Chapter XV: Part I: John Adams (11)

Sacred to the memory of the
BARON DE KALB,
Knight of the royal order of Military Merit,
Brigadier of the armies of France,
and
MAJOR GENERAL
In the service of the United States of America.
Having served with honor and reputation
For three years,
He gave a last and glorious proof of his attachment
to the liberties of mankind
And the cause of America,
In the action near Camden in the State of South Carolina
On the 16th of August 1780,
Where, leading on the troops of the
Maryland and Delaware lines
Against superior numbers
And animating them by his examples
To deeds of valor,
He was pierced with many wounds
And on the nineteenth following expired
In the 48th year of his age.
THE CONGRESS
Of the United States of America,
In gratitude to his zeal, services and merit,
Have erected this monument.

GILBERT MOTTIER DE LA FAYETTE.

Patriotism is one of the noblest attributes of man. It is the soul of freedom--the fulcrum of liberty--the lever of independence. It soars sublimely above self--is prompted by honest motives--aims at glorious ends. It is the motive power of philanthropy and would gladly consolidate the human family in one harmonious universal brotherhood by the heavenly law of love which can fraternize the world. It is opposed to all oppression--abhors all tyrants--rejoices in the promulgation of liberal principles. Its desires to do good are diffusive as the sun light--it is not confined to country--nation or caste. No sectarianism can swerve it--no monarch suppress it--no obstacle paralyze it. The patriot may be crushed in person by illegitimate power--the principle--_never_. Chains and dungeons will kindle it to a brighter flame--persecution will increase its volume. The history of all time proves the truth of these assertions--they form a corollary firm as the perpetual hills--incontrovertible as the problems of Euclid. The man who is destitute of this noble attribute is a mere automaton. There is a vacuum in his soul which nature abhors and all despise--except kings, aristocrats and demagogues. Patriotism is the dread incubus that hangs over thrones. The true patriot delights to see all basking in the refulgent rays of rational liberty and is ever ready to peril life and fortune in the cause of equal rights whenever the people of any nation rise in their native dignity to reclaim them from oppressors.

Thus it was with Gilbert Mottier de La Fayette, born on the 6th of September 1757 at the castle Chavaniac in Auvergne. Soon after the birth of this son, his father fell at the battle of Minden. As childhood dawned upon young La Fayette he exhibited talents of unusual strength and vigor. Under the genial rays of science they rapidly burst from embryo--budded, blossomed and ripened into fruit of the most perfect kind. At the age of seven years he was placed in the college of Louis le Grand at Paris. His rapid progress in the elements of his education exceeded the fondest anticipations of his numerous friends. By his modesty, urbanity and innate goodness of heart he gained the esteem of all who knew him. He graduated at an early age and was made a page to the queen and soon rose to the rank of a commissioned officer--an honor then conferred upon none but those presumed to possess superior merit and talent. At the age of seventeen he married the Countess Anastatie de Noailles--one of the most beautiful and amiable ladies of France. With kindred spirits they united splendid fortunes sufficient to support them in princely style through a long life. They were in the enjoyment of all the pleasures earth could give--favorites at the gayest court in Europe--caressed and beloved by those they held most dear--an ornament to every circle in which they moved. Mutual esteem gave a rich zest to every enjoyment--their social felicity was complete. All things combined to rivet La Fayette to his happy--his enchanting home. Nothing but the loftiest patriotism--the purest philanthropy could have induced him to burst these infatuating bands and peril his life, fortune and sacred honor in the cause of human rights in a foreign country.

Amidst the fascinating allurements that surrounded him, this noble youth paused, reflected and reasoned. Through the bright vista of the future Columbus saw the cheering vision of a new world. Through the same clear mirror La Fayette saw the sun of FREEDOM reflecting its refulgent rays over Columbia's prolific land. A band of patriots had sounded the clarion of LIBERTY. Echo had wafted it from Bunker's bloody mount to the ears of this young hero. The thought that there was a remnant left in the world who dared to assume their native dignity and strike for their just rights enraptured his soul. Contrary to the wishes of his friends and the King of the French, he resolved to fly to the aid of the oppressed Americans and participate in the unfading glory of planting the standard of FREEDOM in the western hemisphere. Nor did he split on the rock of resolves and re-resolves where many waste away their lives. He at once proposed to the American Commissioners, then in Paris, to enter the army of Washington. They informed him of the recent adverses of those who were struggling for Liberty. They could present no bright picture to induce him to hope for laurels or emolument. It was not necessary. Nobler motives incited him to action. He still resolved to go. Anxious as were Messrs. Franklin, Dean and Lee to secure his services, they had not the means to convey him to the scene of action. Obstacles of various kinds were vainly thrown across his path. Impelled to an onward course by the noble impulses of patriotism--no difficulties were too great for him to surmount--no hardships too severe for him to endure, no sacrifice of wealth too large for him to make. Embarrassments strengthened the resolution he had formed to enroll his name with the brave and the free, even should he perish in the attempt.

