Chapter XXXIII: Appendix: WW. Vol. ii. p. 384 (2)

[185] Ann. Camb. 1088, 1089 [1089-1091]. “Menevia fracta est
a gentilibus insulanis.” The Brut is to the same effect, and
has a warm panegyric on the bishop. The dates in the Welsh
Chronicles are here wrong, but only by the fault of the
editor. The entries are made quite regularly year by year,
and they agree with those in the English writers.

[186] Brut y Tywysogion, 1089; it should be 1092.

[187] Will. Malms. iv. 310. “Quod eum Scottorum et Walensium
tumultus vocabant, in regnum se cum ambobus fratribus
recepit.” See vol. i. p. 295.

[188] See Appendix GG.

[189] See Appendix GG.

[190] The descendants of Jestin appear very clearly in
Giraldus, It. Camb. i. 6 (vol. vi. p. 69); “Quatuor Caradoci
filii Jestini filiis, et Resi principis ex sorore nepotibus,
his in finibus herili portione, sicut Gualensibus mos est,
pro patre dominantibus, Morgano videlicet, et Mereducio,
Oeneo, Cadwallano.” Morgan appears soon after (p. 69) as
guiding Archbishop Baldwin and his companion Giraldus over
the dangerous quicksands of his Avon.

[191] See Appendix GG.

[192] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 186.

[193] See vol. i. p. 62.

[194] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 250.

[195] He has an entry to himself in Essex (Domesday, ii. 54
_b_). He appears again in 100 _b_, and in the town of
Colchester (106) he holds “i. domum, et i. curiam, et i.
hidam terræ, et xv. burgenses.” A building with some trace
of Romanesque work used to be shown as “Hamo’s Saxon hall or
curia.” Why more “Saxon” than everything else in that Saxon
land it was not easy to guess. In Ellis he is made to be the
same as “Haimo vicecomes” who appears in Kent and Surrey
(Domesday, 14, 36). This last witnesses a letter of Anselm’s
(Epp. iii. 71) to the monks of Canterbury, along with
another Haimo, “filius Vitalis,” “Wimundus homo
vicecomitis,” and a mysterious “Robertus filius
Watsonis”――what name is meant? In Epp. iv. 57 a letter is
addressed to him by Anselm, complaining of damage done by
his men to the Archbishop’s property at Canterbury and
Sandwich. Or is this “vicecomes” in Kent the same as Haimer
or Haimo――he is written both ways――the “vicecomes” (in
another sense) of Thouars, who plays an important part
before and after the great battle? See N. C. vol. iii. pp.
315, 457, 551.

[196] See vol. i. p. 197.

[197] In this way we may put a meaning on the account in the
Tewkesbury History quoted in N. C. vol. iv. p. 762. Brihtric
had not any honour of Gloucester.

[198] See Ord. Vit. 578 D; William of Malmesbury, Hist. Nov.
i. 3. She was “spectabilis et excellens fœmina, domina tunc
viro morigera, tunc etiam fœcunditate numerosæ et
pulcherrimæ prolis beata.” She was the mother-in-law of his
patron.

[199] See Mr. Clark, Archæological Journal, vol. xxxv. p. 3
(March, 1878).

[200] Will. Malms. v. 398. “Monasterium Theochesbiriæ suo
favore non facile memoratu quantum exaltavit, ubi et
ædificiorum decor, et monachorum charitas, adventantium
rapit oculos et allicit animos.”

[201] See the Gloucester History, i. 93, 122, 223, 226, 334,
349; ii. 125. The gift of the church of Saint Cadoc at
Llancarfan is mentioned over and over again. At i. 334 there
is an alleged confirmation of this gift by William the
Conqueror in 1086. Can this be trusted so far as to make us
carry back the conquest of Glamorgan into his day, or are we
to suppose that a wrong date has crept in? In the
Monasticon, ii. 67, is a charter of Nicolas Bishop of
Llandaff (1148-1153) confirming the grants of a crowd of
churches in Glamorgan to the abbey of Tewkesbury. Among them
is “ecclesia de Landiltwit,” that is Llaniltyd or Llantwit
Major.

[202] See Mr. Clark, Archæological Journal, xxxiv. 17.

[203] See Mr. Clark. Archæological Journal, xxxiv. 25.

[204] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 676.

[205] In the second Brut he appears as Wiliam de _Lwndwn_ in
1088 (p. 72), Wiliam de _Lwndrys_ in 1094 (p. 78).

[206] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 782.

[207] See Mr. Clark, Archæological Journal, xxxiv. pp. 22,
30.

[208] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 854, xxxix.

[209] See the Margam Annals, 1130 (Ann. Mon. i. 13), and
Mon. Angl. v. 258.

[210] Margam Annals, 1147; Ann. Mon. i. 14.

[211] See vol. i. p. 34.

[212] See the wonderful story in Giraldus, It. Camb. i. 2
(vol. vi. p. 32).

[213] Ib. p. 36. The wonders of the lake, now known as
Llangorse pool, fill up more than two pages.

[214] Chron. de Bello, 34. He is described as “vir
magnificus Bernardus cognomento de Novo Mercato.” His gift
is “ecclesia … sancti Johannis Evangelistæ extra munitionem
castri sui de Brecchennio sita.” But the gift was made only
“ejusdem prædictæ ecclesiæ Belli monachi, nomine Rogerii,
apud eum aliquamdiu forte commanentis, importuna
suggestione.”

[215] We have seen (see vol. i. p. 34) Bernard spoken of as
son-in law of the old enemy Osbern of Herefordshire. Could
Osbern have married the elder Nest, perhaps as a second
wife? Or was the younger Nest a second wife of Bernard?

[216] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 679; vol. iii. pp. 710, 777.

[217] See the story in Giraldus, It. Camb. ii. 2 (vol. vi.
p. 29). The son was disinherited, and the honour of
Brecknock passed to the husband of the daughter, whom her
mother allowed to be Bernard’s child. He speaks of her as
“Nesta nomine, quam Angli vertendo _Anneis_ vocavere.” In
the Battle Chronicle (35) she appears as a benefactress by
the name of _Agnes_. She gave to Battle “de propria
hereditate quamdam villulam extra Walliam in Anglia sitam
[in Herefordshire], quæ Berinton vocatur.” She gave it
“forte invalitudine tacta.”

[218] See above, p. 78.

[219] Brut y Tywysogion, 1091 (1093). “And then fell the
kingdom of the Britons.” (Teyrnas y Brytanyeit.) Florence,
recording the same event, adds; “Ab illo die regnare in
Walonia reges desiere;” but he himself in 1116 says, “Owinus
rex Walanorum occiditur.” Cf. Ann. Camb. in anno, where the
royal title is not given to Owen. Indeed in the present
entry the Annals call Rhys only “rector dextralis partis;”
that is, of South Wales.

[220] See vol. i. p. 121.

[221] Ann. Camb. 1091 (1093). “Post cujus obitum Cadugaun
filius Bledint prædatus est Demetiam pridie kalendarum
Maii.”

[222] Brut y Tywysogion. So Ann. Camb. “Circiter Kalendas
Julii Franci primitus Demetiam et Keredigean tenuerunt, et
castella in eis locaverunt, et abinde totam terram Britonum
occupaverunt.”

[223] On the beavers in the Teif, see a long account in
Giraldus, It. Camb. ii. 3. Cp. Top. Hib. i. 26. He discusses
the lawfulness of eating the beaver’s tail on fast-days,
without coming to so decided a conclusion as when he rules
(Top. Hib. i. 15) that the barnacle might not be eaten.

