Chapter XIX: Part I: John Adams (15)

He did much to rouse his friends to action by his letters written in the most happy style. In his native state he stood high in the temple of fame--in Congress he was esteemed by all its members. He was continued in that body for several years and when he could be spared served in the legislature of his State. In 1777 he was speaker of the House of Representatives. The same year he was appointed attorney-general by the unanimous vote of both branches of the legislature. He was a prominent member of the committee that formed the Act reducing the price of labor and goods to a standard of equality. In 1779 he was elected to the Executive Council. The numerous duties imposed upon him he discharged to the satisfaction of his constituents. He was continued in the office of attorney-general until 1790. He then declined in order to pursue some more lucrative business to provide for the increasing wants of a large and destitute family. He had expended all his earnings in the cause of freedom but a scanty support. He was then appointed a judge of the Superior Court. He continued on the bench until 1804 when ill health compelled him to resign. He discharged his judicial duties with justice and ability and did much to advance the interests of religion, social order and a sound state of society. On his resignation he was appointed a counsellor of the commonwealth and continued to impart his salutary advice and shed around him a benign influence until the king of terrors closed his useful career on the 11th of May 1814. Calm and resigned he slept in death. He entered Jordan's flood with a full assurance of being hailed with the joyful sentence--"Well done good and faithful servant, enter thou into the joys of thy Lord." If the bright examples here presented fail to benefit the reader his virtue and patriotism are paralyzed.

In the life of Judge Paine we have a picture which the Christian, patriot, jurist and statesmen may contemplate with delightful pleasure. Because he administered the laws strictly some called him harsh but no one dared accuse him of injustice. His integrity was beyond the reach of slander and the assaults of malice. From his solicitude to direct a wayward son in the paths of rectitude he was reported unkind to his family. The tale was as false as the heart was base that originated it. He was all kindness and affection. His anxiety for the welfare and usefulness of this very son is proof of the deepest paternal regard. He was a friend to common school education and the sciences. He was the founder of the American Academy of Massachusetts in 1780. The degree of LL.D. was conferred upon him by the Cambridge University.

Mr. Paine was a striking example of the happy results of perseverance and industry. He became greatly useful and acquired his fame without the aid of patrons in early life--rising by his own exertions and supplying the wants of his destitute and aged parents to the day of their death. His career in public and private life was marked with the purest integrity, the loftiest patriotism, the strictest morality, the most refined consistency and the most exemplary piety. His life was a continued round of usefulness--his labors a blessing to mankind--his death a loss that was keenly felt by his personal friends and the nation at large. A review of his bright examples affords the highest eulogy that can be pronounced upon his character. They will be held in veneration to the remotest period of truth-telling time by all who revere virtue and love Liberty.

JOHN PENN.

A federal republican government is an unlimited partnership of the noblest character. Based upon an equality of original representative stock, an equality of interest in the welfare of the firm devolves upon each individual of the compact. Unlike monopolizing corporations that often make the poor poorer and the rich richer--each stockholder has a right to speak, vote and act upon all questions in primary meetings irrespective of the number of shares held. The specie of the firm consists in equality of representation, natural rights, protection in person, properly and freedom. These precious coins cannot be diminished in quantity or reduced in quality by alloy without courting danger. To aid in preserving them pure is the duty of _all_ and should not be entrusted to the aspiring _few_. Separately and collectively each and the whole are solemnly bound to pursue all honourable means to advance the general good. Each one is bound to bring every talent into use--to leave none in the dark quarry of ignorance, the quagmire of negligence or to rust by inertness. The unfaithful steward that had but one talent was condemned because he did not put it to use. Who can tell what his talents are until he brings them to the light? Rich ores often lie deep. Many men have passed their majority without rising to mediocrity in point of developed intellect and have then suddenly risen, like a blazing meteor and illuminated the world. By several of the signers of the Declaration of Independence this was beautifully demonstrated.