He immediately fitted out a vessel at his own expense--freighted it with munitions of war and clothing--received letters of high commendation from the American commissioners to the Congress of their bleeding country and embarked secretly for the land of the pilgrim fathers in the winter of 1777. He then looked forward with anxious solicitude to that happy day when he should aid in unfurling the banner of freedom--in planting deep the tree of liberty in a soil congenial to its growth and take by the hand those bold and daring sages and heroes who had thrown the stars and stripes to the breeze in defiance of despotism--resolved on freedom or death. Nothing short of a deep, strong, inherent devotion to liberal principles could have induced La Fayette to leave his native country under the existing circumstances and peril everything in behalf of strangers. In vain we search history for a benevolence so broad and disinterested. Call it ambition if you please. Would to God the same laudable ambition reigned triumphant in the breast of every human being. We should then see tyrants trembling--thrones crumbling--crowns falling--fetters bursting and the grand jubilee of FREEDOM celebrated amidst the expiring groans of monarchy--the chaotic ruins of tyranny. Call it a thirst for glory. Would to God that all who have figured largely on the grand theatre of public action could have the same glory emblazoned on the escutcheon of their names. A purer, fairer sheet of biography would then meet the eyes of the present and generations to come.

On the 25th of April 1777 Lafayette and his companions landed in South Carolina near Charleston and were warmly welcomed by Gen. Moultrie, Major Huger and the little band of veterans around them. The destitute condition of the American soldiers excited the sympathy of the Marquis. He distributed clothing to those under Gen. Moultrie and a sword to each of his officers. From Charleston he hastened to Philadelphia and delivered his letters and despatches from the American Commissioners to Congress. He offered himself as a volunteer--desiring to enter the army with no remuneration except the proud satisfaction of enrolling his name with the brave heroes whose motto was--LIBERTY OR DEATH. His unassuming manners, patriotic sentiments, stern resolution, devotedness to the cause and dignified bearing--combined to inspire confidence in all who made his acquaintance. In July Congress passed a resolution accepting his services and commissioned him a Major-General in the Continental army. He immediately placed himself under the supervision of Washington and commenced a brilliant career that gained increased lustre during a long life of usefulness. Shortly after he entered the service he acted a conspicuous part in the battle of Brandywine where he was wounded and disabled for six weeks. In the battle of Germantown he proved himself a cool, brave and skilful officer. He soon gained the full confidence of Washington and was put in command of a choice corps of daring young men selected by himself and was entrusted with several expeditions which he conducted with great prudence and success and to the entire satisfaction of Washington and Congress. On all occasions he exhibited talents of the highest order. Discretion--the strong helm of human action, guided him in all his actions.

At that period the question of maintaining American Independence was truly problematical. Prospects darkened as time rolled on. The general gloom was an impetus to this young patriot that impelled him to more vigorous exertion. In the autumn of 1778 he returned to France and exerted his influence in favor of a treaty of alliance and greatly aided in consumating that _desideratum_. This imparted fresh courage to the American army--then writhing under privations and distress that truly tried the souls and bodies of men. Nothing short of an Almighty hand could have sustained the Sages and Heroes of the Revolution and nerved them to persevere in their noble undertaking until crowned with triumphant victory. La Fayette returned in the spring of 1780 and was followed by a French naval force in July which came to the rescue. A new impetus was thus given to the cause of human rights in America. La Fayette was put in command of the expedition against Lord Cornwallis in Virginia. He found his troops in a naked, forlorn condition and Congress without means to furnish them with the common comforts of an army. Upon his own credit he borrowed money from merchants in Baltimore--purchased a portion of the necessary supplies--appealed to the fair daughters of the monumental city who responded nobly to the call. Their eyes and needles brightened as they made up garments for the brave soldier boys--soon the Marquis saw his men comfortably clad, fully equipped--eager to drive the minions of tyranny from their blood stained soil.

La Fayette took the field with a force far inferior to that of Cornwallis who was the pride of his king and acknowledged no superior in the science of military tactics. In the wary and sagacious "boy" as La Fayette was termed by the veteran British General, Cornwallis found a leader too formidable to be treated with contempt--too cautious to be easily ensnared. He was constantly annoyed without being able to bring his antagonist to a general action. Chagrined and disgusted he retired to Yorktown and commenced formidable fortifications. As his army was now the bulwark of England in America, the combined forces of the United Colonies and France lost no time in concentrating in front of his entrenchments. A vigorous siege was commenced on the 29th of September 1781. The British General felt that an awful crisis had arrived. By a surrender--the Colonies were lost. A tremendous responsibility rested upon him. His resistance corresponded with these high considerations. His spirited defence was worthy of a better cause.

On the 14th of October it was found necessary to silence two redoubts that were pouring a destructive fire into the works of the besiegers. This was to be done with the bayonet. The young Marquis was selected to lead the assault. The order was no sooner received than obeyed. He led his men to the charge with the impetuosity of a tornado. Like a mighty avalanche, rushing from the mountain top with the fury of Mars--they bore down all opposition. Although the enemy were double in number--so sudden and irresistible was the onset that they were all killed or taken prisoners but six. Against such troops fighting for Liberty, Cornwallis found it useless to contend. The injured Colonists had risen in their might--a fearful retribution awaited him. The last ray of success was expiring in the socket of hope--his cruel military career was about to close in the new world. Keen and blighting anguish seized his tortured soul in view of outrages committed upon an oppressed people. The cries of murdered innocents rang through his ears--his courage lost its equilibrium and was supplanted by despair. On the 18th of October the proud hero of Britain surrendered his whole army to the illustrious WASHINGTON and the brave LA FAYETTE--the champions of liberal principles and human rights.