[224] It is very hard to put Irish kings in their right
places; but there is no doubt that this Murtagh――I take the
shortest way of spelling his name――is the same as the
Murtagh of Connaught, head King of Ireland, though Giraldus
calls him King of Leinster, of whom we shall hear a good
deal before long.

[225] It. Camb. ii. 1 (vi. 109). “Rex Rufus … Kambriam suo
in tempore animose penetrans et circumdans, cum a rupibus
istis Hiberniam forte prospiceret, dixisse memoratur: Ad
terram istam expugnandam, ex navibus regni mei huc
convocatis, pontem adhuc faciam.” The Irish king, when he
hears, “cum aliquamdiu propensius inde cogitasset, fertur
respondisse: Numquid tantæ comminationis verbo rex ille ‘Si
Deo placuerit’ adjecit?”

[226] See vol. i. p. 166.

[227] It. Camb. u. s. “Tanquam prognostico gaudens
certissimo, Quoniam, inquit, homo iste de humana tantum
confidit potentia, non divina, ejus adventum non formido.”

[228] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 676.

[229] Ib. p. 526.

[230] On Bishop Wilfrith, see N. C. vol. v. p. 209, and vol.
i. p. 534. We shall hear of him again.

[231] I refer to such names as Hasgard and Freystrop. The
_fords_ in this district are of course _fiords_. The names
of Hereford and Haverfordwest have sometimes been
confounded, but the _ford_ comes from a different quarter in
the two names.

[232] See N. C. vol. v. p. 75.

[233] He does justice to his birthplace in It. Camb. i. 12
(vol. vi. p. 92), and proves by a _sorites_ “ut Kambriæ
totius locus sit hic amœnissimus.” “Pembrochia” here appears
as part of Demetia.

[234] Sir Rhys ap Thomas, the hero of Carew (Caerau) in
Henry the Seventh’s time, is chiefly of local fame. But his
name has made its way into general history. See Hall’s
Chronicle, p. 410, and several other places.

[235] It. Camb. i. 12 (vol. vi. p. 89). “Provincia
Pembrochiensis principale municipium, totiusque provinciæ
Demeticæ caput, in saxosa quadam et oblonga rupis eminentia
situm, lingua marina de Milverdico portu prosiliens in
capite bifurco complectitur. Unde et Pembrochia _caput
maritimæ_ sonat. Primus hoc castrum Arnulfus de Mungumeri,
sub Anglorum rege Henrico primo, ex virgis et cespite, tenue
satis et exile construxit.” The date is of course wrong, as
the castle of Pembroke appears both in the Annales Cambriæ
and in the Brut in 1094, and as Giraldus himself describes
the castle as in being soon after the death of Rhys ap
Tewdwr. He perhaps confounds Arnulf’s first rude work with
the stronger castle built by Gerald on the same site in
1105. This, according to the Brut, was fortified with a
ditch and wall and a gateway with a lock on it.

[236] Giraldus describes his namesake, the husband of his
grandmother, as “vir probus prudensque, Giraldus de
Windesora, constabularius suus [Arnulfi] et primipilus.”

[237] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 482.

[238] I have discussed this matter at length in Appendix BB.
(p. 851) of the fifth volume of the Norman Conquest. Miss
Williams (History of Wales, p. 209), like Sir Francis
Palgrave, knows more about Nest than I can find in any book.
But the tale in the Brut of her being carried off by Owen in
1106 (see N. C. vol. v. p. 210) is very graphic.

[239] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 501.

[240] So says the Brut, 1094 (1096). Is this William the son
of that Baldwin from whom Montgomery took its Welsh name?

[241] See vol. i. p. 464.

[242] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Eac on þisum ylcan geare þa
Wylisce men hi gegaderodon, and wið þa Frencisce þe on Walon
oððe on þære neawiste wæron and hi ǽr belandedon, gewinn
úp ahofon, and manige festena and castelas abræcon, and men
ofslogon, and syððan heora gefylce weox, hí hí on ma
todældon. Wið sum þæra dæle gefeaht Hugo eorl of Scrobscire,
and hi aflymde. Ac þeah hweðer þa oðre ealles þæs geares
nanes yfeles ne geswicon þe hi dón mihton.”

[243] Brut y Tywysogion, 1092 (1094). The translation runs;
“Whilst William remained in Normandy, the Britons resisted
the domination of the French, not being able to bear their
cruelty, and demolished their castles in Gwynedd, and
_iterated_ their depredations and slaughters among them.”
The Latin annalist says only; “Britanni jugum Francorum
respuerunt. Wenedociam, Cereticam et Demetiam ab iis et
eorum castellis _emundaverunt_.” Both these writers have
oddly mistaken the state of things in Normandy. One
manuscript of the Annales says that William went into
Normandy, and that the revolt happened, “ibi morante et
fratrem suum expugnante,” while the Brut says more wildly
that “King William Rufus [Gwilim Goch], who first by a most
glorious war prevailed over the Saxons, went to Normandy to
keep and defend the kingdom [teyrnas] of Robert his brother,
who had gone to Jerusalem [Kærcesalem] to fight against the
Saracens and other barbarous nations and to protect the
Christians, and to acquire greater fame.”

[244] Flor. Wig. 1094. “Ad hæc etiam primitus North-Walani,
deinceps West-Walani et Suth-Walani, servitutis jugo, quo
diu premebantur, excusso, et cervice erecta, libertatem sibi
vindicare laborabant. Unde collecta multitudine, castella
quæ in West-Walonia firmata erant frangebant et in
Cestrensi, Scrobbesbyriensi, et Herefordensi provincia
frequenter villas cremabant, prædas agebant, et multos ex
Anglis et Normannis interficiebant.” The names of Gruffydd
and Cadwgan come from the later Brut, which copies Florence
or comes from the same source.

[245] Flor. Wig. 1094. “Fregerunt et castellum in Mevania
insula, eamque suæ ditioni subjiciebant.” This confirms the
statement of the later Brut about the building of the castle
of Aberlleiniog (see p. 97); but he says nothing about
Anglesey here.

[246] “In the wood of Yspwys,” says the Brut.

[247] So both the Annales and the Brut. The name of William
son of Baldwin comes from the Brut two years later.

[248] Brut y Tywysogion, 1092 (1094). “And the people and
all the cattle of Dyved they brought away with them, leaving
Dyved and Ceredigion a desert.”

[249] See vol. i. p. 476.

[250] Ann. Camb. 1095. “Franci devastaverunt Gober et
Kedweli et Stratewi. Demetia, Ceretica, et Stratewi deserta
manent.”

[251] I have no better direct authority for this than the
later Brut, which says under 1094――the chronology is very
confused――that “the Frenchmen led their forces into Gower,
Cydweli, and the Vale of Tywi, and devastated those
countries, and William de Londres [William de Lwndrys] built
a strong castle in Cydweli.”

[252] This comes under the year 1099, and is attributed to
“Harry Beaumont [Harri Bwmwnt].” Is this the Earl of
Warwick? I know no other “Henricus de Bello Monte.”

[253] This is from the same entry in the later Brut. After
mentioning the castles, it is added that Harry Beaumont
“established himself there and brought Saxons from
Somersetshire [Saeson o wlad yr Haf] there, where they
obtained lands; and the greatest usurpation of all the
Frenchmen was his in Gower.” Nothing can be made of this
writer’s dates, even when we accept his facts with a little
trembling.

