Chapter XXXVI: Appendix: WW. Vol. ii. p. 384 (5)

[941] Will. Malms. v. 393. “Suadentibus amicis, et maxime
pontificibus, ut, remota voluptate pellicum, legitimum
amplecteretur connubium.” Orderic (783 D) gives the same
idea a more grotesque turn; “Princeps quarto mense ex quo
cœpit regnare, nolens ut equus et mulus, quibus non est
intellectus, turpiter lascivire, generosam virginem nomine
Mathildem regali more sibi desponsavit.” So in the
continuation of William of Jumièges, viii. 10; “Ut idem rex
_legaliter_ viveret, duxit venerabilem Matildem.”
“Legaliter” must here be taken in the older, not in the
chivalrous sense.

[942] Will. Malms. u. s. See Appendix G.

[943] See N. C. vol. v. p. 852.

[944] Ib. p. 853.

[945] Ib. p. 843; vol. iv. p. 733.

[946] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 731; v. p. 306.

[947] See vol. i. p. 187, and N. C. vol. v. p. 844.

[948] Hist. Ab. ii. 36. “Optimatum hujus loci ea tempestate
virorum Anskillus erat unus, cujus juri pertinebant
Suvecurda [Seacourt] et Speresholt, et Baigeuurtha
[Bayworth] et apud Merceham [Marsham] hida una. Hunc contra,
suorum delatione osorum, ita regis exarsit iracundia, ut
vinculis arctatum carcerali præciperet custodiæ macerandum.
Ubi insolito rigore deficiens post dies paucos interiit.”

[949] It was held by the new grantee and his son till it was
got back from King Henry by Abbot Faricius (Hist. Ab. ii.
288), “retracto inde ecclesiæ in hoc temporis spatio
servitii omni genere” (Ib. ii. 37). This seems to be the
Sparsholt of which I spoke in N. C. vol. iv. p. 726, as
being held by “Godricus unus liber homo,” a different person
from Godric the Sheriff. He is distinguished in the Abingdon
History (i. 477) as “Godricus Cild,” and his Sparsholt is
said to be “juxta locum qui vulgo Mons Albi Æqui
nuncupatur.” In Domesday (59) we find Anschil holding
Sparsholt of the Abbot. It had been held T. R. E. by Eadric.
Eadric and Godric are clearly the same man, and there must
be a mistake of name in one place or the other, just as in
Domesday, 146, _Ead_wine Abbot of Westminster is miscalled
_God_wine. But a most curious entry follows, from which it
appears that Eadric or Godric had given the lordship for the
support of his son as a monk in the abbey as long as he
lived, after which it was to come back to himself. The shire
therefore threw a doubt on the right of the abbey to its
possession. They had seen no writ or seal of King William
granting it to the abbey; but the abbot and all his monks
produced a writ and seal of King Eadward, from which it
appeared that Eadric had given the manor to the abbey;
“Abbas testatur quod in T. R. E. misit ille manerium ad
ecclesiam _unde erat_, et inde habet brevem et sigillum R.
E. attestantibus omnibus monachis suis.” The words “unde
erat” show that Eadric or Godric held the lordship of the
abbey (for its possession of Sparsholt see Hist. Ab. i. 283,
478), but that he gave up his rights in it to the church. It
was then again granted to Anskill.

[950] Hist. Ab. ii. 37. “Cum hæc agerentur, uxore Anskilli
jam defuncti domo exclusa, filio vero ejus, nomine Willelmo,
a rebus paternis funditus eliminato, eadem mulier fratrem
regis Henricum, tunc quidem comitem, suffragiorum suis
incommodis gratia frequentans, ex eo concepit, et filium
pariens Ricardum vocavit.” On this Richard, see N. C. vol.
v. pp. 188 (note), 195, 843.

[951] He married the sister of Simon, the king’s dispenser,
and niece of Abbot Reginald, who succeeded Æthelhelm in
1083. As Reginald died in 1097 (see p. 265), the whole
story, including the birth of Richard, must have happened
before that year.

[952] Hist. Ab. ii. 122. “Ansfrida, qua concubinæ loco rex
ipse Henricus usus ante suscepti _imperii monarchiam_,
filium Ricardum nomine genuit, ac _per hoc_ celebri
sepultura a fratribus est intumulata, videlicet in claustro
ante ostium ecclesiæ ubi fratres intrant in ecclesia et
exeunt.” Why was a doubly imperial style needed on such a
matter?

[953] Ord. Vit. 784 A. “Sapiens Henricus, generositatem
virginis agnoscens, multimodamque morum ejus honestatem
jamdudum concupiscens, hujusmodi sociam in Christo sibi
elegit.” So William of Malmesbury, v. 393; “Cujus amori
jampridem animum impulerat, parvi pendens dotales divitias,
dummodo diu cupitis potiretur amplexibus.” So Eadmer (Hist.
Nov. 56) mentions the story of the veil, and adds, “quæ res,
dum illa jam olim dimisso velo a rege amaretur, plurimorum
ora laxaret, et _eos_ a cupitis amplexibus retardaret.” In
the genuine story she certainly seems anxious for the
marriage. The story of her dislike to it is a mere legend.
See Appendix WW.

[954] This seems implied in the whole story, especially in
the words of Eadmer, “dimisso velo.” Her father, it will be
remembered, is said to have taken her away from Romsey in
1093. See Appendix EE.

[955] Sir Francis Palgrave (iv. 366), countersigned by Dean
Church, Anselm, 243, assures us that “Edith was very
beautiful.” Mr. Robertson (i. 153, note) will not allow that
she was more than “rather pretty.” The Abbess in Hermann of
Tournay witnesses to her beauty at the age of twelve, but
all that William of Malmesbury (v. 418) can say of her is
that she was “non usquequaque despicabilis formæ.” We have
already heard of her studies at Romsey, and in her letters
to Anselm (Epp. iii. 55, 119) the display of scriptural and
classical learning might have satisfied Orderic himself. It
is more comforting to find in the second letter that she
wishes to bestow the abbey of Malmesbury on one bearing the
English name of Eadwulf. Anselm refuses his consent, because
Eadwulf sent him a cup, which seemed like an attempt at
simony. Eadwulf however did in the end become abbot.

[956] Will. Malms. v. 393. “Erat illa, licet genere
sublimis, utpote regis Edwardi ex fratre Edmundo abneptis,
modicæ tamen domina supellectilis, utroque tunc parente
pupilla.”

[957] Chron. Petrib. 1100. “And siðþan sona heræfter se cyng
genam Mahalde him to wife, Malcolmes cynges dohter of
Scotlande, and Margareta þære goda cwæne, Eadwardes cynges
magan, and of þan rihtan Ænglalandes kyne kynne.” Eadmer
(Hist. Nov. 56) traces up the pedigree to Eadgar, but he
does not forget that she was “filia Malcholmi nobilissimi
regis Scotorum.”

[958] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 308.

[959] See above, p. 31, and Appendix EE. Eadmer, Hist. Nov.
56. “Siquidem eadem Mathildis, inter sanctimoniales in
monasterio ab infantia nutrita et adulta, credebatur a
multis in servitium Dei a parentibus oblata, eo quod publice
visa fuerat earum inter quas vivebat more velata.”

[960] Ib. “Ipsa Anselmum cujus in hoc nutum omnes
expectabant adiit.”

[961] Ib. 57. “Differt Anselmus sententiam ferre et causam
judicio religiosarum personarum regni determinandam
pronunciat. Statuto itaque die coeunt ad nutum illius,
episcopi, abbates, nobiles quique, ac religiosi ordinis
viri.” Anselm’s Convocation thus admitted lay members.