That signal victory closed the long, bloody, doubtful struggle. Several nations promptly acknowledged the Independence of the United States. The ensigns of royalty were banished from our shores--the star spangled banner waved triumphantly over the land of the brave and free. Washington and La Fayette mingled tears of gratitude and thankfulness for their preservation, success and final deliverance. They richly merited and freely received the plaudits of the American people and of admiring nations. A gazing world looked upon them with ecstatic delight as they stood on the loftiest pinnacle of fame in all the sublime majesty of republican simplicity. They were among the brightest of the dazzling luminaries of emancipation--the terror of tyrants--the hope of FREEMEN. The consummation of Liberty was then and there proclaimed to grateful and happy millions. Seraphs listened to the cheering news with thrilling joy--carried the glad tidings to the unerring chancery of the great Eternal where they received the sanction of Jehovah's high authority and were recorded on the unfading pages of the book of lasting renown in letters of gold by the Grand Scribe of Heaven. Echo caught the talismanic sound and wafted it to the remotest bounds of every nation on wings of mighty wind.

Having accomplished all in his power to establish the Independence of our country La Fayette prepared to return to the bosom of his anxious family in France. He had served more than six years and expended _one hundred and forty-seven thousand dollars_ in the glorious cause he had nobly, ardently, successfully espoused. He asked no pecuniary emolument at the commencement of his services--he demanded no pay--presented no account at their termination. He had a richer reward, more precious than gold--more valuable than rubies--_the gratitude of the American nation_ deeply felt and strongly expressed. He had the invaluable satisfaction of having contributed largely towards preparing a nursery for freemen--an asylum for the oppressed. His conduct stood approved at the dread tribunal of conscience.

"The man who stands acquitted at that fearful bar
Holds the first round prize the world has to give.
'Tis like Heaven's sunshine--PRICELESS."

At his departure he received the highest tokens of respect from Congress, the officers of the army and our nation at large. The richest blessings of a kind Providence were invoked for him. He was received with great enthusiasm on his arrival at home. He was hailed as a prominent hero of the new world--the tried friend of Liberty--the unyielding advocate of universal Freedom--the spotless patriot--the brave and skilful officer--the hope of the down-trodden and oppressed in the old world.

The success of the United States in shaking off the yoke of bondage had its influence on the nations of Europe as a natural consequence. That the people of France felt it _most_ is not surprising. The French army had drank freely at the fountain of Liberty that had gushed out in the United States. The holy flame of freedom was burning in their bosoms and was soon communicated to their brethren at home. The insulating fire of patriotism ran through the mass and the too resolved to be free. Unfortunately for the cause of human rights they seized upon the abstract principles of Liberty without learning the art of self-government. They plucked the fruit before it was ripe--it disorganized their system producing a raging fever and wild delirium. So rapidly did the excitement rise that it was found necessary to convene the States General--an assembly that had slumbered 172 years--the dernier resort of that nation to suppress internal commotion. It consisted of deputies chosen by the nobility, clergy and common people. So terrific was the storm of passion that this august body trembled like a reed shaken by the wind. Anarchy mounted its desolating car--mad ambition rolled its mountain waves over reason and justice--malicious jealousy sought its victims in every avenue--Jacobinism reared its hydra head--the fountain of mercy was dried up--the bloody guillotine did its fearful work. Civil war raged in all the plenipotence of exterminating revenge--cruelty ceased only for the want of victims--the streets were deluged with purple current. Such are the outlines of the first French Revolution. The picture is filled with darker shades.

Amidst this scene of dreadful carnage--this tornado of angry passions--La Fayette stood calm and undismayed. He commanded the military and had their confidence. At one bold stroke he might have cut off the cold hearted Robespierre--the cruel Mirabeau--the treacherous Duke of Orleans--the ambitious Paine--the bloody Nero--Murat. Under Washington and from his own innate goodness he had learned to soar above revenge and practice humanity. For some time he paralyzed the efforts of the various factions and succeeded in giving France a constitution approximating towards republicanism. But the typhoid of faction had become too firmly fixed on the body politic to be arrested in its sanguinary career by this panacea. It gathered new strength as it advanced. The awful whirlpool of boiling passion was fast drawing La Fayette to its vortex of destruction. The National Assembly yielded and became subservient to the Jacobins. Plans were suggested by which to rid themselves of the man they most dreaded. At this alarming crisis he exhibited moral and physical courage without a parallel. He repaired to the National Assembly and in language bold and strong portrayed the conduct of those whose wild ambition had brought upon France threatened ruin and impending destruction. His dignified manner, unanswerable logic, powerful eloquence, stern integrity, open frankness, anxious solicitude and noble boldness filled the delegates and leading Jacobins with awe and astonishment. They believed he had an armed force within call to protect him. When he had finished his address he immediately withdrew and resumed the command of the army then marching against the Austrian Netherlands. Learning that he had gone, the National Assembly became so courageous that they proscribed him and set a price upon his head. Finding the wild disorder of his country beyond his control and his life in jeopardy, he resolved to fly to the United States. With an aching heart he left, with seven companions. In their flight they fell into the hands of the Prussians and were delivered over to the Austrians. After enduring every indignity and insult La Fayette was thrown into a loathsome dungeon at Olmutz where a bed of rotten straw, a broken chair and an old table constituted all the furniture of his wretched apartment. There he suffered by privations and disease--neglected and alone until he was so reduced that the hair fell from his head and death seemed sure of an early victim. At the same time his estate was confiscated by the Jacobins and his amiable wife thrown into prison. To advocate him in France was a sure passport to the bloody guillotine.