[254] This account comes only from the younger Brut (79). It
is in fact part of the legend of the conquest of Glamorgan.
But that legend, as we have seen, has elements of truth in
it, and this particular story seems to fit in well with the
general course of events. The men of Morganwg and
Gwaenllwg――that is the modern Wentloog, the land between
Rhymny and Usk――rose and destroyed the castle, Pagan of
Turberville leading them.

[255] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 501.

[256] It is strange that the mention of this great British
success comes only from the English accounts. Just after the
King had left Bamburgh, he heard (Chron. Petrib. 1095) “þæt
þa Wylisce men on Wealon sumne castel heafdon tobroken
Muntgumni hatte, and Hugon eorles men ofslagene, þe hine
healdon sceoldan.”

[257] Chron. Petrib. ib. “He forði oðre fyrde hét fearlice
abannan.”

[258] Ib. “And æfter S[~c]e Michaeles mæsse into Wealan
ferde, and his fyrde toscyfte, and þæt land eall þurhfor,
swa þæt seo fyrde eall togædere com to Ealra Halgena to
Snawdune. Ac þa Wylisce a toforan into _muntan_ and moran
ferdan, þæt heom man to cuman ne mihte.” On the use of the
word _muntas_ see N. C. vol. v. p. 517.

[259] Ib. “And se cyng þa hamweard gewende, forþam he geseah
þæt he þær þes wintres mare don ne mihte.”

[260] Ann. Camb. 1095. “Mediante autumno rex Anglorum
Willielmus contra Britones movit exercitum, quibus Deo
tutatis, vacuus ad sua rediit.”

[261] Ann. Camb. 1096. “Willielmus filius Baldewini in
domino (?) Ricors obiit, quo mortuo castellum vacuum
relinquitur.”

[262] Brut y Tywysogion, 1094 (1096). The words are most
emphatic in the manuscript of the Annales quoted as C;
“Britones Brecheniauc et Guent et Guenliauc jugum Francorum
respuunt.”

[263] Chron. Petrib. 1096. “Eac on þison geare þa heafod men
þe þis land heoldan oftrædlice fyrde into Wealon sendon, and
mænig man mid þam swiðe gedrehtan, ac man þær ne gespædde,
butan man myrringe and feoh spillinge.”

[264] Ann. Camb. C. “Franci exercitum movent in Guent, et
nihil impetrantes vacui domum redeunt, et in Kellitravant
versi sunt in fugam.” The name of the place is given in the
text of the Annals as “Celli Darnauc;” the Brut as “Celli
Carnant.” I do not know its site.

[265] Ib. “Iterum venerunt in Brechinauc et castella
fecerunt in ea, sed in reditu apud Aberlech versi sunt in
fugam a filiis Iduerth filii Kadugaun.” The Brut gives their
names as Gruffydd and Ivor.

[266] So says the Brut, 1094 (1096).

[267] These details of the siege of Pembroke come from
Giraldus, It. Camb. i. 12. As he has mistaken the date of
the whole matter by putting it in the reign of Henry, so he
has mistaken the special date of the siege, which he places
soon after the death of Rhys ap Tewdwr, that is in 1093. His
stories may belong to the movement of 1094; but they seem to
come more naturally here. When the knights have deserted,
“ex desperatione scapham intrantes navigio fugam
attemptassent, in crastino mane Giraldus eorum armigeris
arma dominorum cum feodis dedit, ipsosque statim militari
cingulo decoravit.”

[268] They are brought “ad ultimam fere inediam.” Then
Gerald, “ex summa prudentia spem simulans et solatia
spondens, quatuor qui adhuc supererant bacones a
propugnaculis frustatim ad hostes projici fecit.”

[269] Ib. “Die vero sequente ad figmenta recurrens
exquisitiora, literas sigillo suo signatas coram hospitio
Menevensis episcopi, cui nomen Wilfredus, qui forte tunc
aderat, tanquam casu a portitore dilapsas inveniri
procuravit.” I suppose this means that the Bishop was in a
house outside the besieged castle; otherwise it is not clear
how the Welsh could have got hold of the letter. It seems
also to imply that the Bishop was on friendly terms with the
besieged. But the whole story is a little dark.

[270] Ib. “Quo per exercitum literis lectis audito, statim
obsidione dispersa ad propria singuli sunt reversi.”
Directly after――“nec mora”――Gerald marries Nest. If we could
at all trust her grandson’s chronology, this would throw
some light on her relation to Henry.

[271] Ann. Camb. 1096. “Penbrochiam devastaverunt et
incolumes domum redierunt.” The cattle come from the Brut.

[272] Ann. Camb. 1097. “Geraldus _præfectus_ de Penbroc
Meneviæ fines devastavit.” In the other manuscript he is
_dapifer_, and in the Brut _ystiwart_.

[273] See vol. i. p. 572.

[274] Ib.

[275] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Se cyng Willelm … mid mycclum
here into Wealon ferde, and þæt land swiðe mid his fyrde
þurhfór, þurh sume þa Wyliscean þe him to wæron cumen, and
his lædteowas wæron.” Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 37), to whom the
details of a Welsh war did not greatly matter, makes
overmuch of these seeming successes; “Rex … super Walenses
qui contra eum surrexerant excercitum ducit, eosque post
modicum in deditionem suscipit, et pace undique potitus
est.”

[276] See vol. i. p. 582.

[277] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Ða Wylisce men syððon hi _fram_
þam cynge gebugon.”

[278] Ib. “Heom manege ealdras of heom sylfan gecuron. Sum
þæra wæs Caduugaun gehaten, þe heora weorðast wæs: se wæs
Griffines broðer sunu cynges.” On the use of “sum,” see
Earle, Parallel Chronicles, p. 357. It is surely a little
hard when Giraldus (It. Camb. i. 2. p. 28) speaks of his
grandmother’s grandfather as one “cujus tyrannis totam
aliquamdiu Gualliam oppresserat.”

[279] See N. C. vol. i. p. 506.

[280] Ib. vol. ii. p. 396.

[281] Ib. p. 399.

[282] Flor. Wig. 1097. “Post pascha”――he seems to have mixed
up the two expeditions of the year――“cum equestri et
pedestri exercitu secundo profectus est in Waloniam, ut
omnes masculini sexus internecioni daret; at de eis vix
aliquem capere aut interimere potuit.” Cf. N. C. vol. ii. p.
481.

[283] The Brut here waxes so spirited that one is sorry not
to have a better knowledge of the original. “The French
dared not penetrate the rocks and the woods, but hovered
about the level plains. At length they returned home empty,
without having gained anything; and the Britons, happy and
unintimidated, defended their country.” The Annals say,
“Willelmus rex Angliæ secundo in Britones excitatur, eorum
omnium minans excidium; Britones vero divino protecti
munimine in sua remanent illæsi, rege vacuo redeunte.” The
other MS. has, “nihil impetrans vacuus domum rediit.”

[284] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Þærinne wunode fram middesumeran
forneah oð August.”

[285] Ib. “And mycel þærinne forleas on mannan and on horsan
and eac on manegan oðran þingan.” Florence softens a little;
“De suis nonnullos, et equos perdidit multos.”

[286] See vol. i. pp. 572, 575.

[287] See above, p. 71.

[288] See vol. i. p. 583.

[289] See above, p. 9.

[290] See above, p. 30.

[291] On the story of Godwine and Ordgar, see Appendix HH.

[292] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 620.

[293] Fordun, v. 22 (vol. i. p. 221, Skene). “Fit mox hinc
inde magnus armorum apparatus, pugnaturi conveniunt; Orgarus
favore regis elatus, regiis satellitibus hinc inde vallatus,
insignibus etiam armorum ornamentis splendidus procedit.”