[962] The archdeacons are sent “Wiltuniam, ubi illa fuerat
educata,” but Romsey must surely be meant. See Appendix EE.

[963] Ib. “Remoto a conventu solo patre, ecclesia Angliæ quæ
convenerat in unum de proferenda sententia tractat.”

[964] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 564, 835.

[965] Hist. Nov. 58. The members of the Assembly say that
they remember the judgement of Lanfranc, and that they hold
that the present case is still stronger than that which he
decided. “Licet enim sciamus causam illarum istius esse
leviorem dum illæ sponte, ista coacta, pari de causa velum
portaverit.” They add their protest, “nequis nos favore
cujusvis duci existimet.”

[966] Ib. “Ego judicium vestrum non abjicio, sed eo securius
illud suscipio quo tanti patris auctoritate suffultum
audio.”

[967] Ib. “Gesta comi vultu audit et amplectitur.”

[968] Ib. “Quod non propterea facturam fatetur quasi sibi
non creditum esse putet, sed ut malevolis hominibus omnem
deinceps blasphemandi occasionem amputet.”

[969] Ib. “Si malus homo de malo thesauro cordis sui
protulerit mala, dicto citius opprimetur ipsa veritate jam
tantarum personarum adstipulatione probata et roborata.”

[970] Ib. “Allocutione posthæc et benedictione Anselmi
potita abiit.”

[971] This is the version of Hermann of Tournay (D’Achery,
ii. 893) referred to in Appendix EE, WW; “Confirmatus in
regno voluit conjugem habere puellam quamdam filiam David
regis Scotiæ, dixitque D. Anselmo, tunc temporis
Cantuariensis urbis venerabili archiepiscopo, ut eam sibi
benediceret et solemnibus nuptiis benedictam in conjugium
sociaret.”

[972] Ib. “Ideoque pro conservando juramento suo se non eam
dimissurum, nisi canonico judicio fuisset determinatum.”

[973] Ib. “Præcepit ut, adscito archiepiscopo Eboracensi,
congregaretur consilium episcoporum et abbatum totiusque
Angliæ ecclesiasticarum personarum ad diffiniendum
ecclesiastica censura tantum negotium.” Thomas of York, it
must be remembered, must have been now on his deathbed; at
least he died a few days later. The lay nobles of Eadmer’s
account are left out in this version.

[974] See above, p. 32, and Appendix WW.

[975] D’Achery, ii. 894. “In communi judicaverunt propter
hujusmodi factum non ei prohibendum conjugium, quoniam,
quamdiu infra legitimam ætatem sub tutela patris fuerat,
nihil ei sine ejus assensu facere licuerat.” See the answer
of Harold, N. C. vol. iii p. 265.

[976] D’Achery, ii. 894. “Vos quidem, domine rex, consilio
meo prætermisso, facietis quod vobis placuerit, sed qui
diutius vixerit, puto quod videbit non diu Angliam gavisuram
de prole quæ de ea nata fuerit.”

[977] See Appendix WW.

[978] Chron. Petrib. 1100. “And siðþan sona heræfter se cyng
genam Mahalde him to wife, Malcolmes cynges dohter of
Scotlande, and Margareta þære goda cwæne Eadwardes cynes
magan of þan rihtan Ænglalandes kynekynne. And on S[~c]e
Martines mæssedæg heo wearð him mid mycelan weorðscipe
forgifen on Westmynstre, and se arcebiscop Ansealm hi him
bewæddade and siððan to cwene gehalgode.” Florence notes
that, at the wedding, “rex Anglorum Heinricus majores natu
Angliæ congregavit Lundoniæ.” Orderic (784 A) makes Gerard
of Hereford the consecrator of the Queen. Her descent from
the “right _cynecyn_ of England” stirs him up to a grand
flight, going up to the very beginnings of things. We there
read how “Angli de Anglo insula, ubi Saxoniæ metropolis est,
in Britanniam venerunt, et, devictis, seu deletis, quos modo
Gualos dicunt, occupatam bello insulam, Hengist primo duce,
a natali solo Angliam vocitaverunt.”

[979] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 58. See N. C. vol. v. p. 169.

[980] Ib. “Cunctis una clamantibus rem juste definitam nec
in ea quid residere unde quis nisi forte malitia ductus jure
aliquam posset movere calumniam, legitime conjuncti sunt,
honore quo decuit regem et reginam.”

[981] It is so implied by Eadmer, who of course gives his
own very distinct witness in favour of the righteousness of
all that Anselm did.

[982] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 251, 857.

[983] See N. C. vol. v. p. 170. The note in Sir T. D.
Hardy’s edition of William of Malmesbury is very strange.
Ages after, Knighton (X Scriptt. 2375) gives these English
names an odd turn; “Multi de proceribus clam vel palam a
rege Henrico se subtraxerunt, fictis quibusdam occasiunculis
vocantes eum _Godrych Godefadyr_, et pro Roberto comite clam
miserunt.” In his day Godric, in his various spellings, was
doubtless, as now, in familiar use as a surname. Godgifu
must have been pretty well forgotten, except in the form
which she takes at Coventry, though I suppose that she too
survives in the surname _Goodeve_.

[984] See N. C. vol. v. p. 184.

[985] The Continuator of Florence (1121) tells us how Henry,
“legalis conjugii olim nexu solutus, _ne quid ulterius
inhonestum committeret_,” by the advice of Archbishop Ralph
and his great men, marries Adeliza. Orderic (823 B)
witnesses that Henry’s bad habits in this way went on to old
age.

[986] Will. Malms. v. 418. “Æquanimiter ferebat, _rege alias
intento_, ipsa curiæ valedicere, Westmonasterio multis annis
morata. Nec tamen quicquam ei regalis magnificentiæ deerat,”
&c.

[987] William of Malmesbury gives many details of her piety,
with the curious remark that she was “in clericos bene
melodos inconsiderate prodiga” [that is surely the right
reading, and not “provida”]. He tells how she kissed the
wounds of the lepers. The half-profane saying of David comes
from Æthelred of Rievaux (X Scriptt. 367; Fordun, v. 20;
Surtees Simeon, 267), who had the story from David himself.
Matilda wished her brother to follow her example, which he
refused; “Necdum enim sciebam Dominum, nec revelatus fuerat
mihi Spiritus ejus.” One is reminded of the story of Saint
Lewis and John of Joinville, when the seneschal refuses to
wash the feet of the poor. It is twice told in his Memoirs,
pp. 8, 218, ed. Michel, 1858.

[988] “Very vain,” says Mr. Robertson, who is determined to
be hard upon her.

[989] There is an important passage of William of Malmesbury
about the reeves, of whom we have heard so often; “Eo
effectum est ut prodige donantium non effugeret vitium,
multimodas colonis suis deferens calumnias, inferens
injurias, auferens substantias, quo bonæ largitricis nacta
famam, suorum parvi pensaret contumeliam. Sed hæc qui recte
judicare volet, consiliis ministrorum imputabit, qui, more
harpyarum, quicquid poterant corripere unguibus, vel
infodiebant marsupiis vel insumebant conviviis, quorum
fœculentis susurris aures oppleta, nævum honestissimæ menti
contraxit.” In all this we learn the more to admire the
constant care of Anselm that no wrong should be done to his
people.

The story of Matilda and David is told also by Robert of
Gloucester (ii. 434, 435, Hearne), who preserves the popular
memory of “Mold þe god quene” in several passages. Perhaps
the strongest is,

“Þe godenesse þat god Henry & þe quene Mold
Dude here to Engelond ne may neuere be ytolde.”

[990] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 329.

[991] See vol. i. p. 527. Abbot Jeronto was hardly a Legate
in the same sense as Walter of Albano.