England, the United States and several other governments looked upon the incarceration of La Fayette as a violation of the laws of nations, of common justice and humanity. Washington and many others made great exertions to obtain his release. The Emperor of Austria was inexorable. The staple of his mind was adamant--he delighted in human misery. He had caged the European Eagle of Liberty determined to immolate him slowly but surely on the altar of revenge and crush the embryo buds of liberal principles in the old world. A bold but unsuccessful attempt to rescue the prisoner was made by Col. Huger and Dr. Bollman of South Carolina. Its history is full of thrilling interest and does great credit to the heads and hearts of its persevering and ingenious authors.

The amiableness and dignity of Madame La Fayette forced respect from the bloodthirsty Jacobins who ultimately released her. Learning the forlorn condition of her husband her native tenderness rushed upon her noble soul like a mighty flood. She at once resolved to fly to him and share in all the vicissitudes that awaited him. With her two daughters she left France in disguise and arrived safe at Olmutz. Her application to see her husband could not be granted unless she consented never to leave the prison after entering it. With this inhuman decree she cheerfully complied. The most brilliant imagination can but faintly conceive--the strongest language can never portray to the life the thrilling--the melting scene that followed. The sunburnt cheeks of the soldiers who guarded the prison were flooded with the tears of sympathy and compassion. With the two pledges of their love Madame La Fayette passed the grating iron doors. The next moment she was clasped in the arms of the companion of her youth. _My loyal husband_--was all she could utter. _My dear father_--burst from his angelic daughters as they clung around his emaciated form. _My dear wife--my lovely daughters_--passed his trembling lips in broken accents--a flood of tears from each told a tale of mingling woes and joys in the language of that mute eloquence which casts words into the shade. That scene can never be presented in full original force by the finest touches of the painter's pencil--the boldest stroke of the poet's pen--the loftiest flights of historic eloquence. At that meeting with his family the situation of La Fayette in prison was more enviable than that of a king of nations or a conqueror of worlds. The ministering angel--WOMAN--can convert a dungeon into a paradise and light up a smile in the deepest aspect of woe. Without her earth would be desolate--man miserable--a savage.

With Christian fortitude and heroic patience this affectionate family bore their privations and sufferings. Madame de Stael has well observed--"Antiquity offers nothing more admirable than the conduct of Gen. La Fayette, his wife and daughters in the prison of Olmutz."

Fresh exertions were made to obtain the release of these innocent sufferers. The question was agitated in the United States Congress and in the House of Commons in England. Nothing could move the obdurate heart of the tyrant who held them. They seemed doomed to waste away their lives in that loathsome dungeon. God had otherwise determined. The time was rolling on rapidly when they should be restored to liberty, their friends and their home. The conquering Bonaparte humbled the proud and cruel Emperor and compelled him to release these illustrious prisoners. In the treaty of Campo Formio in 1797 it was expressly stipulated that all the French prisoners at Olmutz should be immediately liberated. The Emperor of Austria attempted to impose restrictions on the future conduct of the Marquis. Amidst all his sufferings his dignity and liberal principles remained unimpaired. He spurned all conditions of a restrictive nature. His unconditional release occurred on the 25th of August 1797 when he and his family again inhaled the exhilarating atmosphere of Freedom. He had been in prison five years. His noble wife and affectionate daughters had shared with him the miseries of a damp dungeon twenty-two months. The release of these prisoners is one of the brightest stars in the diadem of Bonaparte.

When the French nation became more tranquil La Fayette and his family returned to the land of their birth. He located at La Grange and soon gained a salutary influence over those around him. He did all in his power to promote the interests of his country and the cause of human rights. Although he was truly grateful to Bonaparte for his release from a gloomy dungeon he believed he owed a duty to his nation paramount to all private considerations. He opposed all his measures that he considered dangerous to the prosperity and happiness of France. From the time of his return to that of his last illness, La Fayette took a conspicuous part in the civil and military departments of his country. With an Argus eye he watched her destinies through all her convulsing changes. The smiles of princes and the huzzas of the multitude could not flatter him--the miseries of a dungeon and frowns of tyrants could not depress him. Without those brilliant talents that dazzle and captivate every beholder, like his revered Washington he possessed an uncommon share of sound common sense, a clear head, a good heart, a discriminating judgment that gave him a more universal influence than any man then in Europe. His magic power over the enraged populace of Paris during the Three Days' Revolution of 1830 has no parallel when we consider the effervescent nature of the French people. In the short period of seventy-two hours he restored tranquillity--formed a new government and commenced a new era in the history of that impulsive nation. He could then have been crowned King of France. To him crowns were empty bubbles, expanding only to burst--airy phantoms, formed to allure for a time--then vanish in abdication, chaos or blood.

