown his part in connexion with the Peace of Philocrates; while Demosthenes undoubtedly assisted Philocrates in the earlier of the negotiations and discussions which led to the Peace.

_appropriate_. 'The recapitulation of the history is not a mere argumentative necessity, but has a moral fitness also; in fact, the whole defence of Demosthenes resolves itself into a proof that he only acted in the spirit of Athenian history' (Simcox).

§ 18. _When the Phocian war bad broken out_: i.e. in 356-5. Demosthenes made his first speech in the Assembly in 354.

_those who detested the Spartans_: i.e. the Messenians and Arcadians.

_those who had previously governed_, &c.: e.g. the oligarchies which had governed with the help of Sparta in Phlius and Mantinea, and were overthrown after the battle of Leuctra.

§ 19. _would be forced_, &c. This is a misrepresentation, since Philip and the Thebans had been in alliance for some time, and Thebes had no such grounds for apprehending evil from Philip, as would make her apply to Athens.

§ 21. _Aristodemus_, &c. See Introd. to Speech on the Peace. As a matter of fact, Demosthenes acted with Philocrates at least down to the return of the First Embassy, and himself proposed to crown Aristodemus for his services (Aeschines, On the Embassy, §§ 15-17).

§ 23. _the Hellenes bad all_, &c. It is not easy to reconcile this passage with § 16 of the Speech on the Embassy, from which it appears that representatives of other states were present in Athens; but these so-called envoys may have been private visitors, and in any case there was no real hope of uniting Greece against Philip.

§ 24. _Eurybatus_ is said to have been sent as an envoy by Croesus to Cyrus, and to have turned traitor. The name came to be proverbial.

§ 27. _those strongholds_. See Introd. to Speech on the Peace.

§ 28. _But they would have watched_, &c. The passage has been taken in several ways: (1) 'They would have had to watch,' &c., and this would have been discreditable to Athens; (2) 'They would have watched,' &c., i.e. they would not have been excluded, as you desired, in any case; (3) 'But, you say, they would have paid two obols apiece,' and the city would have gained this. The sentence which follows favours (3), but perhaps (2) is best. The petty interests of the city would include (from the point of view assumed by Aeschines) the abstention from showing civility to the enemy's envoys. The two-obol (threepenny) seats were the cheapest.

§ 30. _three whole months_. In fact the ambassadors were only absent from Athens about ten weeks altogether.

_equally well_. The reading ([Greek: homoios]) is probably wrong; but if it is right, this must be the meaning.

§ 32. _as you did before_, in 352. See Introd. to First Philippic.

§ 36. _decree of Callisthenes_. This ordered the bringing in of effects from the country. See Speech on Embassy, §§ 86, 125.

§ 41. _property in Boeotia_. See Speech on Embassy, § 145.

§ 43. _their hopes_: sc. of the humiliation of Thebes.

_and gladly_: i.e. they were glad to be free from a danger which (though remotely) threatened themselves, as the next sentence explains. I can see no good reason for taking the participle [Greek: polemoumenoi] as concessive ('_although_ they also,' &c.).

§ 48. For Lasthenes see Introd. to Olynthiacs. Timolaus probably contrived the surrender of Thebes after the battle of Chaeroneia. Eudicus is unknown. Simus invoked Philip's aid against the tyrants at Pherae in 352 (see Introd, to First Philippic). Aristratus was tyrant of Sicyon, and made alliance with Philip in 338. For Perillus, see Speech on Embassy, Section 295.

§ 50. _stale dregs_: strictly the remains, and especially the wine left in the cups, from the previous night's feast; here the long-admitted responsibility of Aeschines for the Peace of 346.

§ 63. _Dolopes_: a small tribe living to the south-west of Thessaly.

§ 65. _free constitutions_. This refers especially to the Thessalians, who had been placed under tetrarchies (see Philippic III. § 26).

§ 70. _Aristophon_. See Speech on Chersonese, § 30 n. Diopeithes is perhaps Diopeithes of Sphettus (mentioned by Hypereides, Speech against Euxenippus, § 39), not the general sent by Athens to the Chersonese.

§ 71. For the events mentioned in this section, see Introd. to Speech on the Embassy.

§ 72. _Mysian booty_. A proverbial expression derived from the helpless condition of Mysia (according to legend) in the absence of its king, Telephus.