[992] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 58. “Quod per Angliam auditum in
admirationem omnibus venit, inauditum scilicet in Britania
cuncti scientes quemlibet hominum super se vices apostolicas
gerere nisi solum archiepiscopum Cantuariæ.”

[993] See N. C. vol. v. p. 236.

[994] Eadmer, u. s. “Quapropter sicut venit ita reversus
est, a nemine pro legato susceptus, nec in aliquo legati
officio functus.”

[995] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 370. Our English Florence sends
him out of the world with a special panegyric; “Venerandæ
memoriæ et vir religionis eximiæ, affabilis, omnibusque
amabilis, Eboracensis archiepiscopus Thomas.” William of
Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 258) is more copious to the same
effect. T. Stubbs (X Scriptt. 1709) gives us his epitaph.

[996] See vol. i. p. 543.

[997] William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 260), after
mentioning some of the stories against him, adds; “Certe
canonici Eboracenses ne in ecclesia sepeliretur
pertinacissime restitere, vix ignobilem cespitem cadaveri
præ foribus injici passi.”

[998] Ord. Vit. 786 A, B. “Pro penuria vestitus, usque ad
sextam de lecto non surrexit, nec ad ecclesiam, quia nudus
erat, divinum auditurus officium, perrexit. Meretrices enim
et nebulones qui, lenitatem ejus scientes, eum indesinenter
circumdederunt, braccas ejus et caligas et reliqua ornamenta
crebro impune furati sunt.”

[999] The list is given by Orderic (786 A).

[1000] Ord. Vit. 786 A, “Multis, si rex foret, majora quam
dare posset, promisit.”

[1001] See vol. i. p. 463.

[1002] Ord. Vit. 786 A. “Rodberto de Belismo Sagiensem
episcopatum et Argentomum castrum, silvamque Golferni
donavit,” On the phrase of granting the bishopric, compare
the passages referred to in p. 200, note 4.

[1003] “Tedbaldo Pagano, quia semel eum hospitatus fuerat,
tribuit.” On this Theobald, see above, p. 186.

[1004] The Christmas and Easter meetings are marked by the
Chronicler, who adds to his record of the former, “And þa
sona þæræfter wurdon þa heafod men her on lande wiðerræden
togeanes þam cynge, ægðer ge for heora agenan mycelan
ungetrywðan, and eac þurh þone eorl Rodbert of Normandig þe
mid unfriðe hider to lande fundode.”

[1005] The escape of Flambard is oddly recorded by the
Chronicler at the end of the year, after he had mentioned
all that his escape led to. But he gives the date; “Ðises
geares eac se bisceop Rannulf to þam Candelmæssan út of þam
Túre on Lunden nihtes oðbærst, þær he on hæftneðe wæs, and
to Normandige fór.” Florence (1101) tells us how
“Dunholmensis episcopus Rannulfus, post nativitatem Domini,
de custodia magna calliditate evasit, mare transiit.”
William of Malmesbury (v. 394) gives some details, but the
full story comes from Orderic (786). Flambard was to be
“custodiendus in vinculis,” a phrase which seems to show
that the fetters in this and many other cases were
metaphorical.

[1006] Ord. Vit. 786 D. “Exitum callide per amicos
procuravit. Erat enim sollers et facundus, et, licet
crudelis et iracundus, largus tamen et plerumque jucundus,
et ob hoc plerisque gratus et amandus.”

[1007] Ib. “Quotidie ad victum suum duos sterilensium
solidos jussu regis habebat. Unde cum adjumentis amicorum in
carcere tripudiabat, quotidieque splendidum sibi suisque
custodibus convivium exhiberi jubebat.”

[1008] Orderic and William of Malmesbury both mention the
bringing in of the rope in a vessel, which Orderic calls
“lagena vini,” while William of Malmesbury rather implies
that it was brought in water; “Funem minister aquæ bajulus
(proh dolus!) amphora immersum detulit.” Orderic well marks
the double window; “Funem ad columnam, quæ in medio fenestræ
arcis erat, coaptavit.”

[1009] “Fune ad solum usque non pertingente, gravi lapsu
_corpulentus flamen_ ruit, et pene conquassatus, flebiliter
ingemuit.” William of Malmesbury makes merry over his
troubles; “Ille muro turris demissus, si læsit brachia, si
excoriavit manus, parum curat populus.”

[1010] See above, p. 261.

[1011] It is now that Orderic tells the wonderful tales of
Flambard’s mother which I have quoted in vol. i. p. 331. He
now brings her on the scene; “In alia nave cum filii
thesauro sui per pelagus in Neustriam ferebatur, et a sociis
ibidem pro scelestis incantationibus cum derisoriis gestibus
passim detrahebatur. Intereo totum piratis occurrentibus in
ponto ærarium direptum est, et venefica cum nauderis et
epibatis anus nuda mœrensque in littus Normanniæ exposita
est.”

[1012] The influence which Flambard obtained over Robert is
marked in all our writers, beginning with the Chronicle;
“þurh þes macunge mæst and tospryttinge se eorl Rotbert
þises geares þis land mid unfriðe gesohte.” Florence (1101)
and Orderic (787 A) are to the same effect; William of
Malmesbury (v. 394) gets metaphorical; “Normanniam evadens,
comiti jam anhelanti, et in fervorem prælii prono, addidit
calcaria ut incunctanter veniret.”

[1013] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 58.

[1014] See the passage in p. 396.

[1015] See the extract from William of Malmesbury in p. 368.

[1016] This is William of Malmesbury’s (v. 394) list of
those who “justas partes fovebant.” Orderic (787 B) says,
“Rodbertus de Mellento et Ricardus de Radvariis, aliique
multi barones strenui regem suum vallaverunt.”

[1017] The Whitsun Gemót is described by Eadmer, 58, 59; “Ad
sponsionem fidei regis ventum est, tota regni nobilitas _cum
populi numerositate_.” Before this he has some remarkable
expressions which seem to point to debates in an inner
council, before the general assembly was summoned; “In
solemnitate Pentecostes adventus comitis Roberti fratris
regis in Angliam prævia fama totam regalem curiam commovit,
et quorundam animos, ut postmodum patuit, in diversa
permovit. Rex igitur principes et principes regem suspectum
habentes, ille scilicet istos ne a se instabili, ut fit,
fide dissilirent, et isti illum formidando ne undique pace
potitus in se, legibus efferatis desæviret, actum ex
consulto est ut certitudo talis hinc inde fieret, quæ
utrinque quod verebatur excluderet.”

[1018] Orderic (787 C, D) puts a long and pious speech into
Count Robert’s mouth. The most emphatic words are; “Cunctos
milites tuos leniter alloquere, omnibus ut pater filiis
blandire, promissis universos demulce, quæque petierint
concede, et sic omnes ad favorem tui sollerter attrahe. Si
Lundoniam postulaverint vel Eboracam, ne differas magna
polliceri, ut regalem decet munificentiam.”

[1019] I suppose this is the meaning of the words which come
soon after; “Cum ad finem hujus negotii auxiliante Deo
prospere pervenerimus, de repetendis dominiis quæ temerarii
desertores tempore belli usurpaverint, utile consilium
suggeremus.” He goes on to set forth the doctrine of
confiscation for treason.

[1020] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 59. “Anselmum inter se et regem
medium fecerunt, quantus ei vice sui manu in manum porrecta
promitteret, justis et sanctis legibus se totum regnum quoad
viveret in cunctis administraturum. Hoc facto sibi quisque
quasi de securitate applaudebat.”