[294] Ib. “Silentio per præconem omnibus imposito, et vadiis
utrorumque a judice in certaminis locum projectis, ut Deus,
secretorum cognitor, hujus causæ veritatem ostenderet,
proclamante, postremo res armis, et causa superno judici
committitur.”

[295] There is no need to go through all the details. The
strangest is when the hilt of Godwine’s sword breaks off;
the blade drops; he picks it up, but naturally cannot use it
without cutting his fingers. It is an odd coincidence that
his son drops his whole sword in his exploit at Rama.

[296] Fordun, v. 22. “Abstracto namque cultro qui caliga
latebat, ipsum perfodere conatur; cum ante initum congressum
juraverit se nihil nisi arma decentia militem in hoc duello
gestaturum.”

[297] “Mox perjurii pœnas persolvit. Cultro siquidem erepto,
cum spes reum desereret, crimen protinus confitetur. Attamen
hæc confessio nihil ad vitam illi profuit elongandam,
undique vero, vulnere succedente vulneri, perfodebatur,
donec animam impiam vis doloris et magnitudo vulnerum
expelleret.”

[298] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 561, 893.

[299] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Ða uppon S[~c]e Michaeles mæssan
iiii. noñ Octobre, ætywde án selcuð steorra, on æfen
scynende, and sona to setle gangende. He wæs gesewen
suðweast, and se leoma þe him ofstód wæs swiðe lang geþuht,
suðeast scinende, and forneah ealle þa wucan on þas wisan
ætywde, manige men leton þæt hit cometa wære.” Here the
comet shines very brightly, but it shines alone. William of
Malmesbury (iv. 328) adds; “apparuerunt et aliæ stellæ quasi
jacula inter se emittentes.” (We had shooting stars two
years before; see p. 41.) Florence adds yet another portent;
“Nonnulli signum mirabile et quasi ardens, in modum crucis,
eo tempore se vidisse in cælo affirmabant.”

[300] Both the Chronicler and Florence mark that the
departure of Anselm soon followed the appearance in the
heavens; but it is William of Malmesbury who is most
emphatic; “Ille fuit annus quo Anselmus lux Angliæ, ultro
tenebras erroneorum effugiens, Romam ivit.”

[301] So I should understand the words of the Chronicle,
“ferde Eadgar æþeling mid fyrdes þurh þæs cynge fultum into
Scotlande.” But Florence says that the King “clitonem
Eadgarum ad Scottiam cum exercitu misit.” Fordun (v. 5)
makes him go, “collectis undique ingentibus amicorum copiis,
auxilioque Willelmi regis vallatus.”

[302] See above, p. 111.

[303] Fordun tells this tale (v. 25); the younger Eadgar
tells the vision to the elder, who acts accordingly.

[304] We have surely passed the bounds of history when
Robert, accompanied by two other knights, charges the enemy,
slays the foremost (“fortissimi qui ante aciem quasi
defensores stabant”), puts Donald and the rest to flight,
“et sic incruentam victoriam, Deo propitio, meritis sancti
Cuthberti feliciter obtinuit.” The Chronicler says that
Eadgar “þet land mid stranglicum feohte gewann.”

[305] Fordun, v. 26. “Ab ipso quidem ipse Donaldus captus
est et cæcatus, ac carceri perpetuo damnatur.” “Ipso” is the
younger Eadgar; this treatment of Donald would have been
more pardonable in the elder. See more in Robertson, i. 159.

[306] See Robertson, i. 159, and N. C. vol. i. p. 529; vol.
ii. p. 449; vol. iii. p. 431; vol. iv. p. 170.

[307] See Mon. Angl. v. 163, 165.

[308] Will. Malms. v. 400. “Captus vel perpetuis compedibus
detentus, ingenue pœnituit; et ad mortem veniens, cum ipsis
vinculis se tumulari mandavit, professus se plexum merito
pro fratricidii delicto.” Cf. the burial of Grimbald in N.
C. vol. ii. p. 273.

[309] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Eadgar æþeling … þone cyng
Dufenal út adræfde, and his mæg Eadgar, se wæs Melcolmes
sunu cynges and Margarite þære cwenan, he þær _on þæs cynges
Willelmes heldan_ to cynge sette.” I do not find the words
in Italics represented either by Fordun or by Mr. Robertson.
They are not forgotten by Sir F. Palgrave, English
Commonwealth, ii. cccxxxiv.

[310] The Chronicler tells us that Eadgar “syþþan ongean
into Engleland fór.” And he had just before drawn a vivid
picture of the state of England; “Ðis wæs on eallon þingan
swiðe hefigtyme geár, and ofer geswincfull on ungewederan,
þa man oððe tilian sceolde oððe eft tilða gegaderian, and on
ungyldan þa næfre ne ablunnon.”

[311] Fordun, v. 26.

[312] Ib. This grant is made “episcopo et suis successoribus
Dunelmensibus,” in distinction to the grant of Coldingham,
which was “monachis Dunelmensibus.”

[313] Ib. “De licentia regis ad terram a rege sibi datam in
Laudonia moratus est, et dum castellum ibidem ædificare
niteretur, a provincialibus subito et baronibus tandem
Dunelmensibus circumventus, eodem Ranulfo episcopo agente,
captus est; in qua tamen captione magnam suæ virtutis
memoriam apud totius regionis incolas dereliquit.”

[314] Ib. “Quod rex Edgarus rediens ut audivit, illum ex
præcepto regis Angliæ liberatum, secum in Scociam reduxit
cum honore, et quicquid ante episcopo donaverat, omnino sano
consilio sibimet reservabat.”

[315] See vol. i. p. 564.

[316] See vol. i. p. 269.

[317] This siege and sally is described by William of Tyre,
x. 17, 18, Gesta Dei per Francos, 786.

[318] Will. Malms. iii. 251. “Qui [Baldwinus] cum obsidionis
injuriam ferre nequiret, per medias hostium acies effugit,
solius Roberti opera liberatus præuntis, et evaginato gladio
dextra lævaque Turchos cædentis; sed cum, successu ipso
truculentior, alacritate nimia procurreret, ensis manu
excidit; ad quem recolligendum cum se inclinasset, omnium
incursu oppressus, vinculis palmas dedit.” Cf. iv. 384.

[319] Ib. “Inde Babylonem (ut aiunt) ductus, cum Christum
abnegare nollet, in medio foro ad signum positus, et
sagittis terebratus, martyrium sacravit.”

[320] See vol. i. p. 565.

[321] The story of Robert of Saint Alban’s is told in
Benedict, i. 341, R. Howden, ii. 307.

[322] Fordun, v. 26. “Erat autem iste rex Edgarus homo
dulcis et amabilis, cognato suo regi sancto Edwardo per
omnia similis, nihil durum, nihil tyrannicum aut amarum in
suos exercens subditos, sed eos cum maxima caritate,
bonitate, et benevolentia rexit et correxit.”

[323] See Robertson, i. 163. The passage in Æthelred of
Rievaux to which he refers comes in the speech of Robert of
Bruce to David (X Scriptt. 344; see N. C. vol. v. p. 269).
It seems to imply that David needed English help to keep his
principality. “Tu ipse rex cum portionem regni quam idem
tibi frater moriens delegavit, a fratre Alexandro
reposceres, nostro certe terrore quidquid volueras sine
sanguine impetrasti.”