§ 79. _to the Peloponnese_, in 344 (see Introd. to Second Philippic): _to Euboea_ in 343-2 (see Introd. to Speech on Embassy); _to Oreus_, &c., in 341 (see Introd. to this Speech).

§ 82. _as their patron_, i.e. as consul (or official patron) of Oreus in Athens. See n. on Speech for Rhodians, § 15. civil rights. See vol. i, p. 52.

§ 83. _this was already the second proclamation_: i.e. the proclamation in accordance with the decree of Aristonicus. It is indeed just possible that the reference is to the proposal of Ctesiphon, 'for this is now the second proclamation,' &c. If so, we should have to assume that the proclamation under the decree of Demomeles in 338 was prevented by the disaster of Chaeroneia. But the first sentence of § 120 is against this (see Goodwin's edition _ad loc_.).

§ 94. _inconsiderate conduct_: i.e. in joining the revolt of the Athenian allies in 356.

§ 96. _when the Spartans_, &c. The section refers to the events of 395.

_Deceleian War_: i.e. the last part of the Peloponnesian War (413-404 B.C.), when Deceleia (in Attica) was occupied by the Spartans.

§ 99. _Thebans... Euboea_: in 358 or 357. See Speech for Megalopolitans, § 14 n.

§ 100. _Oropus_. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Section 11 n.

_I was one_. Demosthenes was, in fact, co-trierarch with Philinus (Speech against Meidias, § 161).

§ 102. See Speech on Naval Boards (with Introd. and notes), and n. on Olynthiac II, § 29.

_obtaining exemption_. The undertaking of the trierarchy conferred exemption from other burdens for the year, and (conversely) no one responsible for another public burden need be trierarch. The leaders of the Taxation Boards referred to in § 103 are probably not (as generally supposed) the richest men in the _Naval_ Boards [Footnote: They may indeed have been so, but it was in virtue of their function as leading members of the Hundred Boards (for collecting the war tax) that they were grouped together as the Three Hundred.] (responsible for trierarchy), but those in the Hundred Boards responsible for the war tax. In each of these Boards there was a leader, a 'second', and a 'third', and these, all together, are almost certainly identical with the 'Three Hundred' responsible for advancing the sum due. When these were already advancing the war tax, they became exempt from trierarchy, and their poorer colleagues in the Naval Boards (to which of course they also belonged) had to bear the burden without them. But under Demosthenes' law the trierarchic payment was required from all alike, in strict proportion to their valuation as entered for the purposes of the war tax; and the Three Hundred (the leaders, seconds, and thirds) were no longer exempted. (This explains their anxiety to get the law shelved.) Even in years when they were not exempt, before Demosthenes' law was passed, they only paid a very small share in proportion to their wealth, since all the members of each Naval Board paid the same sum. It appears, however, that (though the Three Hundred as such cannot be shown to have had any office in connexion with the trierarchy) the richer men in the Naval Boards arranged the contracts for the work of equipment, and that when they had contracted that the work should be done (e.g.) for a talent, they sometimes recovered the whole talent from their poorer colleagues. (Speech against Meidias, § 155.)

§ 103. _lie under sworn notice_, &c. ([Greek: en hupomosia]). One who intended to indict the proposer of a law for illegality had probably to give sworn notice of his intention, and the suggestion made to Demosthenes was that when such notice had been given, he should let the law drop.

§ 105. _the decree_, &c.: i.e. either a decree suspending the law until the indictment should be heard, or one ordering the trial on the indictment to be held.

§ 107. _no trierarch_, &c. A trierarch who thought the burden too heavy for him could appeal against it by laying a branch on the altar in the Pnyx, or by taking sanctuary in the Temple of Artemis at Munychia. A dilatory or recalcitrant trierarch could be arrested by order of the ten commissioners ([Greek: apostuleis]) who constituted a sort of Admiralty Board.

§ 111. _the laws_, &c. The laws alleged to have been violated were copied out, and accompanied the indictment. With regard to the laws in the present case, see Goodwin's edition, pp. 313-6.

§ 114. _Nausides_ was sent to oppose Philip at Thermopylae in 352 (see Introd. to First Philippic). Diotimus had a command at sea in 338, and his surrender was demanded by Alexander in 335, as was also that of Charidernus (see n. on Olynthiac III, § 5), who had now been a regular Athenian general for many years, and had been sent to assist Byzantium in 340 (see Speech against Aristocrates, _passim_).