[1021] Ord. Vit. 787 B. “Omnes Angli, alterius principis
jura nescientes, in sui regis fidelitate perstiterunt, pro
qua certamen inire eatis optaverunt.” Cf. the passages
quoted in pp. 347, 352. William of Malmesbury (v. 395) bears
the same witness; “Licet principibus deficientibus, partes
ejus solidæ manebant; quas Anselmi archiepiscopi, cum
episcopis suis, simul et omnium Anglorum tutabatur favor.”

[1022] It is rather curious that it is Florence who notices
at what Norman haven the fleet came together; “Comes
Nortmannorum Rotbertus, equitum, sagittariorum, et peditum,
non parvam congregans multitudinem, in loco, qui Nortmannica
lingua dicitur Ultresport, naves coadunavit.” Eadmer (Hist.
Nov. 59) is more general; “Postquam certitudo de adventu
fratris sui regi innotuit, mox ille, coacto exercitu totius
terræ, ipsi bello occurrendum impiger statuit.”

[1023] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 59. “Exercitus grandis erat atque
robustus, et circa regem fideliter cum suis in expeditione
excubabat pater Anselmus.”

[1024] See vol. i. p. 614. Orderic (774 B) has another
mention of the siege of Capua; “Papa nimirum ibi tunc
admodum occupatus erat, quia Capuanos, qui contra Richardum,
principem suum, Jordani filium rebellaverant, eidem
pacificare satagebat; quos idem juvenis, auxilio et
animositate Rogerii senis, avunculi sui, Siculorum comitis,
ad deditionem pertinaciter compulerat.” He goes on to say
that Anselm was now “inter Italos, de quorum origine
propagatus fuerat.” Eadmer (see vol. i. p. 367) knew the
geography of Aosta better, unless indeed we are to excuse
Orderic by calling in the Lombard origin of Anselm’s father.

[1025] The Chronicle mentions the place; “Ða to middesumeran
ferde se cyng út to Pefenesæ mid eall his fyrde togeanes his
broðer and his þær abád.” Florence says only, “Innumerabili
exercitu congregato de tota Anglia, non longe ab Heastinga
castra posuit in Suth-Saxonia; autumabat enim pro certo,
fratrem suum illis in partibus nave appulsurum.”

[1026] Chron. Petrib. 1101. “And se cyng syððan scipe ut on
sǽ sende his broðer to dære and to lættinge.”

[1027] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 327.

[1028] So says Florence; “Ille [Rotbertus] consilio Rannulfi
episcopi, quosdam de regis butsecarlis adeo rerum diversarum
promissionibus fregit, ut, fidelitate quam regi debebant
postposita, ad se transfugerent, et sibi ad Angliam duces
existerent.” But the Chronicler says only, “Ac hi sume æft
æt þære neode abruðon, and fram þam cynge gecyrdon, and to
þam eorle Rotberte gebugan.” Is the cause of this difference
between sea-folk and land-folk to be found in the fact that
the sailors must always have been a professional class,
coming one degree nearer to the nature of mercenaries than
the land forces?

[1029] Such is the comment of Orderic (787 B); “Classis ejus
Guillelmi patris sui classi multum dispar fuit quæ, non
exercitus virtute, sed proditorum procuratione, ad portum
Portesmude applicuit.”

[1030] All our accounts take Robert to Portsmouth, but that
vaguer name may take in the whole haven, so that we may
accept the more definite statement of Wace, 15450;

“O grant gent et o grant navie,
Et od noble chevalerie
Passa mer, vint à Porecestre.”

On the castle and church of Portchester, see the Winchester
Volume of the Archæological Institute. The Chronicler gives
the date as “xii. nihtan toforan Hlafmæssan,” which would be
July 20. Florence says “circa ad Vincula S. Petri,” that is
August 1; and William of Malmesbury says “mense Augusto.” It
is safer to keep to the more definite statement in the
Chronicle.

[1031] Flor. Wig. 1101. “Statim versus Wintoniam exercitum
movens, apto in loco castra posuit.” So Wace, as we shall
see presently. Orderic says more vaguely, “Protinus ipse dux
a proceribus regni, qui jamdudum illi hominium fecerant, in
provinciam Guentoniensem perductus, constitit.”

[1032] Wace, 15453;

“D’iloc ala prendre Wincestre;
Maiz l’en li dist ke la réine
Sa serorge esteit en gésine,
Et il dist ke vilain sereit,
Ki dame en gésine assaldreit.”

[1033] Wace, 15458;

“Vers Lundres fist sa gent torner,
Kar là kuidont li reis trover.”

[1034] Our geography comes from Wace, whom I must now quote
in the new edition of Dr. Andresen (10373, answering to
15460 in the edition of Pluquet);

“Al bois de _Hantone_ esteient ia
Quant li dus un home encontra,
Qui li dist que li reis ueneit,
Ultre le bois l’encontrereit;
Ultre le bois li reis l’atent.”

Here the word is _Hantone_ in both texts, but directly after
(10393) we read in Andresen, “Al bois de _Altone_
trespasser,” where Pluquet has _Hantone_. This he explains
to be “_Hampton_, dans le comté de Middlesex.” If _Hantone_
were the right reading, it would of course mean
_Southampton_, but we may be quite sure that Andresen’s
second reading _Altone_ is what Wace wrote in both places. I
had myself thought of _Alton_ before I saw the new text, but
I must confess that I have not studied this Hampshire
campaign on the spot, as I have studied those of Maine,
Northumberland, Sussex, and Shropshire.

[1035] Both Robert of Bellême and William of Warren are
marked by Orderic (787 B) as traitors, but seemingly a
little earlier; but the account in Florence reads as if some
at least of the nobles deserted at this stage, or at all
events after Robert had landed; “Cujus adventu cognito,
quidam de primoribus Angliæ mox ad eum, ut ante
proposuerant, transfugere, quidam vero cum rege ficta mente
remansere: sed episcopi, milites gregarii, et Angli, animo
constanti cum illo perstitere, unanimiter ad pugnam parati
cum ipso descendere.” Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 59) is to the same
effect.

[1036] See Wace, 15622 et seqq. in Pluquet’s edition, 10537
Andresen. “Li quens de _Waumeri_,” who, Pluquet saw, must be
the Earl of Warren or Surrey, appears in the new text as “Li
quens de Warenne.” His “gab” against the King is described
at great length. The special lines run thus;

“Li quens Guill. le gabout,
Pie de cerf par gap l’apelout,
E sovent sore li meteit
E sovent par gap li diseit
Que al pas de cerf conoisseit
De quanz ramors li cers esteit.”

[1037] Ord. Vit. 787 B. “Interea Hugo Cestrensis comes in
lectum decidit, et, post diutinum languorem, monachatum in
cœnobio, quod idem Cestræ construxerat, suscepit, atque post
triduum, vi. kalendas Augusti obiit.”

[1038] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 59. “Rex ipse non modo de regni
amissione sed et de vita sua suspectus, nulli credere, in
nullo, excepto Anselmo, fidere valebat. Unde sæpe ad illum
venire; principes quos magis a se labi timebat illi
adducere; quatenus, audito verbo illius, et ipse a formidine
relevaretur, et illis metus, si a fide quam sibi
spoponderant, aliquatenus caderent, incuteretur.”

[1039] Ib. “Robertus igitur amissa fiducia quam in principum
traditione habebat, et non levem deputans excommunicationem
Anselmi, quam sibi ut invasori (nisi cœpto desisteret)
invehi certo sciebat, paci adquievit et in fraternum amorem
reversus est, exercitusque in sua dimissus.”

[1040] Ib. “Quapropter in dubia licet assertione fateri,
quoniam si post gratiam Dei fidelitas et industria non
intercessisset Anselmi, Henricus rex ea tempestate
perdidisset jus Anglici regni.”