When he visited our country in 1824 his reception at every point was an earnest of the deep feeling of gratitude that pervaded the bosoms of our people. The presence of no man ever elicited more enthusiastic joy in any country. During his stay party spirit retired to its lair--all united in paying the profoundest respect to the benefactor of our nation--the companion of Washington--the noble philanthropist. In every crowd La Fayette sought his surviving companions in arms who had fought and bled by his side in the glorious cause of American Independence. When he met them the scene was always interesting--sometimes affecting. In some instances a simultaneous rush to each other at the moment of recognition and the eloquent tears that rolled down their veteran cheeks told what was passing in their kindred hearts more strongly than words can express. It affords me great pleasure to state--that the finances of our government were such at that time and the liberality of Congress in such a state of expansion that La Fayette was remunerated for his services and the large amount of money expended in obtaining our Independence--reversing the adage--_Republics are always ungrateful_. When he departed from our shores--bid a last farewell to his American friends and our country--he left a painful vacuum in the hearts of millions that was not speedily supplied. He was emphatically a man whom the people admired, loved, and delighted to honor. He arrived safely in France and continued to watch over her interests until the 18th of May 1834 when he took a violent cold in following on foot the remains of the patriot Dulong, to Pere le Chaise, or Garden of the Tombs. So violent was his illness that it baffled all medical skill and ended his eventful and useful life on the 21st of May 1834. He died in full faith of a blissful immortality in a better and brighter world. He expired at his hotel in Paris.

The pageant of his funeral was of the most imposing character. He was a member of the Chamber of Deputies at the time of his decease. The marked attention and mingling tears of the members of that body--the deep lamentations of the French and American people--the demonstrations of grief by every civilized nation on receiving intelligence of his death--combined to show the high estimation in which he was held by the old and new world.

The grateful memory of La Fayette is held sacred by every friend of Liberty. His history has no parallel on the Eastern continent. His career was not tarnished with bold strides of misguided ambition or base attempts at self-aggrandizement. He was consistent to the last. Compared with his--all borrowed greatness is an empty show. Unblemished virtue marked his bright career--philanthropy his whole course--integrity his entire conduct--justice his every action. A calm resignation to the will of God under all circumstances and a confiding trust in His wisdom added a more brilliant lustre to all his noble and amiable qualities. Unborn millions will read his biography and sing the praises of this great and good man. He has left examples of human conduct worthy the contemplation and imitation of all who move in the private or public walks of life. His influence did not terminate with his existence. Ages to come will be benefited by the rich fruits of his useful and monitory life. The sweet incense of FREEDOM will continue to ascend from his hallowed grave in cerulean perfumes with increasing fragrance until the old world shall be revolutionized, regenerated and FREE. Coming generations will gaze upon the bright picture of his history with enrapturing delight--the holy flame of patriotism and the pale torch of Liberty now glimmering in the old world will be replenished at the sacred tomb of LA FAYETTE.

FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE.

The actions of men cannot be well understood without a thorough knowledge of human nature. We must trace the map of the immortal mind, learn the avenues of its circuit, follow it through the regions of revolving thought, become familiar with the passions that influence and control it--learn its natural desires, innate qualities, springs of action--its multifarious combinations. We must understand its native divinity, earthly frailty, malleability, expansions, contractions and its original propensities. In addition to all this knowledge, to judge correctly of the actions of an individual we must know the predominants and exponents of his mind--the impress it has received from education, the motives that impelled him to action, his propulsive and repulsive powers, the ultimatum of his designs and his ulterior objects. With all these guides we may still become involved in error unless we move within the orbit of impartiality, divest ourselves of all prejudice and have our judgments warmed by the genial influence of heaven-born charity. With all these lights we should never pass judgment of censure upon any person unless the good of community requires it or a court of justice demands it. Could this rule be strictly adhered to by individuals and the press--rays of millenial glory would burst upon the wilderness of mind and cause it to bud and blossom as the rose. A peaceful and quiescent rest would calm the angry feelings and boiling passions of men, daily lashed to a foaming fury by the unnecessary and often erroneous expressed opinions of others. On this point the Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution were examples worthy of imitation. Each one held most sacred the reputation of his co-workers. The few violations of this principle were frowned upon with an indignity that gave the recusants the Belshazzar trembles.

Among them no one was more tender of character than Francis Lightfoot Lee. He was the son of Thomas Lee--born in Westmoreland county, Virginia, on the 14th of October 1734. He was the brother of Richard Henry Lee whose eloquence rose higher but whose reflections were no deeper than those of Francis. In childhood he was admired for his docility and amiable deportment--in youth he was the pride of every circle in which he moved and when manhood dawned upon him he exhibited a dignity of mind and maturity of judgment that all delighted to honor.