§ 121. _hellebore_: supposed in antiquity to cure madness.

§ 122. _reveller on a cart_, e.g. on the second day of the Anthesteria, when masked revellers rode in wagons and assailed the bystanders with abusive language. Such ceremonial abuse was perhaps originally supposed to have power to avert evil, and occurs in primitive ritual all over the world.

§ 125. _the statutable limit_. There was a limit of time (differing according to the alleged offence) after which no action could be brought. Demosthenes could not now be prosecuted for any of the offences with which Aeschines charged him.

§ 127. _Aeacus_, &c.: the judges of the dead in Hades, according to popular legend.

_scandal-monger_. The Greek word ([Greek: spermologos]) is used primarily of a small bird that pecks up seeds, and hence of a person who picks up petty gossip. (In Acts xvii. 18 it is the word which is applied to St. Paul, and translated 'this babbler'.)

_an old band in the market-place_: i.e. a rogue. A clerk would perhaps often be found in the offices about the market-place; or the reference may be to the market-place as a centre of gossip.

_O Earth_, &c. Demosthenes quotes from the peroration of Aeschines' speech.

§ 129. The stories which Demosthenes retails in these sections deal with a time which must have been forty or fifty years before the date of this speech, and probably contain little truth, beyond the facts that Aeschines' father was a schoolmaster (not a slave), and was assisted by Aeschines himself; and that his mother was priestess of a 'thiasos' or voluntary association of worshippers of Dionysus-Sabazios, among whose ceremonies was doubtless one symbolizing a marriage or mystical union between the god and his worshippers. (Whether the form of 'sacred marriage' which was originally intended to promote the fertility of the ground by 'sympathetic magic' entered into the ritual of Sabazios is doubtful.) Such a rite, though probably in fact quite innocent, gave rise to suspicions, of which Demosthenes takes full advantage; and the fact that well-known courtesans (such as Phryne and perhaps Ninus) sometimes organized such 'mysteries' would lend colour to the suspicions.

_Hero of the Lancet_ ([Greek: to kalamit_e aer_oi]). The interpretation is very uncertain (see Goodwin, pp. 339 ff.); and, according as [Greek: kalamos] is taken in the sense of 'lancet', 'splints', or 'bow', editors render the phrase 'hero of the lancet', 'hero of the splints', 'archer-hero' (identified by some with Toxaris, the Scythian physician, whose arrival in Athens in Solon's time is described in Lucian's [Greek: Skuth_es ae Proxenos]). That the Hero was a physician is shown by the Speech on the Embassy, § 249.

§ 130. _for they were not like_, &c. ([Greek: ouge gar h_onetuchen _en, all ois hu daemos kataratai]). The meaning is quite uncertain. The most likely interpretations are: (1) that given in the text, [Greek: a bebioken] being understood as the subject of [Greek: _en], and [Greek: _on etuchen] as = [Greek: tout_on a etuchen], i.e. 'not belonging to the class of acts which were such as chance made them,' but acts of a quite definite kind, viz. the kind which the People curses (through the mouth of the herald at each meeting of the Assembly); (2) 'for he was not of ordinary parents, but of such as the People curses'; the subject of [Greek: _en] being Aeschines. But there is the difficulty that, with this subject for [Greek: _en, _on etuchen] can only represent [Greek: tout_on _on etuchen _on], whereas the sense required is [Greek: tout_on oi etuchon], or (the regular idiom) [Greek: t_on tuchunt_on]; and the sense is not so good, for the context [Greek: opse gar]) shows that the clause ought to refer to the _acts_ of Aeschines about which he is going to speak, not to his parentage, which the orator has done with.

_Glaucothea_. Her real name is said to have been Glaucis. Glaucothea was the name of a sea-nymph. The change of the father's name Tromes ('Trembler') to Atrometus ('Dauntless') would also betoken a rise in the world.

_Empusa_, or 'The Foul Phantom': a female demon capable of assuming any shape. Obscene ideas were sometimes associated with her.

§ 132. For Antiphon, see Introd. to Speech on the Embassy.

_struck off the list_: at the revision of the lists in 346. (Each deme revised the list of its own members, subject to an appeal to the courts.)

_without a decree_: i.e. a decree authorizing a domiciliary visit.

§ 134. _when ... you elected him_. See Introd. to Speech on the Embassy.

