Chapter IX: Part I: John Adams (5)

With the _true_ patriots of the American Revolution frugality was proverbial. Independence Hall, built of plain brick and mortar, was deemed sufficiently splendid for the accommodation of the master spirits of that eventful era. A plain yard, with native forest trees for an ornament, was satisfactory. Now nothing but a marble structure, surrounded by extensive highly ornamented pleasure grounds, at an expense of MILLIONS, will answer for the legislators of this anti-republican era. The dear people are no longer consulted relative to the expenses of our government--to _pay_ is their only privilege. Imported extravagance--imported customs--apish imitations of European usages--are fast driving republican simplicity from our once happy land. If the people tamely submit to these gross innovations they will ultimately reap the bitter fruits of their culpable neglect of duty.

Among the sages of the American Revolution, John Dickinson figured conspicuously. He was born in Maryland in 1732. After acquiring a good education he read law and had a lucrative practice in the city of Philadelphia. He was elected to the legislature at an early age and became a prominent member--an eloquent speaker and ready writer. He was a member of the General Congress in 1765 when he boldly exposed the unwarranted conduct of crown officers urged on by corrupt ministers. In 1767 he published a series of letters--boldly exposing the unconstitutional features of sundry acts of parliament. They contributed largely towards preparing the people for that resistance which resulted in FREEDOM.

Mr. Dickinson was a member of the important preliminary Congress of 1774 and wrote the lucid petition to the King that emanated from that body. He was the author of the declaration published by the Congress of 1775 which ably set forth the causes that impelled the down-trodden colonists to take up arms and resolve on victory or death. The second petition to the King was from his pen and adopted by Congress. All his writings were well suited to the occasions that induced them and were eminently calculated to advance the cause of the patriots. He was slow to believe England could not be brought to see and relinquish her suicidal course. He believed the Declaration of Independence premature and did not vote for it. He had great confidence in his own persuasive powers. His opposition to the Declaration of Rights caused his constituents to give him leave of absence. He subsequently sanctioned it and repented of his error. In 1779 he was again elected to Congress and became a zealous, active, useful member. The following extract from an address, adopted by Congress on the 26th of May 1779, is from his pen.

"Infatuated as your enemies have been from the beginning of this contest do you imagine they can flatter themselves with a hope of conquering you unless you are false to yourselves? When unprepared, undisciplined and unsupported--you opposed their fleets and armies in full conjoined force--then, if at any time, was conquest to be apprehended. Yet, what progress towards it have their violent and incessant efforts made? Judge from their own conduct. Having devoted you to bondage and after vainly wasting their blood and treasure in the dishonorable enterprise--they deigned at length to offer terms of accommodation with respectful addresses to that once despised body--the Congress--whose humble supplications, only for peace and safety, they had contemptuously rejected under pretence of its being an unconstitutional assembly. Nay more--desirous of seducing you into a deviation from the paths of rectitude from which they had so far and rashly wandered, they made most specious offers to tempt you into a violation of your faith given to your illustrious ally."

"Foiled again and stung with rage, embittered by envy--they had no alternative but to renounce the inglorious and ruinous controversy or to resume their former modes of prosecuting it. They chose the latter. Again the savages are stimulated to horrid massacres of women and children and domestics to the murder of their masters. Again our brave and unhappy brethren are doomed to miserable deaths in jails and prison-ships. To complete the sanguinary system--all the 'EXTREMITIES of war' are denounced against you by authority. * * Rouse yourselves, therefore, that this campaign may finish the great work you have so nobly carried on for several years past. What nation ever engaged in such a contest under such a complication of disadvantages so soon surmounted many of them and in so short a period of time had so certain a prospect of a speedy and happy conclusion. We will venture to pronounce that so remarkable an instance exists not in the annals of mankind. * * * Consider how much you have done and how comparatively little remains to be done to crown you with success. Persevere and you insure peace, FREEDOM, safety, glory, sovereignty and felicity to yourselves, your children and your children's children." * * *

"Fill up your battalions--be prepared in every part to repel the incursions of your enemies--place your several quotas in the constitutional treasury--lend money for public uses--sink the emissions of your several states--provide effectually for expediting the conveyance of supplies for your armies and fleets and for your allies--prevent the produce of your country from being monopolized--effectually superintend the behaviour of public officers (what a poser if the dear people should do this imperious duty now) diligently promote piety, virtue, brotherly love, learning, FRUGALITY and moderation and may you be approved before Almighty God--worthy of those blessings we devoutly wish you to enjoy."

Here is a bright specimen of the republican principles that governed the public officers and people of the Revolution. They are too simple for the present portentous era of imported extravagance and customs--too pure for the politicians of our time. They will be read with approving admiration--but few will put them in practice.

Mr. Dickinson filled the office of President of Pennsylvania and subsequently removed to the state of Delaware and there filled the same chair. His political writings were collected and published in 1810 making two volumes octavo. His famous "Farmer's Letters to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies" were so highly prized by the astute Franklin that he had them republished in London and sent a French translation to Paris. But few of the sages did as much with their pen as this patriot. He lived to enjoy the fruits of his labors to a good old age. He resided at Wilmington, Delaware, for a long time where he closed his earthly pilgrimage on the 15th of February 1808. He was a member of the Society of Friends. His private character was without reproach.