He was educated by the Rev. Mr. Craig a Scotch clergyman of high literary attainment and profound erudition. Under his tuition the germs of knowledge took deep root in the prolific mental soil of young Lee and produced plants of rapid and luxuriant growth. The Scotch _literati_ are remarkable for deep investigation, thorough analyzation and lucid demonstration. I have never met one who was a pedant, a vain pretender or a superficial scholar. Under such an instructor the intellectual powers of Francis assumed a vigorous and healthful tone that placed him upon the substantial basis of useful knowledge and enduring fame. He was delighted with the solid sciences and spent less time in the bowers of Belles Lettres than his Ciceronean brother. The history of classic Greece and Republican Rome enraptured his mind with the love of liberty and liberal principles. He read closely, thought deeply and investigated thoroughly. He prosecuted his studies with untiring industry and became an excellent scholar without the advantages of European seminaries to which most of the sons of wealthy men were then sent to complete their education. Imitating the examples of his elder brothers who had received the highest polish of English gentilesse and French etiquette he became a polished gentleman in his manners. Raised in the midst of affluence, actuated by the purest ethics, free from a desire to participate in the follies of the world, living in the peaceful enjoyment of those refined pleasures that promote felicity without enervating the body or corrupting the heart, the favorite of his numerous acquaintances--his earthly happiness was of the purest kind. His mind richly stored with scientific theory and with correct moral and religious principles, he entered the school of experience and became emphatically a practical man. Possessed of an ample fortune he could devote his time to what he deemed most useful. Having early imbibed a love for rational liberty and having fully canvassed the conduct of the British ministry towards the American Colonies, Mr. Lee resolved to oppose the encroachments of the king upon the rights clearly guaranteed by the English constitution. He could not consent that the trappings of the crown, the pomp of the courts, the extravagance of the ministry and the expenses of the Parliament of Great Britain should be borne by the yoemanry of America who were eloigned from the protection and fraternal feeling of that power, deprived of participating in legislation, subject to the caprice of every new cabinet created by the King, dragged from their native homes to be tried by a foreign jury, oppressed by the insolence of hireling officers, driven from under the mantle of constitutional rights and treated as mere vassals of the mother country.

In 1765 he was elected to the house of Burgesses to represent Loudoun county where his estate was situated. He at once took a bold stand in favor of rational Liberty. Blessed with a strong and investigating mind, a deep and penetrating judgment, a clear and acute perception, a pure and patriotic heart, a bold and fearless disposition--he became one of the most efficient advisers in the legislative body. He continued to represent Loudoun county until 1772 when he married the estimable Rebecca--daughter of Col. Taylor of Richmond county where he located permanently. The same year he was elected from his new district and continued to do good service in the house of Burgesses until he repaired to the Continental Congress. Amidst the gathering storm of the Revolution and the trying scenes that accumulated thick and fast around him--he stood unmoved and undismayed. He advocated every measure calculated to promote the independence of his country and was prolific in plans for the accomplishment of that much desired object. As a member of committees he had no superior. He was familiar with every form of government and understood well the rights conferred by Magna Charta and the British constitution. He was prepared to act advisedly and was resolved to resist unto blood the illegal advances of the designing and avaricious ministry. He made no pretensions to oratory, seldom spoke in public but when so highly excited as to rise he poured upon his opponents a flood of keen and withering logic that often made them quail.

On the 15th of August 1775 Mr. Lee was elected to the Continental Congress. A more expansive field was then opened before him. To do or die--to live in chains or peril everything for Liberty had become the dilemma. Columbia's soil had been saturated with the blood and serum of Americans shed by the very men who had been cherished by their bounty and fed by their labor. The dim flickerings of hope for redress and conciliation were fast expiring in the socket of forbearance. The great seal of the compact had been broken by the British ministry--the last petitions, addresses and remonstrances were prepared--the final course for the Colonies to pursue was soon to be determined. Inglorious peace or honorable war were the two propositions. In favor of the last Mr. Lee put forth the strong energies of his mind. Eternal separation from England and Independence for America could only satisfy his views. Being upon numerous committees his influence was strongly felt. Liberty had become a _desideratum_ with him. When the proposition of final separation from the mother country was submitted by his brother his soul was raised to the zenith of patriotic feeling. When the Declaration of Rights was adopted his mind was in an ecstacy of delight. His influence, vote and signature told how pure and strong were his desires in its favor.

He rendered essential aid in framing the Articles of Confederation that governed Congress and the Colonies during the Revolution. This was a subject of great delicacy and labor. Besides the work of the committee it passed through thirty-nine discussions in the House. He contended that the rights of contiguous fisheries and the free navigation of the Mississippi river should be incorporated in the claims of the United States in all propositions of peace. The wisdom and sagacity of his position are now fully demonstrated. It was then opposed by some and not duly appreciated but by few.

Mr. Lee was continued in Congress up to 1779 when he declined a re-election and retired from the public arena to scenes more congenial to him but less beneficial to the deliberations of the august body he had long graced with his wisdom. His enjoyment of domestic life was transient. Contrary to his wishes he was elected to the legislature of his native state and repaired to the post of duty. After aiding in removing the perplexing difficulties that embarrassed the government of the Old Dominion he again retired to the peaceful retreat of private life where he remained until April 1797 when he was summoned to appear forthwith at the Bar of the God he loved and had honored through life. Calm and resigned he bowed submissively to the messenger who bore the mandate--bid his friends an affectionate farewell and took his departure triumphing in faith with a full assurance of a joyful reception in a brighter and better world. He died of pleurisy and was followed in a few days by his wife. They had no children but their graves were moistened by the tears of numerous relatives and friends.