_from the altar_: a peculiarly solemn form of voting; it is mentioned in the Speech against Macartatus, § 14.

§ 136. _when Philip sent_, &c. See Introd. to Speech on the Embassy.

§ 137. The ostensible purpose of Anaxinus' visit was to make purchases for Olympias, Philip's wife. Aeschines states that Anaxinus had once been Demosthenes' own host at Oreus.

§ 141. _paternal deity_: as father of Ion, the legendary ancestor of the Ionians, and so of the Athenians.

§ 143. _and of one_, &c. I have followed the general consensus of recent editors; but I do not feel at all sure that the antecedent of [Greek: us] is not [Greek: polemos]. In that case we should translate, 'which led to Philip's coming to Elateia and being chosen commander of the Amphictyons, and which overthrew,' &c.

§ 146. _nature of the resources_, &c.: i.e. especially the possession by Athens of a strong fleet.

§ 148. _representatives on the Council_. The Amphictyonic Council was composed of two representatives (Hieromnemones) from each of twelve primitive tribes, of which the Thessalians, the Boeotians, the Ionians (one of whose members was appointed by Athens), and the Dorians (one member appointed by Sparta) were the chief, while some of the tribes were now very obscure. There were also present delegates (Pylagori) from various towns. These were not members of the Council, and had no vote, but might speak. Athens sent three such delegates to each meeting. (See Goodwin, pp. 338, 339.)

§ 150. _make the circuit_, or 'beat the bounds'. The actual proceedings (according to Aeschines' account, summarized in the Introd. to this Speech) were much more violent.

_It was clearly impossible_, &c. The argument is unconvincing. Aeschines may have known of the intention of the Locrians without their having served a formal summons.

§ 158. _one man_: i.e. Philip.

§ 169. _the Prytanes_: the acting Committee of the Council.

_set fire to the wicker-work_: i.e. probably the hurdles, &c., of which the booths were partly composed. Probably a bonfire was a well-understood form of summons to an Assembly called in an emergency.

_the draft-resolution_. See Introd., vol. i, p. 18.

_on the hill-side_: i.e. on the Pnyx, the meeting-place of the Assembly.

§ 171. _the Three Hundred_. See n. on § 102.

§ 176. _philippize_. The word was coined during the wars with Philip, on the analogy of 'medize'--the term used of the action of the traitors who supported the invading Persians (Medes) early in the fifth century.

§ 177. _to Eleusis_, which was on the most convenient (though not the shortest) route for an army marching to Thebes.

§ 180. _Battalus_: a nickname given to Demosthenes by his nurse on account of the impediment in his speech from which he suffered in early days, or of his general delicacy. Aeschines had tried to fix an obscene interpretation upon it.

_Creon_. See Speech on the Embassy, § 247.

_at Collytus_: i.e. at the Rural Dionysia held in that deme.

§ 189. _any one_: lit. 'any one who chooses,' i.e. to call him to account. The expression ([Greek: ho boulomenos]) is apparently half technical, as applied to a self-appointed prosecutor. (Cf. Aristophanes, _Plutus_ 908 and 918.)

§ 194. _the general_: i.e. at Chaeroneia.

§ 195. _Philip employed_. Most editors say '_Aeschines_ employed'. But this would require [Greek: outos] not [Greek: ekeinos], and § 218 also supports the interpretation here given.

§ 198. _treasured up_, &c. The suggestion seems to be that Aeschines foresaw the disasters, but concealed his knowledge, 'storing them up' in order to make a reputation out of them later.

§ 204. _to leave their land_, &c.: i.e. at the time of Xerxes' invasion in 480, when the Athenians abandoned the city and trusted to the 'wooden walls' of their ships.

§ 208. On this magnificent passage, see the treatise _On the Sublime_, chaps, xvi, xvii.

§ 209. _poring pedant_: lit. 'one who stoops over writings'. Here used perhaps with reference to Aeschines' having 'worked up' allusions to the past for the purpose of his Speech, while he remained blind to the great issues of the present. Many editors think that the reference is to his earlier occupation as a schoolmaster or a clerk; but this is perhaps less suitable to the context.

§ 210. _staff...ticket_. The colour of the staff indicated the court in which the juror was to sit; the ticket was exchanged for his pay at the end of the day.

§ 214. _a very deluge_. He is thinking, no doubt, of the disaster at Chaeroneia and the destruction of Thebes.