WILLIAM ELLERY.

Contracts fairly entered into by parties competent to make and consummate them should be sacredly fulfilled in the minutest particulars. Individuals and social compacts from the common business firm up to the most exalted national engagements are bound by the laws of God, man and honor to keep inviolate their plighted faith. A deviation from the path of rectitude in this particular is uniformly attended with evil consequences and often with those most disastrous. The party that violates its obligations without a justifiable reason and especially if it attempts to advance its own interests regardless of, perhaps injurious to those of the other, comes to court with a bad cause. I have repeatedly remarked that the American Revolution resulted from a violation of colonial chartered rights by the mother country. To enter into a full exposition of the relations between the two high contracting parties would require more space than can be allowed in this work. Reference to some of the cardinal points in a single charter will give the reader a clue to them all. Some of a later date are rather more limited in privileges than that of Rhode Island to which I refer.

This charter secured religious freedom, personal liberty, personal rights in property--excluding the king from all interference with the local concerns of the colony and was virtually republican in its provisions. One of the early Acts of Parliament referring to Rhode Island contains the following language. "That no person within the said colony at any time hereafter shall be in any way molested, punished, disquieted or called in question for any difference of opinion in matters of religion that does not actually disturb the civil peace of said colony." The loyalty of the inhabitants up to the time oppressions commenced was unquestionable. The ancient records give full evidence of the fact. The addresses to the king begin thus. "The general Assembly judged it their duty to signify his majesty's gracious pleasure vouchsafed to us." Extract of a letter written to Sir Henry Vane in England. "We have long drunk of the cup of as great liberties as any people we can hear of under the whole heavens. We have not only been long free, together with all English, from the yokes of wolfish bishops and their popish ceremonies against whose grievous oppressions God raised up your noble spirit in parliament but we have sitten down quiet and dry from the streams of blood spilt by war in our native country. We have not known what an excise means. We have almost forgotten what tythes are, yea or taxes either to church or common weal."

In addition to other declaratory acts of Parliament sanctioning and continuing chartered privileges generally in all the colonies, one was passed in March 1663, involving the very hinge upon which the question of the Revolution turned. Extract--"Be it further enacted--_That no taxes shall be imposed or required of the colonies but by the consent of the General Assembly_"--meaning the General Assembly of each colony separably and including the whole. This single sentence of that declaratory act, based upon a cardinal point in the British constitution and guarded by the sanctity of charter contracts that could not be annulled but by the mutual consent of the high contracting parties, solves the problem of the Revolution. Having lived in the full enjoyment of chartered privileges which had become matured by the age of more than a century, the colonists would have been unworthy the name of men had they tamely submitted to their annihilation. To the unfading honor of their names--_they did not submit_. A band of sages and heroes rose in all the majesty of man--met the invaders of their rights and drove them from Columbia's soil.

Among them was William Ellery, born at Newport Rhode Island on the 2d of December 1727. His ancestors were from Bristol, England. He was the son of William Ellery a graduate of Harvard College and an enterprising merchant. He filled many public stations and became one of the first men in the colony. Pleased with the docility of his son he became his instructor and prepared him for college. He entered Harvard and became a close and successful student. He was delighted with the classics and was enraptured with the history of the ancient republics. So great was his veneration for ancient authors that he continued his familiarity with them to the moment of his death. He was one of the most lucid classic philologists of that age. He graduated at twenty and commenced the study of law. In that ever expanding field of labor he was all industry and was admitted to the bar with brilliant prospects before him. Located in one of the most delightful towns on the Atlantic, surrounded by a large circle of friends who desired his success, blessed with superior talents improved by a refined education, esteemed by all who knew him--his situation was truly agreeable. He possessed an amiable disposition, a strong mind, a large share of wit and humor, polished manners and a vivid animation in conversation that dispelled ennui from every circle in which he moved. With these accomplishments he spread his sails to the public breeze.

He commenced a successful practice at the bar of Newport and realized the fond anticipations of his friends. He was highly honorable in his course and had the confidence of the citizens, the respect of his professional brethren and the esteem of the courts. To make more complete his standing and importance in community he entered into partnership with a most estimable lady until death should them part. The firm proved prosperous and happy. Up to the time British oppression commenced, his days passed peacefully and quietly along with an accumulating fortune flowing in. When the revolutionary storm loomed up from the horizon he became roused. A new impetus was given to his mental and physical powers. His townsmen were the first who had dared to beard the British lion. On the 17th of June 1769, in consequence of the oppressive conduct of her captain, the revenue sloop Liberty belonging to his Britannic majesty was forcibly seized by a number of citizens in disguise who cut away her masts, scuttled her, carried her boats to the upper part of the town and committed them to the flames under the towering branches of a newly planted LIBERTY TREE. This act was followed by another on the 9th of June 1772 in which blood was shed--that of seizing and burning the British schooner Gaspee. This was made a pretext for more severe measures by the hirelings of the crown who recommended to Parliament the disfranchisement of the colony. The revolutionary ball was in motion at Newport. In the midst of these turmoils Mr. Ellery was with the people and for freedom. He went for the preservation of rights that had become sacred and venerable by age and had the high sanction of the laws of man, of nature and of God. In 1774 he approved a suggestion made in a letter from Gen. Greene--_that the colonies should declare themselves independent_. This spirit took fast hold on the people of Rhode Island at the very inception of the Revolution.