Among these was John Penn, born in Caroline county, Virginia, the 17th of May 1741. He was the only child of Moses Penn who married Catharine, the daughter of John Taylor. The education of the son was confined to the commonest of common schools--the only kind then in his neighbourhood. A little learning has been called a dangerous thing but the amount taught in some common schools at the present era of light is too small to be dangerous--too limited to do much good. The most important branch of the education of that era his parents attended to themselves. By example and precept they taught him the principles of religion, social virtue and moral honesty. Upon a farm young Penn labored with his sire who had but few books and did not desire more. When John was but eighteen years of age his father died and left him a small fortune. He had an increasing thirst for knowledge but no library fountain at which he could drink and drink again until he should have within himself a living stream of mental light. He communicated his ardent desire to improve his education to his neighbor and relative, Edmund Pendleton who was a profound lawyer and an able statesman. Convinced that young Penn possessed strong native talent he made him welcome to his valuable library and became deeply interested in his improvement. After exploring the fields of general science this young philomath commenced the study of law with his relative and brought out mental ores from his long neglected intellectual quarry of a rare and rich variety. Mr. Pendleton was delighted with his pupil and the _pupil_ delighted in pleasing him.

Mr. Penn surmounted the barriers that lay before him with an astonishing rapidity. Before some of his friends supposed he had mastered the elementary principles of Blackstone he presented himself at the court for examination--was admitted to the Bar and at once exhibited the bright plumage of a successful lawyer. But three years previous his now soaring talents were buried deep in their native quarry--unknown and unsuspected--a strong admonition to every reader under similar circumstances to examine closely the quarry of his own immortal mind. The professional eminence of Mr. Penn rose as rapidly as his appearance in the forum was surprising. He gained the confidence of the community, the respect of the courts and the esteem of his senior brethren. In 1763 he doubled his original stock in the firm of the social compact by leading to the hymenial altar the amiable and accomplished Susannah Lyme--thus avoiding the hyemal frost that creeps chillingly over lonely bachelors.

In 1774 Mr. Penn removed to North Carolina. Carrying with him a high legal reputation he soon obtained a lucrative practice. He had participated largely in the patriotic feelings that were spreading over the Colonies like an autumn fire on a prairie. He had fully imbibed the principles of his venerable preceptor who was one of the boldest of the bold Virginians in the vindication of chartered rights and was a member of the general Congress of 1774. The liberal views and splendid talents of Mr. Penn were soon appreciated by his new acquaintances. On the 8th of September 1775 he was appointed to the Continental Congress and repaired to the post of duty and honor the ensuing month. He became an active and prominent member of that venerated assembly of sages whose wisdom, sagacity and intelligence emblazoned the historic page with a new and more brilliant lustre. He served on numerous committees and acquitted himself with great credit in the discharge of every duty that devolved upon him. In the committee room, in the House, among the people--in every situation in which he moved he made the cause of liberty his primary business. So highly were his services appreciated by his constituents that they continued him in Congress until the accumulating dangers that were threatening his own state induced him to decline a re-election in 1779. He was an early and warm supporter of the Declaration of Independence. When the joyful day arrived to take the final question he most cheerfully and boldly sustained it by his vote and signature--enrolling his name with the brightest constellation of illustrious statesmen that ever illuminated a legislative chamber.

South Carolina had been devastated by Lord Cornwallis who was preparing to carry destruction to North Carolina. Emissaries from the British were already within its precincts to prepare the way for the triumphant entry of the cruel foe. Already had the friends of royal power received instructions to seize the most prominent whigs and the military stores with an assurance of immediate support. The cruelties that had been practised in South Carolina carried terror to all but hearts of oak. The sacrifice of Col. Hayne at Charleston in that state, will give the reader a faint idea of the spirit of demoniac revenge that characterized some of the refined and christianized British officers.