In public life Mr. Lee was eminently useful--his private worth shone with equal brilliancy. Always chaste, cheerful, amusing and instructive--he delighted every circle in which he moved. Wealthy, benevolent and liberal--he was the widow's solace, the orphan's father and the poor man's friend. Kind, affectionate and intelligent--he was a good husband, a faithful companion and safe counsellor. Polished, urbane and gentlemanly--his manners were calculated to refine all around him. Moral, discreet and pious--his precepts had a salutary influence upon the minds of all who heard them and were not callous to good advice. He spurned the slanderer, kindly reproved the vicious and by counsel and example disseminated the principles of morality and religion. He was a bright model of human excellence.

It has been erroneously stated that he was unfriendly to Washington. The mistake of the writer probably arose from incorrectly associating Gen. Charles Lee, who came from Wales in 1773, with the Lees of Virginia and who was suspended from his command one year for disobedience to orders at the battle of Monmouth. He was a brave officer and only made a small mistake which he deeply regretted. The approval of the sentence was voted for in Congress by Francis. After the adoption of the Federal Constitution he was asked his opinion upon it. His answer shows his confidence in Washington. "I am old and do not pretend to judge these things now but one thing satisfies me it is all right--General Washington is in favor of it and John Warden is opposed to it." Warden was opposed to our Independence.

Let the shining examples of Mr. Lee be reflected forcibly on our minds and lead us to do all the good in our power whilst we live and prepare for a peaceful and happy exit from the abysm of time.

RICHARD HENRY LEE.

Rhetoric, as defined in the lexicons, as taught in the schools, as practised in times of peaceful leisure--is not the kind that graced the forum during the American Revolution. No studied or written speeches were then crowded upon the audience to kill time or gain popularity. Judge McKean remarked just before his death--"I do not recollect any formal speeches, such as are made in Parliament and our late Congresses. We had no time to hear such speeches--little for deliberation--action was the order of the day."

School eloquence is very different from native heart-thrilling soul-stirring rhetoric. The former is like the rose in wax without odor--the latter like the rose upon its native bush perfuming the atmosphere with the rich odors distilled from the dew of heaven. The former is the finely finished statue of a Cicero or Demosthenes, more perfect in its lineaments than the original--the latter is the living man animated by intellectual power--rousing the deepest feelings of every heart--electrifying every soul as with vivid lightning. The former is a picture of the passions all on fire--the latter is the real conflagration pouring out a stream of impassioned words that burn like liquid flames bursting from a volcano. The former brings the fancy of an audience into playful action--the latter sounds an alarum that vibrates through the tingling ears to the soul and drives back the rushing blood upon the aching heart. The former moves the cerebral foliage in waves of recumbent beauty like a gentle wind passing over a prairie of tall grass and flowers--the latter strikes a blow that resounds through the wilderness of mind like rolling thunder through a forest of oaks. The former fails when strong commotions and angry elements agitate the public peace--the latter can ride upon the whirlwind of faction, direct the tornado of party spirit and rule the storm of boiling passion. This was the only kind of eloquence practised by the Sages and Heroes who achieved our Independence. At such times school elocution is a mockery--a vain show that disgusts men when the fate of millions is suspended by a single hair. At such a crisis the deep fountains of the soul are broken up and gush out in living streams of natural overwhelming eloquence.

Among the powerful orators of '76 was Richard Henry Lee, son of Thomas Lee, born in Westmoreland County, Virginia, on the 20th of January 1732. His ancestors were among the early settlers of the Old Dominion and were prominent in directing the destiny of the Colony. They were men of liberal principles and at all times promptly resisted every encroachment upon their rights. The arbitrary power exercised by Charles I. over his European subjects which hurled him from his throne, was resisted by the Lees. When Cromwell assumed the crown he was never recognised by Virginia. The mandate that proclaimed the second Charles King--originated with Lee and Berkley of the Old Dominion. The plan of ultimate Independence was cherished by the elder Lees. Through the bright vista of the future they contemplated the millennium of Freedom in America. So strongly impressed was the father of Richard Henry with this idea that he fixed in his mind the location of the seat of government and purchased lands in the vicinity of Washington. By some historians this act is called a paradox that philosophy has been perplexed to explain. To my mind the solution has no perplexity. A man of deep reflection and large intelligence does not draw his conclusions alone from present appearances. He compares the past with the present and makes deductions for the future. The historic map of the world is covered with the rise, progress and extinction of nations, kingdoms and empires. From the causes and effects delineated upon the same map, it was the natural conclusion of a penetrating mind that the expansive territory of this country, with all the bounties of nature lavished upon it, must eventually become so densely populated that its physical force would be too powerful for any European country to hold dominion over it. The geographical centre was also plain as the settlements were then progressing. This prophecy, as it has been termed, was the result of deep thought arriving at conclusions drawn from the unerring laws of nature, showing that Mr. Lee possessed an analyzing mind that moved in an extensive orbit.

Richard Henry Lee commenced his education at Wakefield, Yorkshire, England and remained in that kingdom until he completed it. He returned a finished scholar, an accomplished gentleman with a reputation untarnished by vice or folly. From his childhood honesty and morality were his darling attributes--he delighted in reposing under the ethic mantle. During his absence his innate republicanism did not become tinctured with the farina of European courts or the etiquette of aristocracy. In classic history he found the true dignity of man portrayed--his inalienable rights delineated. In the philosophy of Locke he saw the rays of light reflected upon human nature--the avenues of the immortal mind opened to his enraptured vision. In the Elements of Euclid the laws of demonstration were presented to his delighted understanding and gave fresh vigor to his logical powers. Endowed with these qualifications he was prepared to enter upon the great theatre of public action and adorn the circle of private life.