In 1776 Mr. Ellery was elected to the Continental Congress. His constituents left him to act free as mountain air. He stood up to the post of duty boldly and became an active member. He was fully prepared to advocate and sanction the Declaration of Independence. An agreeable speaker, master of satire, sarcasm, logic and philosophy--he exercised a salutary and judicious influence. He was appointed on several important committees and rendered efficient service. Upon the marine committee he was the leading man. He was a strong advocate for the navy. Many of his constituents were bold mariners. He felt a just pride in referring to his fellow citizen--Commodore Ezek Hopkins, as the first commander of the little fleet of the infant republic. It was he who took New Providence by surprise--seized a large amount of war munitions amongst which were one hundred pieces of cannon--took the royal Governor, Lieutenant Governor and sundry others of his majesty's officers prisoners and gave an earnest of the future glory to be achieved by Yankee seamen.

When the time arrived for the final question upon the momentous instrument that was to be a warrant of death or the diploma of freedom, Mr. Ellery was at his post and fearlessly gave it his approving vote and sanctioning signature. With his usual vivacity he took his stand by the side of the Secretary, Charles Thomson, for the purpose of observing the apparent emotions of each member as he came up and signed the important document. He often referred to this circumstance in after life and said an undaunted resolution was observed on every countenance. He was continued a member of Congress until 1785--full evidence of the high estimation in which he was held by his constituents. In 1777 he was upon the committee that originated the plan of fitting out seven fire ships to annoy the British fleet and had the credit of suggesting and perfecting it.

When the enemy obtained possession of Newport their vengeance against this noble patriot was manifested by burning all his property within their reach. This did not move the equanimity of his mind only to make him more zealous in the glorious cause of liberty. In 1778 he strongly advocated a resolution making it death for any citizen--_alias_ tory who should betray or aid in delivering into the hands of the enemy any of the adherents of the cause of freedom or give any intelligence that should lead to their capture. He spent nearly his whole time in Congress and toiled incessantly. In 1779 he was on the committee of foreign relations which had the settlement of some very unpleasant difficulties between the United States and the foreign commissioners. He was chairman of a committee to provide provisions for the inhabitants of Rhode Island who were destitute of the necessaries of life. From year to year he was arduously employed on most of the standing and many other important committees. Marine difficulties occurred between the general government and some of the states arising from a difference of opinion relative to the powers conferred by the Articles of Confederation. A committee was appointed to define those powers of which Mr. Ellery was the leading member. This committee determined that all disputed claims were subject to appeal from the Court of Admiralty to Congress where the facts and law were to be fully settled. On all occasions and in all situations he was diligent and punctual. When he discovered any long faces or forlorn countenances in Congress the artillery of his wit and humor was sure to pour a broadside upon them and often dispelled the lowering clouds that hung gloomily over the minds of members.

In 1782 he was an efficient member of the committee on public accounts the duties of which were large and perplexing. Speculation and peculation had rolled their dark waves over the public business of the nation--to do justice to all who presented claims was a problematical matter. In 1784 he was upon the committee to act upon the definitive treaty with Great Britain. He was upon the committee to define the power of the Treasury Board--the one upon Foreign Relations and the one upon the War Office. To crown his brilliant labors in Congress with resplendent glory, he advocated the resolution of Mr. King to abolish slavery in the United States. His whole force was brought to bear upon this subject in a strain of forensic eloquence and powerful logic that added fresh lustre to the substantial fame he had long enjoyed. _Then_ the subject was legitimate for Congress--_now_ it belongs to each state interested.

In 1785 Mr. Ellery retired from political life and repaired to his now peaceful home to replenish his ruined fortune and enjoy the blessings of the Independence he had so much aided in consummating. In the spring of 1786 Congress made him commissioner of the National Loan Office for Rhode Island. Shortly after he was elected Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of his native state. On his accession to the Presidential chair, Washington appointed him Collector of Customs for Newport which station he ably filled until he took his tranquil departure to a brighter world. The evening of his life was as calm and mellow as an Italian sunset. Universally esteemed--he enjoyed a delightful intercourse with a large circle of friends. Honest, punctual and correct--he had the confidence of the commercial community in his official station. During the thirty years he was Collector of Customs, a loss of only two hundred dollars upon bond accrued to government and upon that bond he had taken five sureties. He spent much of his time in reading classic authors and in corresponding with eminent men. But three weeks before his death he wrote an essay upon Latin prosody and the faults of public speakers. His bible was a favorite companion from which he drew and drank the living waters of eternal life. Always cheerful, instructive and amusing--his company was a rich treat to all who enjoyed it. His writings combined a sprightliness and solidity rarely found.