[1041] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 59. “Ipse igitur Anselmo jura
totius Christianitatis in Anglia exercendæ se relicturum,
atque decretis et jussionibus apostolicæ sedis se perpetuo
obediturum summopere promittebat.”

[1042] Wace has a good deal of vivid description at this
stage, but this specially stirring picture, which almost
suggests a ballad, comes from William of Malmesbury (v.
395); “Quapropter ipse provincialium fidei gratus et saluti
providus, plerumque cuneos circuiens, docebat quomodo
militum ferociam eludentes, clypeos objectarent et ictus
remitterent, quo effecit ut ultroneis votis pugnam
deposcerent, in nullo Normannos metuentes.”

This is really almost a translation of the lines in the song
of Maldon quoted in N. C. vol. i. p. 272.

From Orderic too (788 B) we get one vivid sentence strongly
bringing out the nationality of the two armies; “Nobilis
corona ingentis exercitus circumstitit, ibique terribilis
decor Normannorum et Anglorum in armis effulsit.”

[1043] See Appendix XX.

[1044] See Appendix XX.

[1045] See Appendix XX.

[1046] See Appendix XX.

[1047] See Appendix XX.

[1048] See Appendix XX.

[1049] See Appendix XX.

[1050] “Quibus pacatis,” says Florence, “regis exercitus
domum, comitis vero pars in Normanniam rediit, pars in
Anglia secum remansit.” The mischief done comes from the
Chronicle; “And se eorl syððan oððet ofer S[~c]e Michaeles
mæsse her on lande wunode, and his men mycel to hearme æfre
gedydon swa hi geferdon, þa hwile se eorl her on lande
wunode.” Orderic (788 D) says nothing about the army, but
records the “regalia xenia” which Henry gave to Robert.

[1051] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 656.

[1052] Ord. Vit. 789 A. Fulcher is described as “pene
illiteratus,” but “dapsilitate laudabilis.” He was “ad
episcopatum procuratione fratris sui de curia raptus.” Of
the second appointment we read, “Luxoviensem pontificatum
filio suo Thomæ puero suscepit, et per triennium, non ut
præsul, sed ut præses, gubernavit.”

[1053] Ib. 788 D. “Robertus dux in Neustriam rediit, et
secum adduxit Guillelmum de Guarenna pluresque alios pro se
exhæredatos.”

[1054] Ord. Vit. 805 A. “Guillelmus autem, postquam paternum
jus, quod insipienter amiserat, recuperavit, per xxxiii.
annos, quibus simul vixerunt, utiliter castigatus, regi
fideliter adhæsit, et inter præcipuos ac familiares amicos
habitus effloruit.”

[1055] Ib. 804 C. “Proditores … paulatim ulcisci conatus
est, nam … quamplures ad judicium submonuit, nec simul, sed
separatim, variisque temporibus et multimodis violatæ fidei
reatibus implacitavit.”

[1056] The names are given in the passage just quoted. They
are coupled with “potentior omnibus aliis Rodbertus de
Belismo.” So again in 805 C.

[1057] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 238, 241.

[1058] Ord. Vit. 805 C. “Ivonem quoque, quia guerram in
Anglia cœperat, et vicinorum rura suorum incendio
combusserat, quod in illa regione crimen est inusitatum nec
sine gravi ultione fit expiatum, rigidus censor accusatum,
nec purgatum, ingentis pecuniæ redditione oneravit, et
plurimo angore tribulatum mœstificavit.”

[1059] Ib. “Imprimis erubescebat improperia quæ sibi fiebant
derisoria, quod funambulus per murum exierat de Antiochia.”

[1060] The temporary possession is expressed by the words,
“totam terram ejus usque ad xv. annos in vadimonio
possideret.”

[1061] Ib. “Hæreditas ejus alienis subdita est” is a comment
of Orderic.

[1062] See the song on the recovery of the Five Boroughs in
the Chronicle, 941, 942.

[1063] The expressions of the Chronicler under the year 918
are remarkable. It is not said that the Lady _wrought_ or
_timbered_ anything at Leicester; she found the stronghold,
whatever it was, ready made; “Her heo begeat on hyre geweald
mid Godes fultume on foreweardne gear þa burh æt
Ligranceastre.”

[1064] Ord. Vit. 805 D. “Urbs Legrecestria quatuor dominos
habuerat.” He then names them.

[1065] Ib. “Præfatus consul de Mellento per partem Yvonis,
qui municeps erat et vicecomes et firmarius regis, callide
intravit, et auxilio regis suaque calliditate totam sibi
civitatem mancipavit, et inde consul in Anglia factus, omnes
regni proceres divitiis et potestate præcessit, et pene
omnes parentes suos transcendit.”

[1066] Orderic remarks, “Inter tot divitias mente cæcatus,
filio Yvonis jusjurandum non servavit, quia idem adolescens
statuto tempore juratam feminam, hæreditariamque tellurem
non habuit.” On the deathbed of Earl Robert, see vol. i. p.
187.

[1067] See vol. i. p. 187. Orderic, it may be noticed, calls
him “senex” even at the time of the release of Helias. See
above, p. 243.

[1068] See the story in William of Malmesbury, v. 406.
Besides these better known sons, Orderic gives him another,
“Hugo cognomento pauper.”

[1069] See the Chronicle, 1123; N. C. vol. v. p. 197.

[1070] See above, p. 380. Orderic gives him four other
daughters.

[1071] See vol. i. p. 186. The words of William of
Malmesbury (v. 417) are remarkable; “Comes de Mellento qui,
in hoc negotio magis antiqua consuetudine quam recti tenore
rationem reverberans, allegabat multum regiæ majestati
diminui, si, omittens morem antecessorum, non investiret
electum per baculum et annulum.”

[1072] See Mon. Angl. viii. 1456. The changes by which Earl
Robert’s church was enlarged into the present church of
Saint Mary are singular indeed. The three churches of Our
Lady in and by Leicester must be carefully distinguished.

[1073] For the abbey of Leicester, or rather St. Mary de
Pré, see Mon. Angl. vi. 462.

[1074] Ord. Vit. 806 A. “Diligenter eum fecerat per unum
annum explorari, et vituperabiles actus per privatos
exploratores caute investigari, summopereque litteris
adnotari.”

[1075] Ib. “Anno ab incarnatione Domini mcii. indictione x.
Henricus rex Rodbertum de Belismo, potentissimum comitem, ad
curiam suam ascivit, et xlv. reatus in factis seu dictis
contra se vel fratrem suum Normanniæ ducem, commissos
objecit, et de singulis eum palam respondere præcepit.”

[1076] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Cum Rodbertus licentiam, ut moris
est, eundi ad consilium cum suis postulasset, eademque
accepta.” It is possible that the “licentia” means the
safe-conduct, but the other interpretation seems more
natural.

[1077] Ord. Vit. 806 A. “Egressus, purgari se de objectis
criminibus non posse cognovisset, equis celeriter ascensis,
ad castella sua pavidus et anhelus confugit, et, rege cum
baronibus suis responsum exspectante, regius satelles
Rodbertum extemplo recessisse retulit.”

[1078] Ib. “Rodbertum itaque publicis questibus impetitum,
nec legaliter expiatum, palam blasphemavit, et nisi ad
judicium, rectitudinem facturus, remearet, publicum hostem
judicavit.”

[1079] “Iterum rebellem ad concionem invitavit, sed ille
venire prorsus refutavit.” All these important details of
the legal process are given by Orderic only, but the
Chronicler directly connects the dispute between the King
and Robert with the holding of the regular assemblies, and
the writer takes the opportunity to draw a picture of the
greatness of the Earl of Shropshire; “On þisum geare to
Natiuiteð wæs se cyng Heanrig on Westmynstre, and to Eastron
on Winceastre, and sona þæræfter wurdon unsehte se cyng and
se eorl Rotbert of Bælæsme, se hæfde þone eorldom her on
lande on Scrobbesbyrig, þe his fæder Roger eorl ær ahte, and
micel rice þærto, ægðer ge beheonon sǽ ge begeondon.”