His first public act was in raising a company of troops and tendering his services to Gen. Braddock. That proud Briton considered the Provincials puerile and declined the proffered aid. His fate is a matter of history. In 1757 Mr. Lee was appointed a Justice of the Peace and President of the Court. Shortly after he was elected to the House of Burgesses and made himself thoroughly acquainted with the laws of legislation and government--the true policy and various interests of the colony and with the rules of parliamentary proceedings. Retarded by an almost unconquerable diffidence, he took very little part in debate at first. It was not until he became excited by a subject in which he felt a deep interest that his Ciceronean powers were developed. A bill was before the House imposing a duty on the importation of slaves into Virginia--virtually amounting to a prohibition. It was strongly opposed by several influential members. Mr. Lee became roused and poured upon his astonished audience such a flood of burning eloquence against the importation of human beings to be made slaves, that his opponents trembled as they listened. In vivid colors he painted the cruelties of Cortes in South America, the Saracens in Spain and passed through the dark catalogue of monsters who had disgraced humanity with barbarism--then pointed his colleagues to the darker blot--the more barbarous practices that branded with infamy the unhallowed slave-trade then monopolized by mother Britain. He pointed to the bloody scenes of other times when the physical force of the slaves had enabled them to rise and crush their masters at one bold stroke. By stopping the traffic, the evil entailed upon them might be provided for and the certain and dreadful consequences of a constant influx from Africa be warded off. His eloquence was applauded but his philanthropic views were voted down by the friends of the crown. The trade was virtually originated and long continued by Great Britain, now so loud in complaints against us for not at once providing for an evil entailed by her. Had this bill passed, her revenue would have been less and thousands of Africans left at their peaceful homes. O! shame where is thy blush!

This powerful effort raised Mr. Lee to the rank of the Cicero of America. The exposure of the base corruptions practised by Mr. Robinson, then treasurer of the Colony, was the next important service rendered by him. As this was an attack upon the aristocracy, it required much skill, boldness and sagacity to introduce the probe successfully. This he did in a masterly manner and proved clearly that the treasurer had repeatedly re-issued reclaimed treasury bills to his favorite friends to support them in their extravagance by which the Colony was robbed of the amount by their payment a second time without a _quid pro quo_ [equivalent.] For this bold act Mr. Lee was applauded by every honest man--hated and dreaded by public knaves.

When Charles Townshend laid before the British Parliament the odious and more extensive plan of taxing the American colonies which Mr. Grenville called _the philosopher's stone_, Mr. Lee was among the first to sound the alarm. Within a month after the passage of the preliminary Act in Parliament followed by a revolting catalogue of unconstitutional and oppressive laws, he furnished his London friends with a list of arguments against it sufficient to convince every reasonable man of the injustice and impolicy of the measure. When Patrick Henry proposed his bold resolutions against the Stamp Act in 1765 Mr. Lee gave them the powerful aid of his eloquent and unanswerable logic. He was very active in the formation of associations to resist the encroachments of the crown. He aided in compelling the collector of stamps to relinquish his office, deliver up his commission and the odious stamp paper. The people were advised not to touch or handle it. His pen was also ably used and produced many keen, withering, logical, patriotic, pungent essays that had a salutary influence upon the public mind. He corresponded with the patriots of New York and New England. According to the testimony of Col. Gadsden of S. C. and the public documents of that eventful era, Mr. Lee was the first man who proposed the Independence of the colonies. He had unquestionably imbibed the idea from his father whose ancestors had predicted it for the last hundred years and had probably handed it down from sire to son. In a letter from Richard Henry Lee to Mr. Dickinson dated July 25th 1768 he proposes upon all seasonable occasions to impress upon the minds of the people the necessity of a struggle with Great Britain "_for the ultimate establishment of independence--that private correspondence should be conducted by the lovers of liberty in every province_." His early proposition in Congress to sever the material ties was considered premature by most of the friends of Liberty. He had long nursed this favorite project in his own bosom--he was anxious to transplant its vigorous scions into the congenial bosoms of his fellow patriots.

Soon after the House of Burgesses convened in 1769, as chairman of the judiciary committee, Mr. Lee introduced resolutions so highly charged with liberal principles calculated to demolish the Grenville superstructure and reduce to dust his talismanic _philosopher's stone_, that they caused a dissolution of the House and concentrated the wrath of the British ministry and its servile bipeds against him. The rich fruits of their persecution were the formation of non-importation associations, committees of safety and correspondence and the disaffection of the English merchants towards the mother country in consequence of the impolitic measures calculated to prostrate their importing and exporting trade. Lord North now assumed the management of the grand drama of oppression and laid more deeply the revenue plan. By causing a repeal of the more offensive Acts he hoped to lull the storm of opposition that was rapidly rising and prepare for more efficient action. Had the Boston Port Bill been omitted his dark designing treachery might have succeeded more triumphantly. This fanned the burning flame of resentment to a white heat. It spoke in language too plain to be mistaken--too strong to be endured.