His death was as remarkable as it was tranquil and glorious. It was that of a Christian and philosopher. On the morning of the 15th of February 1820 he rose in usual health and seated himself in the flag-bottom chair which he had used for fifty years and which was a relic rescued from the flames when the enemy fired his buildings. He commenced reading Tully's _Officiis_ in his favorite Latin without the aid of glasses the print being no larger than that of a pocket bible. During the morning the family physician called in and seeing him very pale felt his wrist and found his pulse had ceased. He administered a little wine which gave a transient impetus to the purple current. The physician spoke encouragingly to whom Mr. Ellery replied--"It is idle to talk to me in this way. I am going off the stage of life and it is a great blessing that I go free from sickness, pain and sorrow." Becoming extremely weak his daughter helped him on the bed where he sat upright and commenced reading _Cicero de Officiis_ with the same composure as if in the full vigor of life. In a few moments his spirit left its tenement of clay without a motion, groan or sigh--his body still erect with the book under his chin as if asleep. William Ellery was dead--relations and friends wept--our nation mourned.

Thus usefully lived and happily died one of the brightest specimens of human excellence. His whole career presents a rare and rich picture upon which the imagination may feast, with increasing delight and which cannot be rendered more beautiful or interesting by the finest touches of the pencil of fancy dipped in the most brilliant color of romance. He was of the middle stature, well formed, with a large head; an intelligent and expressive countenance, moderate in his physical movements and with all his vivacity generally had a grave aspect. He was temperate, plain and uniform in his habits and dress and could seldom be induced to join in chase after the _ignis fatuus_--FASHION. For many years before his death his wardrobe was of an order belonging to a by-gone generation. His courtesy and hospitality were always conspicuous--the whole frame-work of his character was embellished with all the rich varieties of amiable and good qualities--uniting beauty with strength which ever gain esteem in life and tranquillity in death. Reader contemplate this bright picture until its impress is so deeply fixed upon your mind that nought but death can erase it.

WILLIAM FLOYD.

Lexicographers define ambition to be an earnest desire of power, honor, preferment, pride. Some who study party politics more than philosophy, physiology or ethics, call all the laudable desires of the heart AMBITION--aiming to strip the monster of its deformity that they may sail under false colors and play the pirate whenever an opportunity offers. The power that is gained by ambition is held by a slender tenure--often a mere rope of sand. Its hero may receive the homage of the multitude one day and be the victim of their fury the next. The summit of vain ambition is often the depth of misery. Based on a volcanic foundation it is in constant danger of an eruption. Inflated by a gaseous thirst for power, like a balloon with hydrogen, it is liable to an explosion from the very material that elevated it. Predicated on self--it spurns philanthropy, banishes charity, tramples on justice, despises patriotism, deals largely in the corrosive sublimate of falsehood, the elixir vitriol of revenge--the assafoetida of duplicity. Like a kite, it cannot rise in a calm and when up, is subject to fly from its fastenings and be rent by the cross currents ever in motion. The fulcrum of ignorance and the lever of party spirit form its magic power.

Some European writers have charged the patriots of the American Revolution with selfish ambition. They may be excused for this supposition from the fact that this is the motive power of _their_ actions and they can understand no other. Very different was the fact. Private virtue, broad charity, genuine philanthropy, undisguised patriotism were marked characteristics of those who achieved our Liberty. They were actuated by pure and honest motives--not by wild ambition and political frenzy. Noisy partisans and intriguing demagogues were not the favorites of the people at that trying period. The man of genuine worth and modest merit was the one they delighted to honor and trust.

In the character of William Floyd these qualities were happily blended. He was born at Suffolk county, Long Island, State of New York on the 17th of December 1734. He was the son of Mr. Nicoll Floyd and the grandson of Richard Floyd who came from Wales in 1680 and settled at Setauket, Long Island. During his childhood William was remarkable for frankness, truth, docility and pleasing manners. He was an industrious student and acquired a liberal education. During the prosecution of his studies he devoted a short period almost daily to his gun in pursuit of game which gave him healthful exercise and a strong frame. His father died before William arrived at his majority leaving him an ample fortune. This he managed with prudence and economy. From his youth he had been the advocate of liberal principles. At manhood he became a prominent opposer to the innovations of the British ministers upon the chartered rights of Americans. As oppression increased his patriotic feelings were more frequently and freely expressed. He was an active and zealous member of the Congress of 1774. He had the unlimited confidence of his constituents--the esteem of all who knew him. His cool deliberation and calm deportment were well calculated to preserve an equilibrium among those of a more fiery temperament and rashness in action. That Congress was remarkable for clear and unanswerable argument, calm and astute discussion, wise and judicious plans--reasonable but firm purposes. The course pursued operated powerfully and favorably upon the minds of reflecting men whose influence it was important to secure.

Mr. Floyd had command of the militia of the county in which he lived. When the British attempted to land at Gardner's Bay he promptly assembled the yeoman troops and repelled the invading foe. In 1775 he was again at his post in Congress and became one of its very efficient members. He was a working man and almost constantly engaged on important committees. During his absence the enemy obtained possession of Long Island and compelled his family to flee to Connecticut for safety. His property was materially injured--his house converted into a military barrack and for seven years he was deprived of all resources from his farm. In 1776 he was a warm advocate of the Declaration and with great satisfaction placed his name upon that sacred instrument. In 1777 he was elected to the first Senate of the Empire State convened under the new order of things. He was a leading member and rendered important services in forming a code of republican laws.