It is worth noticing that the Chronicler here uses the
English form, “Rotbert _of_ Bælæsme;” in 1106 he changes to
the French, “Rotbert _de_ Bælesme.”

[1080] See above, p. 310.

[1081] Ord. Vit. 675 C, 708 B, 897 D.

[1082] Arnulf and Roger are both mentioned by Orderic, 808
C, and William of Malmesbury, v. 396, as having to leave
England with their elder brother. They were therefore his
accomplices; but it is only from the Brut y Tywysogion that
we learn how great a share Arnulf had in the whole matter.

[1083] Brut, 1096 [1098]. “And when the Gwyneddians could
not bear the laws and judgements and violence of the French
over them, they rose up a second time against them.”

[1084] Brut, ib. This may refer either to the expedition of
the two Hughs or to the earlier expedition of Hugh of
Chester (see pp. 97, 129). But there seems to be no mention
of Owen in the Welsh writers at either of those points.

[1085] See above, p. 301. The Brut couples Gruffydd with
Cadwgan.

[1086] The words of the annals quoted in p. 301 look as if
Gruffydd held Anglesey strictly as a conqueror. The portion
assigned to Cadwgan comes from the Brut, which distinctly
asserts their vassalage in its account of Robert’s rebellion
(1100 [1102]). “Robert and Arnulf invited the Britons, who
were subject to them, in respect of their possessions and
titles, that is to say, Cadwgan, Jorwerth, and Maredudd,
sons of Bleddyn, son of Cynvyn, to their assistance.”

[1087] So says the Brut, at least in the English
translation; “They [Robert and Arnulf] gladdened their
country with liberty.”

[1088] So says Giraldus, It. Camb. ii. 12 (vol. vi. p. 143);
“In hac tertia Gualliæ portione, quæ Powisia dicitur, sunt
equitia peroptima, et equi emissarii laudatissimi, de
Hispaniensium equorum generositate, quos olim comes
Slopesburiæ Robertus de Beleme in fines istos adduci
curaverat, originaliter propagati.”

[1089] So again witnesses the Brut; but we hardly need
witnesses on such a point.

[1090] So the Brut tells the tale. Orderic mentions the
betrothal, which with him becomes a marriage, somewhat later
(808 C); “Arnulfus filiam regis Hiberniæ nomine Lafracoth
uxorem habuit, per quam soceri sui regnum obtinere
concupivit.”

[1091] So says the Brut (p. 69), which adds that the
marriage “was easily obtained,” and that “the Earls buoyed
themselves up with pride on account of these things.”

[1092] Ord. Vit. 806 C. “Interea rex legatos in Neustriam
direxit, ducique veridicis apicibus insinuavit, qualiter
Rodbertus utrisque forisfecerit, et de curia sua furtim
aufugerit. Deinde commonuit ut, sicut pepigerant in Anglia,
utrique traditorem suum plecterent generali vindicta.”

[1093] Ord. Vit. 806 C. Vignats is mentioned by Wace (8061)
long before when he speaks of

“Li vieil Willame Talevaz
Ki tint Sez, Belesme è Vinaz.”

On the abbey founded in 1130, see Neustria Pia, 749.

[1094] This seems to be the meaning of Orderic’s words, “Non
enim sese sine violentia dedere dignabantur, ne malefidi
desertores merito judicarentur.”

[1095] See above, p. 289.

[1096] Orderic’s way of telling this is curious; “Quia dux
deses et mollis erat, ac principali severitate carebat,
Rodbertus de Monteforti, aliique seditionis complices, qui
vicissim dissidebant, mappalia sua, sponte immisso igne,
incenderunt, totum exercitum turbaverunt, et ipsi ex
industria, nemine persequente, fugerunt, aliosque, qui
odibilem Rodbertum gravare affectabant, turpiter fugero
compulerunt.” Of all the Roberts concerned, it would seem to
be he of Montfort who was “odibilis” at the present moment.

[1097] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Cum ululatu magno post eos
deridentes vociferati sunt.”

[1098] Ord. Vit. 806 D. “Per totam ergo provinciam pagensium
prædas rapiebant, et direptis omnibus, domos flammis
tradebant.”

[1099] Orderic (806 B) implies that the works at Bridgenorth
were still going on; “Brugiam, munitissimum castrum, super
Sabrinam fluvium construebat.” But Florence is still more
emphatic; “Muros quoque ac turres castellorum, videlicet
Brycge et Caroclove, die noctuque laborando et operando,
perficere modis omnibus festinavit.” The Brut speaks
obscurely of some earlier dealings about Bridgenorth, of
which we have no record elsewhere; “Brygge, concerning which
there had been war, against which the whole deceit was
perpetrated, and which he had founded contrary to the order
of the King.” The rebels are described generally as
fortifying their castles and surrounding them with ditches
and walls, which are expressed in the Welsh text by the loan
words “O ffossyd a muroed.”

[1100] Orderic and the Brut stand alone among our
authorities in mentioning all the four castles, Arundel,
Tickhill, Bridgenorth, and Shrewsbury. The Chronicle and
William of Malmesbury leave out Tickhill. Florence and the
Chronicle both leave out Shrewsbury. William of Malmesbury
(v. 396) further confounds the siege of Arundel with that of
Shrewsbury. From Orderic we get a clear and full account,
while the Brut supplies many details as to the Welsh side of
the business. Orderic opens his story in a becoming manner;
“Rex exercitum Angliæ convocavit, et Arundellum castellum,
quod prope litus maris situm est, obsedit.”

[1101] The _Malvoisins_ before Arundel seem to have struck
all our writers. We get them in the Chronicle; “Se cyng
ferde and besæt þone castel æt Arundel, ac þa he hine swa
hraðe gewinnan ne mihte, he let þær toforan castelas
gemakian, and hi mid his mannan gesette.” They appear also
in Florence, William of Malmesbury, and Henry of Huntingdon.
They were doubtless of wood; but it is only from Roger of
Wendover (ii. 170), who is followed by Matthew Paris (Hist.
Angl. i. 190), that we get the direct statement, “castellum
aliud ligneum contra illud construxit.”

[1102] So I understand the words of Orderic, 806 B; “Ibi
castris constructis, stratores cum familiis suis tribus
mensibus dimisit.”

[1103] Flor. Wig. 1102. “Idcirco mox _Walanis et
Nortmannis_, quot tunc habere potuit, in unum congregatis,
ipse et suus germanus Arnoldus partem Staffordensis pagæ
vastaverunt, ac inde jumenta et animalia multa, hominesque
nonnullos in Waloniam abduxerunt.”

[1104] Ord. Vit. 806 B. “Audiens defectionem suorum
ingemuit, eosque a promissa fide, quia impos erat adjutorii,
absolvit, multumque mœrens licentiam concordandi cum rege
concessit.”

[1105] So Orderic; I add the stipulation about Robert from
William of Malmesbury; “Egregia sane conditione, ut dominus
suus integra membrorum salute Normanniam permitteretur
abire.” William’s account just here is very confused; but
this condition seems to have struck him, and it explains
some things which come later. He goes on to make this
strange statement; “Porro Scrobesbirienses per Radulfum tum
abbatem Sagii, postea Cantuariæ archiepiscopum, regi misere
castelli claves, deditionis præsentis indices, futuræ
devotionis obsides.” Now Orderic has, as we shall see, a
wholly different account of the surrender of Shrewsbury, and
Abbot Ralph, a victim of Robert of Bellême (see vol. i. p.
184), is not at all likely to have been in one of his
castles. Can it be that William has got hold of the wrong
castle and the wrong Ralph? Did Bishop Ralph of Chichester
act by any chance as mediator between the King and the
garrison of Arundel, a place in his diocese?