[324] Mr. Robertson gives her the name of Sibyl. William of
Malmesbury, v. 400, gives an odd account of her; “Alexandrum
successorem Henricus affinitate detinuit, data ei in
conjugium filia notha; de qua ille viva nec sobolem, quod
sciam, tulit nec ante se mortuam multum suspiravit; defuerat
enim fœminæ, ut fertur, quod desideraretur, vel in morum
modestia, vel in corporis elegantia.” I cannot find her in
the list of Henry’s daughters in Will. Gem. viii. 29.

[325] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 602; vol. v. p. 209.

[326] See Robertson, i. 172.

[327] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 237, 238.

[328] See Robertson, i. 123 et seqq.

[329] See N. C. vol. v. p. 305.

[330] Ib. pp. 260-263.

[331] Ib. p. 267.

[332] See above, p. 109.

[333] Eadwine, as Bæda witnesses (ii. 5), held the two
_Mevaniæ_. But _Mona_ appears as Welsh whenever the island
is spoken of in either British or English Chronicles.
Nennius (or the writer who goes by that name) has a heading
(Mon. Hist. Brit. 52 D) of “Monia insula quæ Anglice
Englesei vocatur, id est, insula Anglorum.” In our
Chronicles it is _Mon-ige_ in the year 1000. Our present
story (1098) happens “innan Anglesege.”

[334] I get this phrase from the elder Brut, but I follow
the order of events in the Annales Cambriæ, 1098. “Omnes
Venedoti in Mon insula se receperunt, et ad eos tuendos de
Hibernia piratas invitaverunt, ad quos expugnandos missi
sunt duo consules, Hugo comes urbis Legionum, et alter Hugo,
qui contra insulam castrametati sunt.”

[335] One manuscript of the Annals has “Gentiles de
Ybernia.” See vol. i. pp. 121, 122.

[336] They are “Hugi Prúdi oc Hugi Digri” in the Saga
(Johnstone, p. 234). In the younger Brut, p. 84, the earls
are called “Huw iarll Caerllion a Huw goch [red] o’r
Mwythig.” By Caerleon is of course meant Chester. The elder
Brut confounds the two earls. The bulk of Earl Hugh of
Chester we have long known. In Orderic’s account (768 B) he
is “Hugo Dirgane, id est, Grossus.”

[337] See above, p. 97.

[338] See vol. i. p. 124.

[339] The priory of Penmon was described in 1849 by Mr.
Longueville Jones in three articles in the Archæologia
Cambrensis, vol. iv. pp. 44, 128, 198, and in an earlier
article in the Archæological Journal, i. 118. The date of
the original building cannot be very far off either way from
the times with which we are dealing. The tower-windows are a
kind of transition from Primitive Romanesque to Norman. A
doorway of later Norman character seems to be an insertion.

[340] There is a minute description of the castle, by Mr.
Longueville Jones, in Archæologia Cambrensis iii. 143. The
building of a castle at this time is distinctly asserted in
one manuscript of the elder Brut. But the other Brut under
1096 speaks of Earl Hugh of Chester as already lord of
Aberlleiniog (Arglwydd Aberlleiniawc).

[341] One manuscript of the Annals (1098 C) seems to make
them builders of the castle; “Gentiles pretio corrupti
consules in insulam introduxerunt et castra ibi fecerunt.”

[342] Ann. Camb. u. s. “Relicta insula, Hiberniam
aufugerunt.” The elder Brut adds that it was “for fear of
the treachery of their own men.”

[343] Here Florence (1098) comes to our help. “Interea
comites Hugo de Legeceastra et Hugo de Scrobbesbyria
Mevaniam insulam, quæ consuete vocatur Anglesege, cum
exercitu adierunt, et multos Walanorum quos in ea ceperunt
occiderunt, quosdam vero, manibus vel pedibus truncatis
testiculisque abscisis, excæcaverunt.”

[344] Giraldus, It. Camb. ii. 7 (vi. 129 ed. Dimock). “Est
in hac insula ecclesia sancti Tevredauci confessoris, in qua
comes Hugo Cestrensis, quoniam et ipse fines hos Kambriæ suo
in tempore subjugaverat, cum canes nocte posuisset, insanos
omnes mane recepit, et ipsemet infra mensem miserabiliter
exstinctus occubuit.” The two Hughs are here confounded, as
Hugh of Chester was certainly not killed. But the story of
the hounds sounds specially like him, as he seems to have
been even more given to the chase than other men of his day.
See N. C. vol. iv. p. 491.

A little earlier in the same chapter Giraldus has a tale
about Hugh of Shrewsbury and a wonderful stone, which must
belong to this same expedition, though Giraldus places it in
the time of Henry the First.

[345] Flor. Wig. 1098. “Quendam etiam provectæ ætatis
presbyterum, nomine Cenredum, a quo Walani in iis quæ
agebant consilium accipiebant, de ecclesia extraxerunt, et
ejus testiculis abscisis et uno oculo eruto, linguam illius
absciderunt.”

[346] Ib. “Die tertia, miseratione divina illi reddita est
loquela.” See Milman, Latin Christianity, i. 332, 478.

[347] Florence, directly after, notes that Hugh of
Shrewsbury “die vii. quo crudelitatem in præfatum exercuerat
presbyterum, interiit.”

[348] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 122, 663, 684.

[349] Ord. Vit. 767 B. “De legali connubio Eustanum et
Olavum genuit, quibus regnum magnamque potentiam dimisit.
Tertium vero, nomine Segurd, Anglica captiva sed nobilis ei
peperit, quem Turer, Inghevriæ filius, regis Magni
nutritius, nutrivit.” The Saga however (Laing, 339) calla
Eystein “the son of a mean mother,” and gives the name of
Sigurd’s mother as Thora.

[350] See Ord. Vit. 812.

[351] Compare the story of Turgot in N. C. vol. iv. p. 662.

[352] Ib. 143, 317, 754.

[353] See vol. i. p. 14.

[354] The only mention of Harold the son of Harold which I
have come across occurs in William of Malmesbury’s account
(iv. 329) of the invasion of Magnus, where “rex Noricorum
Magnus cum Haroldo filio Haroldi regis quondam Angliæ,
Orcadas insulas et Mevanias, et si quæ aliæ in oceano
jacent, armis subegit.”

[355] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 326.

[356] Ib. vol. ii. p. 481.

[357] Ib. vol. iii. pp. 476, 487. Roger of Montgomery was in
command of the French contingent, though it is the personal
exploits of Robert of Meulan which are specially spoken of.

[358] Ord. Vit. 767 D. “Hic filiam regis Irlandæ uxorem
duxerat. Sed quia rex Irensis pactiones quas fecerant non
tenuerat, Magnus rex stomachatus filiam ejus ei remiserat.
Bellum igitur inter eos ortum est.”

[359] Laing, iii. 133. This is placed after the death of
Earl Hugh.

[360] See Appendix II.

[361] See N. C. vol. iii. pp. 347, 373.

[362] Chron. Manniæ, 4. “Scotos vero ita perdomuit, ut
nullus qui fabricaret navem vel scapham ausus esset plus
quam tres clavos inserere.” Mr. E. W. Robertson (i. 165)
adds; “Such are the words of the Chronicle; their exact
meaning I do not pretend to understand.” Neither do I, but
Mr. Robertson was more concerned in the matter than I am.

[363] Chron. Man. p. 4. His repentance is thus described;
“Post hæc Lagmannus, pœnitens quod fratris sui oculos
eruisset, sponte regnum suum dimisit, et signo crucis
dominicæ insignitus, iter Jerosolimitanum arripuit, quo et
mortuus est.” This is singularly like the story of Swegen
the son of Godwine.