In January 1779 he again took his seat in Congress and entered vigorously upon the work before him. In August of that year he resumed his seat in the New York Senate. Much important business was before the legislature, requiring experience, energy and unity of action. To raise the pecuniary credit of the state was of great importance. Mr. Floyd was at the head of a joint committee on this subject and reported a plan that proved him an able financier--a man of deep thought and investigation. It was based upon gradual, equal and just taxation. In October of that year he was one of three delegates appointed by his legislature to meet a convention of the Eastern States for the purpose of perfecting a system of furnishing supplies for the army without being compelled to suffer the enormous shaves of avaricious monopolists. On reading the account of the awful sufferings and privations of the army at certain periods of the Revolution and in view of the glory of the cause and the limited means of carrying on the unequal struggle, an honest man can scarcely believe men then existed who would speculate--yes more--_peculate_ upon suffering humanity. So was the fact to an alarming extent--at least three millions a year. Avarice knows no mercy--seldom any honesty.

On his return from this convention he repaired to Congress. On the 3d of December he was elected one of the Board of Admiralty and on the 13th a member of the Treasury Board. By incessant application his health became impaired and in the ensuing April he obtained leave of absence. In June he took his seat in the New York Senate and was appointed upon a joint committee to act upon resolutions of Congress involving the important relations between the state and general government. He unsuccessfully opposed making bills of credit a legal tender but lived to see the law repealed. In September he was one of a committee of the senate to prepare a reply to the governor's message. To effect a proper organization of the general government was a desideratum with all the states. To this important subject the governor had specially referred. To confer upon Congress all necessary power clearly defined, was considered the only safe policy to insure future harmony and safety. This committee reported several resolutions upon this subject which were adopted and forwarded to Congress for consideration. They recommended the enactment of laws that should impose an equal responsibility on each of the states to bear its _pro rata_ proportion of the war expenses in the way and manner prescribed by the general government.

In 1780 he again took his seat in Congress. An important and delicate duty devolved upon the New York and New Hampshire members under legislative acts--the subject of disputed territory comprising the present state of Vermont. The question was submitted to Congress, the members of each state advocating the claim for their constituents. In this matter Mr. Floyd rendered great service. During the same session he introduced a resolution for the cession of the western territories to the United States. On the 10th of August he nominated Robert L. Livingston to be Secretary of Foreign Affairs whose nomination was immediately confirmed. He was continued a member of Congress up to 1783 when he joined in the general soul-cheering peace and the freedom of his beloved country. He then retired and took possession of his once flourishing plantation amidst the sincere congratulations of his numerous friends, all animated by the resplendent glories of LIBERTY. That he might repair the ruin of his home he declined the urgent solicitations of his friends to return to Congress. He continued to serve in the senate of his native state up to 1788 when he was elected to the first Congress under the Federal Constitution. Worn out in the service of his country he retired from the public arena at the end of the term.

Owning a large tract of valuable wild land upon the banks of the Mohawk river he commenced gradual improvements upon it and in 1803 removed there. He was often urged to return to Congress but declined all legislative labors. With the exception of serving one year in the state senate and in the convention for the revision of the New York Constitution in 1801, he kept aloof from the turmoils of political life. He was four times a member of the Electoral College of his state for the election of President and Vice President. So ardent were his feelings in his old age that he travelled two hundred miles in the dreary month of December 1806 to give his vote for his old companion and friend--Thomas Jefferson.

He continued to improve his new home until he became surrounded by happy neighbors all basking in the clear sunshine of that freedom he had largely aided in acquiring. In all things he was systematic and practical--free from pomp and vanity--strong in his purposes and persevering in their accomplishment. He was blessed with a clear head, vigorous mind, good heart, sound judgment, great experience and a close knowledge of men and things. As a politician he was free from selfish ambition and went for his country--his whole country and the UNION for ever. He spoke but seldom in public assemblies and rarely entered into debate. Brighter would be the prospects of our UNION if we _now_ had more men like William Floyd who would _talk_ less and _work_ more. Long and often electioneering speeches hang over our legislatures like an incubus and prevent the _few_ who are well-disposed from doing the business of the people promptly.

General Floyd was of middle size, well-formed and commanding in his appearance. He was dignified in his deportment--affable in his manners. His physical powers were remarkable when in his prime. In all the relations of private life he was a model as worthy of imitation as that of his public career. He was warm in his friendship and rigidly honest. His morals were pure, his religion practical, his charity broad--his philanthropy co-extensive with the human family. For the last two years of his life his health was not good and on the 20th of August 1821 he was seized with general debility and on the 25th of that month, folded his arms quietly, closed his eyes peacefully and met the cold embrace of death with the fortitude of a sage, patriot and Christian.