[1106] The name of Howard is not heard till the time of
Edward the First, and it is not noble till some generations
later. If it really be the name of an English office,
_Hayward_ or _Hogward_, and not a Norman _Houard_, then
Arundel, already a castle T. R. E., has fittingly come back
to the old stock.

[1107] See above, p. 160. Tickhill appears as “Tyckyll” in
Florence, as “Blida” in Orderic, as “Blif” in the Brut. The
editor of this last, who carefully translates “Amúythia” as
Shrewsbury, seems not to have known that “Blif” and
“Bryg”――there seem to be several readings――meant Blyth and
Bridgenorth.

[1108] So Florence; “Rotbertum, Lindicolinæ civitatis
episcopum, cum parte exercitus Tyckyll obsidere jussit
[rex]: ille autem Brycge cum exercitu pene totius Angliæ
obsedit.”

[1109] “Unde,” says Orderic――that is from Arundel――“rex ad
Blidam castrum, quod Rogerii de Buthleio quondam fuerat,
exercitum promovit. Cui mox gaudentes oppidani obviam
processerunt, ipsumque naturalem dominum fatentes, cum
gaudio susceperunt.” Yet it may be that Bishop Robert, like
Joab and Luxemburg, fought against the castle, and that
Henry, like David and Lewis the Fourteenth, came to receive
its submission.

[1110] The succession of the lords of Tickhill is traced by
Mr. John Raine in his history of Blyth.

[1111] See Raine, p. 168.

[1112] See N. C. vol. v. p. 488.

[1113] Ord. Vit. 806 B. “His ita peractis, rex populos
parumper quiescere permisit, ejusque prudentiam et
animositatem congeries magnatorum pertimuit.”

[1114] Ord. Vit. 807 A. “Rodbertus autem Scrobesburiam
secesserat, et præfatum oppidum Rogerio, Corbati filio, et
Rodberto de Novavilla, Ulgerioque Venatori commiserat,
quibus lxxx. stipendiarios milites conjunxerat.”

[1115] Corbet――“Corbatus”――appears in Orderic (522 B, C),
along with his sons Roger and Robert, as a chief man in
Shropshire under Earl Roger. He must have died before the
Survey, as only his sons appear there. The lands which
Corbet’s son Roger held of Earl Roger fill nearly two
columns in Domesday, 255 _b_; they are followed by those of
his brother Robert in 256. Several of Roger’s holdings had
been held by Eadric, and in one lordship of Robert’s he is
distinctly marked as “Edric Salvage.” Several of Roger’s
under-tenants are mentioned, of whom “Osulfus” and
“Ernuinus” must be English, while another lordship had been
held by _Ernui_. If these names mean the same person, then
Earnwine or Earnwig had held two lordships, one of which he
lost altogether, while the other he kept in the third
degree, holding it under Roger son of Corbet, who held it
under Earl Roger. I suppose that these sons of Corbet have
nothing to do with “Robertus filius Corbutionis” who appears
in the east of England and whose name is said to be
“Corpechun.” See Ellis, i. 478. I cannot find Robertus de
Novavilla in Domesday.

[1116] I cannot find Wulfgar in Domesday, unless he be the
Vlgar who appears as an antecessor in 256, 257 _b_. Some
other huntsmen, fittingly bearing wolfish names, as Wulfgeat
(50 _b_) and Wulfric (50 _b_, 84), appear in Domesday as
keeping land T. R. W., but no Wulfgar.

[1117] The action of the Welsh appears in all our accounts,
but most fully in Orderic and the Brut. The Annales Cambriæ
say only “Seditio [magna] orta est inter Robertum Belleem et
Henricum regem.” William of Malmesbury says spitefully,
“Wallensibus pro motu fortunæ ad malum pronis.” But he seems
somehow to connect them specially with Shrewsbury. Florence
is emphatic, and brings out the feudal relation between them
and Earl Robert (see above, p. 424); “Walanos etiam, _suos
homines_, ut promptiores sibique fideliores ac paratiores
essent ad id perficiendum quod volebat, honoribus, terris,
equis, armis incitavit, variisque donis largiter ditavit.”
From the Brut we get the names of all three, Cadwgan,
Jorwerth, and Meredydd. Orderic leaves out Meredydd, and
calls them sons of Rhys instead of Bleddyn. He adds, “Quos
cum suis copiis exercitum regis exturbare frequenter
dirigebat.”

[1118] Ord. Vit. 807 A. “Guillelmum Pantolium, militarem
probumque virum, exhæreditaverat, et multa sibi pollicentem
servitia in instanti necessitate penitus a se
propulsaverat.” Orderic had mentioned him already in 522 B,
C, by the name of “Guillelmus Pantulfus,” as one of Earl
Roger’s chief followers in Shropshire. His Shropshire
holdings fill a large space in Domesday, 257, 257 _b_, where
he appears as Pantulf and Pantul; and the history of one of
them has been commented on in N. C. vol. iv. p. 737. Many of
them were waste when he received them. His Staffordshire
lordship is entered in p. 248, with the addition “in
Stadford una vasta masura.” See N. C. vol. iv. p. 281. I do
not know why Lappenberg (ii. 234, p. 294 of the translation)
makes William Pantulf to have been persecuted (“verfolgt”)
by Earl Roger on account of a share in the murder of Mabel.
If he had lost his lands then, he would hardly have appeared
in Domesday, and, according to Orderic, it was not Earl
Roger, but Robert of Bellême himself, who disinherited him.

[1119] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 316. Orderic calls it
“Staphordi castrum, quod in vicino erat.”

[1120] Orderic tells us, “Hic super omnes Rodberto nocuit,
et usque ad dejectionem consiliis et armis pertinaciter
obstitit.”

[1121] The _Malvoisin_ at Bridgenorth comes from Florence;
“Machinas ibi construere et castellum firmare cœpit.”

[1122] “Totius Angliæ legiones in autumno adunavit, et in
regionem Merciorum minavit, ibique Brugiam tribus septimanis
obsedit.” So says Orderic, 807 A. When Florence says, “infra
xxx. dies civitate omnibusque castellis redditis,” he must
take in Shrewsbury, though he does not mention its name.
Bridgenorth could not be called “civitas;” Shrewsbury is so
called in Domesday, where the name does not imply a bishop’s
see.

[1123] See vol. i. pp. 83, 86.

[1124] Ord. Vit. 807 B. “Consules et primores regni una
convenerunt, et de pacificando discorde cum domino suo
admodum tractaverunt. Dicebant enim, Si rex magnificum
[μεγαλοπράγμονά τε καὶ κακοπράγμονα [megalopragmona te kai
kakopragmona]] comitem violenter subegerit, nimiaque
pertinacia, ut conatur, eum exhæreditaverit, omnes nos ut
imbelles ancillas amodo conculcabit.”

[1125] Ord. Vit. 807 B. “Pacem igitur inter eos obnixi
seramus, ut hero comparique nostro legitime proficiamus, et
sic utcunque perturbationes sedando debitorem nobis
faciamus.”

[1126] See above, p. 151.

[1127] Ord. Vit. 807 B. “Regem omnes simul adierunt, et in
medio campo _colloquium_ [see N. C. vol. iv. p. 688] de pace
medullitus fecerunt, ac pluribus argumentis regiam
austeritatem emollire conati sunt.”