[364] Chron. Man. 5. “Omnes proceres insularum, audientes
mortem Lagmanni, miserunt legatos ad Murecardum Obrien,
regem Yberniæ, postulantes ut aliquem virum industrium de
regali stirpe in regem eis mitteret, donec Olavus filius
Godredi cresceret.” Murtagh sends Donald with a great deal
of good advice; but we read that. “postquam ad regnum
pervenit, parvi pendens præcepta domini sui, cum magna
tyrannide abusus est regno, et multis sceleribus
perpetratis, tribus annis enormiter regnavit.” Then the
leaders conspire, and drive him out.

[365] See Appendix II.

[366] Chron. Manniæ, 1098 (p. 5). “Eodem anno commissum est
prœlium inter Mannenses apud Santwat, et aquilonares
victoriam obtinuerunt. In quo bello occisi sunt Other comes
et Macmarus, principes ambarum partium.” From the names,
this sounds like a war between Scandinavians and Celts. May
we translate “aquilonares” by “Northmen,” or does it mean
merely the northern part of the island?

[367] See Appendix II.

[368] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 344.

[369] Ib. vol. iv. p. 520.

[370] See the story in Laing, ii. 347, 352. Ælfgifu of
Northampton, who was then in Norway with her son Swegen (see
N. C. vol. i. p. 480), was naturally inclined to unbelief.

[371] This story is told by the Manx Chronicler, 6.
“Episcopo et clero resistente, ipse rex audacter accessit,
et vi regia aperiri sibi scrinium fecit. Cumque et oculis
vidisset, et manibus attrectasset incorruptum corpus, subito
timor magnus irruit in eum et cum magna festinatione
discessit.” This is singularly like the story of William and
Saint Cuthberht, which I have just referred to.

[372] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 341.

[373] Ib. p. 345.

[374] Laing, iii. 129, 133.

[375] Ib.; Johnstone, 231. “En hann setti eptir Sigurd son
sinn til _höfdingia_ ysir eyonom, oc seck hönom rádoneyti.”
It is as well to have the exact Norsk titles of the governor
and his council.

[376] Johnstone, 232. “Magnus konongr kom Eidi sino vid eyna
Helgo, oc gaf þar grid oc frid öllum mönnum oc allra manna
varnadi.” A not very intelligible story follows, how he
opened the door of the little church, but did not go in, but
at once locked the door and ordered that no one should ever
go in again, which was faithfully obeyed. Here, as ever in
Celtic holy places, we find the group of several churches.

[377] Johnstone, ib.; Laing, iii. 130.

[378] Chron. Man. p. 6. “Galwedienses ita constrinxit, ut
cogeret eos materias lignorum cædere et ad litus portare ad
munitiones construendas.”

[379] Ord. Vit. 767 D. “Hiberniam ingredi voluit; sed,
Irensibus in maritimis littoribus ad bellum paratis, alias
divertit.”

[380] Ib. “Insulam Man, quæ deserta erat, inhabitavit,
populis replevit, domibus et aliis necessariis ad usus
hominum graviter instruxit.”

[381] Chron. Man. 6. “Cum applicuisset ad insulam sancti
Patricii, venit videre locum pugnæ, quam Mannenses paulo
ante inter se commiserant, quia adhuc multa corpora
occisorum inhumata erant. Videns autem insulam pulcherrimam,
placuit in oculis ejus, eamque sibi in habitationem elegit,
munitiones in ea construxit, quæ usque hodie ex ejus nomine
nuncupantur.”

[382] Ord. Vit. 767 D. “Alias quoque Cycladas, in magno mari
velut extra orbem positas, perlustravit, et a pluribus
populis inhabitari regio jussu coegit.”

[383] Ib. “Maritimæ vero plebes, quæ in Anglia littus
infiniti Amphitritis incolebant in boreali climate, ut
barbaricas gentes et incognitas naves viderunt ad se
festinare, præ timore nimio vociferatæ sunt, et armati
quique de regione Merciorum convenerunt.”

[384] Ord. Vit. 767 D. “Quondam princeps militiæ Magni regis
cum sex navibus in Angliam cursum direxit, sed rubeum
scutum, quod signum pacis erat, super malum navis erexit.”

[385] Ib. 768 A. “Maxima multitudo de comitatu Cestræ et
Scrobesburiæ congregata est, et in regione Dagannoth secus
mare ad prœlium præparata est.”

[386] See Appendix II.

[387] See Appendix II.

[388] See Appendix II.

[389] See Appendix II.

[390] See Appendix II.

[391] Ord. Vit. 768 B. “Cujus mortem Magnus rex ut
comperiit, vehementer cum suis planxit, et Hugoni Dirgane,
id est Grosso, pacem et securitatem mandavit. Exercitum,
inquit, non propter Anglos sed Hibernos ago, nec alienam
regionem invado, sed insulas ad potestatem meam pertinentes
incolo.”

[392] Ib. “Normanni tandem et Angli cadaver Hugonis diu
quæsierunt, pontique fluctu retracto, vix invenerunt.”

[393] Ib. “Hic solus de filiis Mabiliæ mansuetus et amabilis
fuit, et iv. annis post mortem Rogerii patris sui paternum
honorem moderatissime rexit.”

[394] Ib.

[395] Johnstone, 236. “Aunguls-ey er þridiongr Brettlandz,”
This is strange measurement even if Wales alone is meant,
much more if by “Brettlandz” we are to understand the whole
isle of Britain.

[396] See Appendix II.

[397] Brut y Tywysogion, 1096. “So the French [y Freinc]
reduced all, as well great as small, to be Saxons [Sæson].”
But in the Latin Annals, 1098, the words are, “Franci vero
majores et minores secum ad Angliam perduxerunt.”

[398] Johnstone, 236; Laing, iii. 132.

[399] The treaty is noticed by the Irish writers. Chronicon
Scotorum, 1098. “A year’s peace was made by Muircertach Ua
Briain with Magnus, King of Lochlann.” On the marriage, see
above, p. 136.

[400] Johnstone, 237. “Oc gaf hönom konongs nafn, oc setti
hann yfir Orkneyar oc oni Sudreyar, oc seck hann i hendur
Hák Pálssyni frænda sinom.”

[401] “Mælkolf Skota konong” he appears in the Norsk text
(236). The ceremony of crossing the isthmus is minutely
described, and it is said that ships were often drawn across
it.

[402] Ord. Vit. 768 C. “Quo [Hugone] defuncto, Robertus
Belesmensis, frater ejus, Guillelmum Rufum requisivit, eique
pro comitatu fratris iii. millia librarum sterilensium
exhibuit. Et comes factus, per quatuor annos immania super
Gualos exercuit.”

[403] Ord. Vit. 768 C. “Angli et Guali, qui jamdudum ferales
ejus ludos quasi fabulam ridentes audierunt, nunc ferreis
ejus ungulis excoriati, plorantes gemuerunt, et vera esse
quæ compererant sentientes experti sunt.”

[404] Ib. “Ipse quanto magis opibus et vernulis ampliatus
intumuit, tanto magis collimitaneis, cujuscunque ordinis
fuerint, auferre fundos suos exarsit, et terras quas prisci
antecessores sanctis dederant, sibi mancipavit.”

[405] Orderic bears him this witness, 766 B, C, in recording
the fortification of Gisors, of which we shall have to speak
presently, “_ingeniosus artifex_ Rodbertus Belesmensis
disposuit.”

[406] See above, p. 100.

[407] See N. C. vol. i. p. 506.

[408] See the Chronicles, 895. In Winchester, Canterbury,
and Abingdon the name is Quatbridge. “Þæt hic gedydan æt
Cwatbrycge be Sæfryn and þæt geweorc worhtan.” Worcester has
“æt Brygce.”