Although Gen. Floyd did not possess the Ciceronean eloquence of a Lee or the Demosthenean powers of Adams and Henry, he was one of the most useful men of his day and generation. He marked out his path of duty from the reflections of his own mind and pursued it strictly and fearlessly. For more than fifty years he enjoyed the confidence of his fellow-citizens as a public man and but one year before his decease was made a member of the Electoral College. His example and his labors shed a lustre over his character as rich and enduring as those who were conspicuous in the forum. He was an important link in the golden chain of Liberty. He was a working man--working men were _then_ properly appreciated. The congressional speakers of that day were also more highly appreciated than nine-tenths of them are now for the very good reason that they were laconic on all subjects. Long speeches were as uncommon as they are now frequent and useless. If we desire the prosperity of our country and the perpetuity of our UNION let us imitate the examples of the patriots whose actions we delight to rehearse and preserve in its pristine purity the rich boon of LIBERTY they have transmitted to us.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

A man who is self-made and by his own exertions and untiring industry becomes a great man, often excels the mere student of the college in mental vigor as much as the hard fisted mechanic excels him physically.

The former, usually without the means and often without the advantages of paternal or maternal care, is compelled to become familiar with men and things, without a knowledge of which, the classics are a mere toy and the high branches of science only an ornament. With the never ending every day concerns of life where usefulness holds her dominion they have little to do. A man of letters who is unacquainted with the routine of business transactions is incapable of protecting his own interests--of course he cannot be useful to community until he goes through another and more important course of study. A great change is necessary in most of our colleges to make full men of students. Hence the blasted hopes of many a fond father who is led astray by the popular error--that colleges mould all their students into MEN. A large majority of the most useful citizens of our country, from its first settlement to the present time, never enjoyed a collegiate education. Especially was this the case with many of the sages and heroes of the Revolution whose memory we delight to honor and perpetuate.

Such was the case of Benjamin Franklin, born at Boston on 17th of January 1706--exactly ninety years before the writer. His father was among the Puritans who fled from persecution and sought repose in the wilds of Massachusetts. His parents were poor but honest and respectable. This may seem paradoxical to the aristocracy of the present day--but is unquestionably true. The time _was_ when poverty was not a _crime_ nor wealth a mask for corruption. Honesty and industry were _formerly_ the brightest stars on the escutcheon of fame.

At an early age Benjamin Franklin exhibited a mind of superior cast and a strong desire for improvement. His pious parents advanced his education as far as their limited means would enable them being anxious to see this son prepared for the pulpit. At the age of ten years his father was compelled to take him from school to aid him in the chandler business. This did not arrest the onward course of his genius. Original in every trait of his character, eccentric in his manner, the child of bold experiment, he commenced the study of natural philosophy in the midst of candle wicks, tallow and soap. He first ascertained the precise quantity of sleep and food requisite to sustain nature and the kind of aliment most conducive to health. At that early age he adopted a system of temperance, frugality and economy, worthy the imitation of men. He accustomed himself to meet every disappointment without a murmur. He continued to improve his mind by reading during every hour he was not at labor. Nothing passed by him unnoticed. His expanding intellect drew philosophy from nature, things and men. He reasoned, analyzed, moralized and improved from everything he saw. Hence the vast and rapid expansion of his towering genius that ultimately commanded the awe of kings and the admiration of the world--comprehending the philosophy of mind, nature, science, art, government--all the relations of creation from the dust under his feet--the myriads of animalculae in a drop of water, up to the bright seraphs in the skies and up to Nature's God.

A mind like his would not long be confined in a chandler shop. Open and honest at all times and under all circumstances, he apprised his father of his wish to change his occupation. He was bound to his brother to learn the art of printing. His industry enabled him to master his profession rapidly. All his leisure moments were employed in study, thus preparing himself for a useful and glorious career through future life--leaving a bright example worthy the imitation of every apprentice in our country.

So intently bent on the acquisition of knowledge--he often preferred his book to his meal and studied whole nights--defying the commands of Morpheus. He was paid a weekly sum for his board and adopting a simple vegetable diet was enabled to save money for the purchase of books. He selected them with reference to substantial usefulness. He studied with enthusiasm the Memorabilia of Xenophon and found a model in Socrates which he delighted in imitating.

About this time he was seized with the scribbling mania. Committing the usual error of youthful authors--he offered his first sacrifice to Calliope the goddess of heroic poetry. The production was applauded but his father turned his rhyming propensity into ridicule and encouraged him to write prose. Fearing the shafts of criticism, he had several articles published in the paper edited by his brother, in so clandestine a manner that the author was not suspected. Finding that they were admired, he says his vanity did not long keep the world ignorant of the writer.

Flattery from others caused him to assume an air of importance that soon resulted in an open rupture between him and his brother. For some time he endured a course of harsh treatment and at length resolved to free himself from the chains of bondage. He embraced the first opportunity for New York. Not being able to obtain business there he proceeded to Philadelphia on foot and alone. On his arrival he had but one dollar--was a stranger only seventeen years of age and knew not where to go. On entering Market street his eccentric appearance excited the gaze of the multitude as much as his gigantic talents subsequently did the gaze of the world. He had a roll of bread under each arm and proceeded to the margin of the Delaware river and partook of his bread and pure water. His pockets were enormously enlarged with the various articles of his wardrobe rendering him a fair representation of old Boniface.