[1128] Ib. “Tunc in quodam proximo colle tria millia
_pagensium militum_ stabant, et optimatum molimina satis
intelligentes, ad regem vociferando clamabant.” The word
“milites” is qualified by “pagenses;” so we are not to
conceive three thousand English “chivalers” or “rideras,”
least of all in a shire where no King’s thegns were left.

[1129] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 104, 105, and below, p. 448.

[1130] I have here simply translated Orderic. The words are
doubtless his own; but the matter is quite in place.

[1131] See above, p. 430.

[1132] Ord. Vit. 807 B. “His auditis, rex animatus est,
_eoque mox recedente_, conatus factiosorum adnihilatus est.”
I do not quite see the force of the words in Italics. Does
it mean simply leaving the place of the “colloquium”? It
cannot, from what goes before and after, mean changing the
quarters of the whole army.

[1133] Ib. B, C. “Præfatos Gualorum reges per Guillelmum
Pantolium rex accersiit, eosque datis muneribus et promissis
demulcens, hosti caute surripuit suæque parti cum viribus
suis associavit.” The detailed narrative comes from the
Brut, to whose author the different conduct of the brothers
was naturally more interesting than it was to Orderic. He
speaks of the message as “sent to the Britons,” and
specially to Jorwerth, without mentioning Cadwgan and
Meredydd. He is the best authority for what went on among
his own people, while we may trust Orderic for the name of
the negotiator on the King’s side. Florence speaks quite
generally; “Interim Walanos, in quibus fiduciam magnam
Rotbertus habuerat, ut juramenta quæ illi juraverant irrita
fierent, et ab illo penitus deficerent in illumque
consurgerent, donis modicis facile corrupit.” The gifts
actually given may have been small, but the promises were
certainly large.

[1134] The Brut makes the King “promise him more than he
should obtain from the earls, and the portion he ought to
have of the land of the Britons.” This is then defined as
the districts mentioned in the text.

[1135] “Half of Dyved,” says the Brut, “as the other half
had been given to the son of Baldwin.” That Jorwerth’s half
was to take in Pembroke Castle appears from the words
towards the end of this year’s entry, where the King “took
Dyved and the castle from him.” “The castle” in Dyfed can
only be Pembroke.

[1136] The Brut tells this at some length, speaking rather
pointedly of “the territory of Robert his lord.” See above,
pp. 424, 434.

[1137] Ord. Vit. 807 C. “Tres quoque præcipuos municipes
mandavit, et coram cunctis juravit quod nisi oppidum in
triduo sibi redderent, omnes quoscunque de illis capere
posset, suspendio perirent.” These “municipes,” the
“oppidani” of the rest of the story, must be the three
captains, Roger, Robert, and Wulfgar. Odd as it seems, both
“oppidanus” and “municeps” are often used in this sense. See
Ducange in Municeps.

[1138] “Guillelmum Pantolium, qui affinis eorum erat.”
“Affinis” in the language of Orderic often means simply
neighbour, as in 708 A.

[1139] “Facete composita oratione ad reddendam legitimo regi
munitionem commonuit, cujus ex parte terra centum librarum
fundos eorum augendos jurejurando promisit.”

[1140] “Oppidani, considerata communi commoditate,
acquieverunt, et regiæ majestatis voluntati, ne resistendo
periclitarentur, obedierunt.”

[1141] “Se non posse ulterius tolerare violentiam invicti
principis mandaverunt.”

[1142] So says the Brut, adding, “without knowing anything
of what was passing.”

[1143] The embassy at this stage comes only from the Brut,
but as the later one (see below, p. 448) is mentioned also,
we may accept it. The Welsh writer naturally makes the most
of his countrymen, and makes Robert despair on the secession
of Jorwerth. “He thought he had no power left since Jorwerth
had gone from him, for he was the principal among the
Britons, and the greatest in power.” This may not be an
exaggeration, as he lost with Jorwerth all power of doing
anything in the open field.

[1144] The journey of Arnulf at this particular time comes
only from the Brut, but it quite fits in with the rest of
the story.

[1145] On the second voyage of Magnus, see Appendix II.

[1146] See Appendix II.

[1147] Ord. Vit. 807 C. “Stipendiarii autem milites pacem
nescierunt, quam oppidani omnes et burgenses, perire
nolentes, illis inconsultis fecerunt.” The appearance of the
“burgenses,” a class who must have grown up speedily, as
Bridgenorth is no Domesday borough, mark yet more distinctly
the true meaning of “oppidani.”

[1148] “Cum insperatam rem comperissent, indignati sunt, et
armis assumptis inchoatum opus impedire nisi sunt.”

[1149] “Oppidanorum violentia in quadam parte munitionis
inclusi sunt.”

[1150] “Regii satellites cum regali vexillo, multis
gaudentibus, suscepti sunt.”

[1151] “Deinde rex, quia stipendiarii fidem principi suo
servabant, ut decuit, eis liberum cum equis et armis exitum
annuit. Qui egredientes, inter catervas obsidentium
plorabant, seseque fraudulentia castrensium et magistrorum
male supplantatos palam plangebant, et coram omni exercitu,
ne talis eorum casus aliis opprobrio esset stipendiariis,
complicum dolos detegebant.” The use of the words may seem
odd; but “magistri” must mean the captains, and “castrenses”
the burgesses.

[1152] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 272, 492. We may here again
mark the accuracy of Orderic’s local descriptions in his own
shire (807 D); “Scrobesburiam urbem in monte sitam, quæ in
ternis lateribus circumluitur Sabrina flumine.”

[1153] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 498.

[1154] Ord. Vit. 807 D. “Robertus de Belismo, ut
munitissimum Brugiæ castrum, in quo maxime confidebat, regi
subactum audivit, anxius ingemuit, et pene in amentiam
versus, quid ageret ignoravit.”

[1155] Ord. Vit. 808 A. “Plus quam lx. milia peditum erant
in expeditione.”

[1156] Ib. 807 D. “Rex phalanges suas jussit Huvel-hegem
pertransire…. Angli quippe quemdam transitum per silvam
_huvelge-hem_ dicunt, quem Latini _malum callem_ vel
_vicum_, nuncupare possunt. Via enim per mille passus erat
cava, grandibus saxis aspera, stricta quoque quæ vix duos
pariter equitantes capere valebat, cui opacum nemus ex
utraque parte obumbrabat, in quo sagittarii delitescebant,
et stridulis missilibus vel sagittis prætereuntes subito
mulctabant.”

[1157] Ib. 808 A. “Rex jussit silvam securibus præcidere, et
amplissimam stratam sibi et cunctis transeuntibus usque in
æternum præparare. Regia jussio velociter completa est,
saltuque complanato latissimus trames a multitudine
adæquatus est.”

[1158] Ord. Vit. 808 A. “Severus rex memor injuriarum, _cum
pugnaci multitudine decrevit_ illum impetere nec ei
ullatenus nisi victum se redderet parcere.”

[1159] For the date, see above, p. 435.

[1160] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Tristis casus sui angore contabuit,
et consultu amicorum regi jam prope urbem venienti obviam
processit, et crimen proditionis confessus, claves urbi
victori exhibuit.” This time the keys were doubtless not
handed on the point of a spear.

[1161] Ord. Vit. 808 A. “Ipsum cum equis et armis incolumem
abire permisit, salvumque per Angliam usque ad mare
conductum porrexit.”

There is nothing very special in the other accounts. On the
story about Bishop Ralph in William of Malmesbury, see
above, p. 430. But William adds (v. 396) a remarkable
condition to Robert’s banishment; “Angliam perpetuo
abjuravit; sed vigorem sacramenti temperavit adjectio, nisi
regi placito quandoque satisfecisset obsequio.”