[409] This is distinctly marked by Florence, 1101. “Arcem
quam in occidentali Sabrinæ fluminis plaga, in loco qui
Brycge dicitur lingua Saxonica, Ægelfleda Merciorum domina
quondam construxerat, fratre suo Eadwardo Seniore regnante,
Scrobbesbyriensis comes Rotbertus de Beleasmo, Rogeri
comitis filius, contra regem Heinricum, ut exitus rei
probavit, muro lato et alto summoque restaurare cœpit.” The
work of the Lady is recorded in the Canterbury and Abingdon
Chronicles, 912. “Her cóm Æþelflæd Myrcna hlæfdige on þone
halgan æfen muentione S[~c]e Crucis to Scergeat, and þar ða
burh _getimbrede_, and þæs ilcan géares þa æt Bricge.” It
was therefore not a mere earthwork to be _wrought_, but a
wall of some kind, whether of wood or of stone, to be
_timbered_. This marks the position of Bridgenorth itself as
distinguished from the earthwork at Oldbury.

[410] Domesday, 254. “Ipse comes tenet Ardintone; Sancta
Milburga tenuit T. R. E. Ibi … nova domus, et burgum
Quatford dictum. Nil reddit.”

[411] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 499.

[412] A singular story is preserved in Bromton (X Scriptt.
988). When Earl Roger’s second and better-behaved wife
Adeliza was coming for the first time to England, she was in
danger of shipwreck. Her chaplain, who was on board, had a
vision, in which a certain matron told him that, in order to
lull the storm, his lady must vow to build a church to Saint
Mary Magdalene on the spot where she should first meet her
husband, a spot which was to be marked in a manner not
unknown either at Glastonbury or at Alba Longa; “Præcipue
ubi concava quercus cum tugurio porcorum crescit.” The vow
is made; the Countess meets the Earl hunting; “apud
Quatford, quæ tunc deserta fuit, in loco ubi dicta quercus
crescebat venanti domino suo primo occurrit.” The church was
founded and endowed; but it afterwards became annexed to the
collegiate chapel in the castle at Bridgenorth. Some further
details about this college are given. See also Mon. Angl.
viii. 1463. The foundation at Bridgenorth is attributed to
Robert of Bellême.

[413] Ord. Vit. 768 C. “Oppidum de Quatfort transtulit, et
Brugiam, munitissimum castellum, super Sabrinam fluvium
condidit.”

[414] It appears in Domesday, 255, in the form of
“Aldeberie.”

[415] These windows are a distinct case of traces of the
primitive Romanesque even in a military building, just as in
Oxford Castle. See N. C. vol. v. p. 636.

[416] Just as in the case of Conan at Rouen, we must get rid
of the notion of anybody standing on the top of a flat
tower. An English traveller on the continent is struck by
seeing military towers with high roofs; but it is simply
because in England the roofs have been destroyed.

[417] I have not myself seen this site. Mr. Clark writes to
me; “The township of that name is within the Shropshire
parish of Llan y-mynech but a part of an island of Denbigh.
The site, coveted on account of some silver mines, was
conquered soon after the Great Survey, and annexed to the
palatine earldom of Salop, though after the conquest of
Wales it was transferred to Denbigh. The castle stood upon
Offa’s Dyke, and was protected on the immediate south by the
Vyrnwy, and a mile or two to the west by its tributary the
Tarrat. Three British camps to the north and west show how
at least as early as the Mercian days the position had been
watched.”

[418] His lands in Nottinghamshire (Domesday, 284) cover
more than five pages. At one place, Ættune, we read,
“habuerunt x. taini quisque aulam suam.” In other places,
285, 286, we have entries of the same kind of five thegns,
six thegns, and seven thegns. Land in Nottinghamshire would
seem to have been greatly divided T. R. E. The first entry
in Yorkshire, 319, in “Lastone and Trapum,” we read, “ibi
habuit comes Edwinus aulam; nunc habet Rogerius de Busli ibi
in dominio.” In 320, in Hallun, for which we may read
Sheffield, it is said, “ibi habuit Wallef comes aulam.”

The Norman lordship of Roger is written in many ways; he
appears as “Rogerus de Buthleio,” “de Busli,” and other
forms. In the French Ordnance map the name of the place is
given as _Bully_.

[419] See Domesday, 319, and N. C. vol. iv. p. 290.

[420] Domesday, 320. “Hanc terram habet Rogerius de Judita
comitissa.”

[421] Domesday, 113. This is Sanford in Devonshire, which
had been held by a Brihtric, whether the son of Ælfgar or
any other. “Regina dedit Rogerio cum uxore sua.” Very unlike
lands in Yorkshire, it had doubled its value since
Brihtric’s time.

[422] Domesday, 319. It is “Tyckyll” in Florence, 1102. The
history of the place may be studied in Mr. John Raine’s
History of Blyth.

[423] Bæda, ii. 12. “In finibus gentis Merciorum, ad
orientalem plagam amnis qui vocatur Idlæ.” There Eadwine
smote Æthelfrith. Bæda’s description marks Nottinghamshire
as Mercian.

[424] I have had to mention Blyth in my paper on the Arundel
case in the Archæological Journal, xxxvii. 244 (1880). The
monastic part at the east end is gone, and the effect of the
parochial part strangely changed by later additions. No one
would think from the first glance at the outside that the
nave of a Norman minster lurked there.

There are two notices of Blyth in the Normanniæ Nova
Chronica under 1088 and 1090. The first merely records a
grant of the church to the Trinity monastery (also called
Saint Katharine) at Rouen; “a viro venerabili Rogerio de
Bully et ab Munold [sic] uxore sua.” The second records the
gift a second time, and adds, “ibi constituit xiii.
monachos.” He had had dealings with the house before. In the
cartulary of the monastery, No. xliii. p. 444, he sells the
tithe of Bully [Buslei], “quemadmodum sibi jure hæreditario
competebat,” for threescore and twelve pounds and a horse
(“pro libris denariorum lx. et xii. et i. equo”). The
signatures, besides those of Duke William and Count Robert
of Eu, are mainly local, as “Hernaldi cujus pars decimæ,”
“Huelini de Brincourt,”――Neufchâtel that was to be. Mr. A.
S. Ellis suggests that this sale was to supply the lord of
Bully with the means of crossing in 1066. It is odd that
there is no mention of Blyth in the cartulary.

[425] Compare Florence, 1102, with Orderic, 806 C. No one
without local knowledge would guess that “Blida” and
“Tyckyll” meant the same place.

[426] Ord. Vit. 768 C. “Blidam totamque terrain Rogerii de
Buthleio cognati sui jure repetiit, et a rege grandi pondere
argenti comparavit.” Mr. A. S. Ellis, in a paper reprinted
from the Yorkshire Archæological Journal, headed
“Biographical Notices on the Yorkshire Tenants named in
Doomsday Book,” suggests that what Robert really bought was
the _wardship_ of Roger’s son. The history of the family
will be found in Mr. Raine’s book and in Mr. Ellis’s paper.

[427] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 537.

[428] Ord. Vit. 768 C. “Sicut idem vir multis possessionibus
in terris est locupletatus, sic majori fastu superbiæ sequax
Belial inflatus, flagitiosos et crudeles ambiebat
insatiabiliter actus.” There is no need to take
“flagitiosus” in the special sense.