There were then but two printing offices in Philadelphia. In one of these he obtained the situation of compositor. He now reduced his theories of economy to successful practice maintaining himself at a trifling expense--pursuing a correct and industrious career which gained for him the esteem of all his acquaintances. Among others, his talents attracted the attention of Sir William Keith, then Governor of the province, who invited him to his house and treated him with great kindness. The Governor was a man whose liberality in _promises_ went beyond the dust in his purse. Anxious to see his young friend placed in more prosperous circumstances by his benefaction he proposed to set him up in business. He at once gave him letters to London. On his arrival there, Franklin found that no pecuniary arrangements had been made for him by his _tongue_ benefactor. He was in a strange land, without money to pay his return passage. He took a new lesson in the school of experience in which he delighted to study. Disappointment did not deject him. He soon obtained employment and gained the confidence and esteem of his new acquaintances. At the end of eighteen months he embarked for Philadelphia. On his passage he digested a set of rules for future action substantially as follows. I resolve to be frugal--to speak truth at all times--never to raise expectations not to be realized--to be sincere, industrious, stable--to speak ill of no man--to cover rather than expose the faults of others and to do all the good I can to my fellow man.

Upon this foundation, formed of the unadulterated materials of _primitive_ Christianity, he raised a superstructure, more beautiful and as enduring as the proudest memorials of Greece and Rome. When the whole human family shall adopt and fully exemplify these rules, we may hope to see millennial glory eclipse the meridian sun and cover the earth with one broad sheet of celestial light.

He arrived at Philadelphia on the 11th of October 1726 and became the clerk of the merchant who owned the goods brought over by the ship in which he took his passage. His proverbial industry made him as successful in the counting house as at the press--showing a rare versatility of talent. His future prospects in this new sphere of action brightened as time rolled on but were suddenly blasted by the death of his employer. He then returned to the types--worked a few months for his old patron where he found a partner with more money than skill and with him commenced a lucrative business. His industry and artistic talents were now put in full requisition. He manned his wheel-barrow in collecting material for business--put nature on short allowance and by punctuality and perseverance gained many valuable friends and money enough to purchase the interest of his partner who had become worthless and embarrassing to the firm.

Up to this time Franklin had been fortune's foot-ball. His life had been a complete checker board of changing vicissitudes, blasted hopes and keen disappointments. Amidst all the stormy trials that had tossed his youthful bark on the surges of misfortune--surrounded by the foaming breakers of vice in all its delusive and borrowed forms--he never became tarnished by corruption or the commission of a bad or mean action. The moral and religious principles deeply planted in his mind during childhood by parental instruction--were as lasting as life--a happy illustration of the faithfulness of parents towards their children. Fathers and mothers think of this and govern yourselves accordingly.

Having become liberated from his business partner, he felt the necessity and propriety of choosing one that would fill up the vacuum in his side and share with him the joys and sorrows flesh is heir to. In 1730, he entered into partnership for life with a widow lady whose maiden name was Read, for whom he had contracted an attachment previous to her first marriage. In him she found a kind husband--in her he found an agreeable and discreet companion.

Philanthropy predominated in the heart of Franklin. To better the condition of his fellow men gave him exquisite pleasure. The rules governing the "Junto" formed by him and now merged in the "Philosophical Society," exhibit a superior knowledge of human nature--illustrating clearly the duty of man to the creature and Creator. They breathe universal charity, kindness, benevolence and good will to all mankind. Among them is one for the suppression of intemperance--a prophetic prelude to the exertions of the present day in this noble cause. He had profited by the experience of the past which enabled him to steer clear of the rocks and quicksands of error on which many are ruined and lost. His bark had outrode many a storm--prosperity was his future lot. His new partner smiled upon him, his friends esteemed him, a life of usefulness was before him--in the pleasures of the present, past pains were lost.

In 1732 he commenced the publication of the "Poor Richard's Almanac" which he continued up to 1737, circulating 10,000 copies annually. Although under a humble title it was a work of great merit and usefulness--being replete with maxims and rules calculated for everyday use in the various relations of life--rules and maxims of the highest importance to be known and practised but not learned in high seminaries. So highly was it prized in Europe that it was translated into several languages. He also commenced the publication of a newspaper which was conducted with great ability--free from all personal abuse and scurrility--a messenger of truth and wholesome instruction. Would to God the same could be said of _all_ the present public prints.

Franklin continued to pursue his studies--mastering the French, Italian, Spanish and Latin languages. By the "Junto" a small library was commenced which was the nucleus to the present large collection in the city of Philadelphia. He wrote and published a highly interesting pamphlet on the necessity of paper currency. He added to his literary fame by the production of essays on various subjects written in his peculiar style. He filled successfully the office of state printer, of clerk to the Assembly and of post-master in Philadelphia. He used unwearied exertions to perfect the municipal regulations of the city. He was the father and patron of the Philosophical Society, the Pennsylvania University and Hospital. All the enterprises in the city and province, of that time, were either originated by him or were advanced by his wisdom and counsel.

In 1741 he commenced the publication of a General Magazine filled with much useful matter but less acceptable than his former productions to many--probing, as it did, litigated points in theology. It was too universal in its charity to suit sectarians. Let these barriers be removed--then the gospel will have free course-run and be glorified.

The mechanic arts were also improved by him. He brought to their aid philosophy, chemistry and a combination of science, economy and the laws of nature. He improved chimneys--constructed a stove and proposed many useful and economical corrections in domestic concerns from the cellar to the garret--from the plough to the mill. Science bowed to his master spirit, the arts hailed him as a patron, the lightning obeyed his magic rod and nature was proud of her favorite son.

In 1744 he was elected to the Assembly and continued a member for ten consecutive years. Although not a popular speaker, his clear conceptions of correct legislation and the duties of a statesman gave to him an influence over that body before unknown. In all his propositions he was listened to with profound attention.

During the period he was serving his province in the Assembly he explored the fields of experimental philosophy--explaining many of the mysterious phenomena of nature which spread his scientific fame to the remotest bounds of the civilized world. His discoveries in electricity were sufficient to have immortalized his name. He is the first man on record who imparted magnetism to steel--melted metals--killed animals and fired gunpowder by means of electricity. He was the first who reduced to practice the method of conducting the electric fluid from the clouds to the points of steel rods and by them harmless to the ground. All the elements--fluids, air, sea and land with their millions of various substances, passed in review before him.

In 1753 he was sent to Carlisle, Pennsylvania, to conclude a treaty with the Indians. In 1754 he was a delegate to the Congress of Commissioners which met at Albany to devise means of defence against the anticipated hostilities of the French and savages. He then submitted a plan that was unanimously approved by the Congress but was too republican for the creatures of the king.

On the decease of the Deputy Postmaster-General of America, Franklin was appointed to fill the vacancy and raised the department from embarrassment to a fruitful source of revenue to the crown.

Difficulties arose between the proprietaries and government of the province of Pennsylvania, which were referred to the mother country for adjustment. Dr. Franklin was sent by the province to guard its interests and embarked for England in June 1757. He executed the duties of his mission with his usual ability and address--the difficulties were settled and in 1762 he returned. He was then variously employed--regulating the Post-Office Department--making treaties with the Indians and devising means of defence on the frontiers.

New troubles arose between the proprietaries and assembly and in 1764 Dr. Franklin again sailed for England, with instructions to obtain the entire abolishment of proprietary authority. On his arrival he was called upon to perform more important and perilous duties. The plan for taxing the colonies had been long agitated and was now matured by the British ministry. This project he had boldly opposed at the threshold and was now arraigned to answer numerous accusations brought against him by the enemies of liberty.

On the 3d of February 1766, he appeared before the House of Commons to undergo a public examination. He was found equal to the task--his enemies were astounded at his boldness, logic, dignity and skill, whilst his friends were filled with admiration at the able manner he confuted every accusation and defended the rights and interests of his native country. Amidst the attacks of artifice and insolence of power he stood unawed--unmoved--firm as a granite rock. He remained in England eleven years as the agent of the colonies, opposing the encroachments of the ministry upon the rights of Americans. During the whole time the combined efforts of flattery, malice and intrigue could not intimidate or ensnare him. He well understood the etiquette, corruptions and devices of diplomacy. He never bowed his knee to Baal or kissed the hand of a king.

The relations between the two countries had now arrived at a point so significant that Franklin returned to his long neglected home. His person was not safe in England--his services were needed in his now suffering country. He arrived in Philadelphia early in May 1775. He was received with great enthusiasm and immediately elected to the Continental Congress. To this august body he added fresh lustre and dignity. In England he had exhausted every source of prospective reconciliation between the two nations. He feared the colonies were too weak to achieve their Independence but his course was right onward with his colleagues--resolved on LIBERTY OR DEATH.

The talents of Franklin were put in constant requisition. He was always selected to meet the agents of the crown who were at various times commissioned to offer terms of inglorious peace. He always proved himself the uncompromising advocate of Liberty--the shrewd and wary politician--the bold and zealous defender of the rights of his bleeding country--the unflinching friend of universal FREEDOM.

The disasters of the American army during the campaign of 1777, induced Congress to apply to France for aid. All eyes were turned on Franklin to execute this important mission. In October 1777 he embarked to perform this delicate embassy and succeeded in concluding a treaty of alliance with that nation on the 4th of February 1778, to the great joy of himself and his suffering countrymen. When the news of the alliance reached England, the ministry was much alarmed and despatched messengers to Paris to endeavor to induce Franklin to enter into a compromise with Great Britain. The terms rendered the effort too abortive to make him the bearer of even a message to Congress. To Mr. Hutton and others who came to him with the olive branch of peace, wreathed with scorpions, he replied--"I never think of your ministry and their abettors, but with the image strongly painted in my view of their hands red and dropping with the blood of my countrymen, friends and relations. No peace can be signed with those hands unless you drop all pretensions to govern us--meet us on equal terms and avoid all occasions of future discord."