[429] The authorities for this chapter take in such French
and Cenomannian records as we have. Suger’s Life of Lewis
the Sixth, in the fourth volume of the French Duchèsne,
gives us but few facts as to the French war, but he draws a
vivid general picture. For Maine we have the Lives of
Bishops Howel and Hildebert in the History of the Bishops of
Le Mans in Mabillon’s Vetera Analecta. The accounts there
given have to be compared throughout with the narrative of
the French and Cenomannian wars in Orderic. The strictly
English writers tell us nothing about France, next to
nothing about Maine. Something may be gleaned from the
writers in French rime, as Wace and Geoffrey Gaimar; but
Wace has by no means the same value now which he had during
the actual time of the Conquest.

[430] See N. C. vol. v. p. 99.

[431] See N. C. vol. i. p. 249.

[432] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 130.

[433] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 263.

[434] Lewis is in Suger constantly spoken of as “Dominus
Ludovicus;” special titles for kings’ sons had not yet been
invented.

[435] William of Malmesbury tells the story (iii. 257);
“Pacem cum Philippo rege comparavit [Robertus Friso], data
sibi in uxorem privigna, de qua ille Lodovicum tulit qui
modo regnat in Francia; nec multo post pertæsus connubii
(quod illa præpinguis corpulentiæ esset), a lecto removit,
uxoremque Andegavensis comitis contra fas et jus sibi
conjunxit.” The reason here given for separation seems a
strange one, especially on the part of Philip. Henry the
Eighth, according to some accounts, is said at one stage to
have sought for a wife of his own size. The Queen appears in
Orderic (699 B) as “generosa et religiosa conjux.” It
appears from Geoffrey Malaterra (iv. 8) that Philip next
wished to marry Emma, the daughter of Count Robert of
Sicily; but the trick was found out. It was not easy to
entrap a Sicilian Norman.

[436] This is Orderic’s story. The three wives of Fulk are
carefully reckoned up in the Gesta Consulum (Chroniques
d’Anjou, i. 140) and in the Gesta Ambasiensium Dominorum (i.
191). Bertrada therefore had some reason when we read,
“Bertrada Andegavorum comitissa, metuens ne vir suus quod
jam duabus aliis fecerat sibi faceret, et relicta contemptui
ceu vile scortum fieret, conscia nobilitatis et
pulcritudinis suæ fidissimum legatum Philippo regi Francorum
destinavit, eique quod in corde tractabat, evidenter
notificavit. Malebat enim ultro virum relinquere aliumque
appetere quam a viro relinqui, omniumque patere despectui.”
Some details of the elopement of Bertrada from Tours are
given in the Gesta Consulum, i. 142, and in the acts of the
Lords of Amboise, i. 192. She appears there as “pessima uxor
Fulconis comitis.”

[437] William of Malmesbury (v. 404) lays the blame in a
quarter which we should not have looked for; “Adeo erat
[Philippus] omnibus episcopis provinciæ suæ derisui, ut
nullus eos desponsaret præter Willelmum archiepiscopum
Rotomagensem, cujus facti temeritatem luit multis annis
interdictus, et vix tandem aliquando per Anselmum
archiepiscopum apostolicæ communioni redditus.” (See De
Rémusat, Anselme, 355.) It is hard to have to believe this
of the Good Soul, and one rather takes to Orderic’s version
(699 C); “Odo Baiocensis episcopus hanc exsecrandam
desponsationem fecit, ideoque dono mœchi regis pro
recompensatione infausti famulatus ecclesias Madanti oppidi
aliquamdiu habuit.” Orderic waxes very eloquent on Philip’s
crime.

[438] See his letters in Duchèsne, iv. 2, 3, 4, 7. Ivo
distinctly refuses to have anything to do with the marriage;
but it seems that Philip pretended to have been divorced by
a council under Reginald Archbishop of Rheims.

[439] Betholi Constantiensis Chron., Bouquet, xi. 27, 28.
“1094. In Galliarum civitate quam vulgariter Ostionem
(Augustodunum) dicunt, congregatum est generale concilium a
venerando Hugone Lugdunensi archiepiscopo et sedis
apostolicæ legato cum archiepiscopis, episcopis et abbatibus
diversarum provinciarum xvii. cal. Nov. in quo concilio
renovata est excommunicatio in Heinricum regem et in
Guibertum sedis apostolicæ invasorem et in omnes eorum
complices. Item rex Galliarum Philippus excommunicatus est,
eo quod, vivente uxore sua, alteram superinduxerit.”

[440] Ord. Vit. 669 C. “Permissu tamen præsulum, _quorum
dominus erat_, pro regali dignitate capellanum suum habebat,
a quo cum privata familia privatim missam audiebat.”

[441] Ib. “In quodcunque oppidum vel urbem Galliarum rex
advenisset, mox ut a clero auditum fuisset, cessabat omnis
clangor campanarum, et generalis cantus clericorum.” William
of Malmesbury, v. 404; “Quocirca ab apostolico
excommunicatus, cum in villa qua mansitabat nihil divini
servitii fieret, sed discedente eo, tinnitus signorum
undique concreparent, insulsam fatuitatem cachinnis
exprimebat, ‘Audis,’ inquiens, ‘bella, quomodo nos
effugant.’”

[442] Ord. Vit. u.s. “Quo tempore nunquam diadema portavit,
nec purpuram induit, neque sollennitatem aliquam regio more
celebrabat.”

[443] Her death is recorded in the year 1094 in the
Chronicle of Clarius or of Saint Peter at Sens (D’Achery,
ii. 477), which gives some curious details of the council of
that year, and how the Archbishop of Sens was allowed to sit
on a level with the Archbishop of Rheims.

[444] Ord. Vit. 700 A. “Ludovico filio suo consensu
Francorum Pontisariam et Madantum totumque comitatum
Vilcassinum donavit, totiusque regni curam, dum primo flore
juventutis pubesceret, commisit.”

[445] Ord. Vit. 766 A. “Guillelmus Rufus, ut patris sui
casus et bellorum causas comperit, Philippo Francorum regi
totum Vilcassinum pagum calumniari cœpit, et præclara
oppida, Pontesiam et Calvimontem atque Medantum, poposcit,”

[446] Ib. “Francis autem poscenti non acquiescentibus, imo
prœlianti atrociter resistere ardentibus, ingens guerra
inter feroces populos exoritur, et multis luctuosa mors
ingeritur.”

[447] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “And se cyng þeræfter uppon
S[~c]e Martines mæssan ofer sǽ intó Normandig fór.”

[448] See N. C. vol. v. p. 159.

[449] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Ac þa hwile þe he wederes abád,
his hired innon þam sciran þær hi lágon þone mæston hearm
dydon þe æfre hired oððe here innon friðlande don sceolde.”

[450] See vol. i. p. 154.

[451] It is hardly an exception when William of Malmesbury
(iv. 320) tells the story of William Rufus’ dialogue with
Helias, which belongs to this time, altogether out of place,
and as a mere illustrative anecdote.

[452] Suger, 283 A. “Similiter et dissimiliter inter eos
certabatur, similiter cum neuter cederet, dissimiliter cum
ille maturus, iste juvenculus, ille opulentus et Anglorum
thesaurorum profusor, mirabilisque militum mercator et
solidator; iste peculii expers, patri qui beneficiis regni
utebatur parcendo, sola bonæ indolis industria militiam
cogebat, audacter resistebat.” Orderic (766 A) says, in a
somewhat different strain, “Philippus rex piger et
corpulentus belloque incongruus erat; Ludovicus vero filius
ejus puerili temeritudine detentus, adhuc militare
nequibat.” This strange statement comes before that quoted
in p. 175.