When that city fell into his hands, Lord Cornwallis issued a proclamation promising all who would desist from opposing the authority of the king the most sacred protection of person and property on condition that each should sign an instrument of neutrality which obligated the signers not to take up arms against the mother country and exonerated them from serving against their own. Being a prisoner and separated from his wife and six small children then residing in the country--his lady confined with the small pox--Col. Hayne finally signed the fatal instrument with great reluctance upon the solemn assurance of the highly civilized and professedly christianized English officers and James Simpson--intendant of British police, that he should never be required to bear arms in support of the crown. Like Bishop Cranmer, Col. Hayne subscribed to that which his soul detested that he might fly to the relief of his suffering family. As in the case of Bishop Cranmer his enemies pursued him with a relentless persecution that nothing but death could allay--a persecution that would have made the untutored Indian shudder at broken faith and weep tears of blood over violated vows. It was a total disregard of law, justice and humanity.

Soon after his return to his dying wife and little ones the British called at his house and ordered him into the army of the mother country and threatened him with close confinement if he refused. In vain he referred them to the conditions upon which he so reluctantly signed the article of neutrality. In vain he claimed protection under the provincial militia law that imposed a fine when a citizen chose not to render personal service. To his relentless oppressors all was a dead letter. He pointed them to the wife of his bosom--the mother of his children--sinking under the small pox and rapidly approaching another world. Their sympathy was sealed--their compassion frozen up. In a few short hours Mrs. Hayne closed her eyes in death. She rested in peace. A different fate was in reserve for the afflicted husband. The order to enter the British army must be obeyed or immediate imprisonment would follow. By the violation of the pledges made to him on their part he correctly considered himself absolved from all obligations to the officers of the crown. He at once entered the American army, preferring death to the ranks of the invaders. A brilliant but short career in the service of his country awaited him. He was soon made a prisoner and sent to Charleston where Lord Rawdon, a general of his most _Christian_ majesty, loaded him with irons--submitted him to a mock trial--_ex parte_ in its proceedings and conclusions--based on revenge and cruelty, resolved on the speedy and ignominious death of his victim. Col. Hayne was sentenced to be hung. Amazement and dismay, indignation and surprise were strongly manifested by all classes. A large proportion of the friends of the crown deemed the transaction a species of murder. A petition--headed by the royal governor and numerously signed by persons of high standing who still adhered to the mother country was presented to Lord Rawdon in behalf of the unfortunate prisoner but all in vain.

"Still revenge sat brooding on his dark and sullen brow
And the grim fiends of hell urged his soul on to murder."

The ladies of Charleston--wives and daughters of royalists and whigs, then united in a petition couched in the most moving language--praying that the life of Col. Hayne might be spared. This met with a cold reception and peremptory refusal. As a last effort to rescue their father from the gallows--his infant children, dressed in deep mourning and bathed in tears, were led before Lord Rawdon. Upon their knees, with their suffused eyes fixed upon him, they addressed the monster in a strain of heart-moving eloquence that none but infant innocents can express--none but fiends resist. "_Our mother is dead--spare! O! spare our dear father!!!_

"But still he stood unmoved,
Hard as the adamantine rock,
Dark as a sullen cloud before the sun."

So melting was this scene that veteran soldiers wept aloud and all were astounded at the demoniac course of the blood thirsty and relentless Rawdon. A request was then made that Col. Hayne might be permitted to die as a military officer and not hung as a felon. This was also denied. As a devout Christian the martyr resigned himself to his cruel fate and prepared his mind for the approaching crisis. His little son was permitted to visit him in prison. When he saw his father loaded with irons he burst into tears. The parent remarked to him, "Why will you break my heart with unavailing sorrow? Have I not often told you that we came into this world to prepare for a better? For that better life, dear boy, your father is prepared. Instead of weeping, rejoice with me that my troubles are so near an end. To-morrow I set out for immortality. When I am dead bury me by the side of your mother." No imagination can fully conceive--no fancy can truly paint--no pen clearly portray, no language can half express the heart rending reality of that last sad interview between the father and his son. When upon the fatal drop with the accursed halter around his neck--Col. Hayne shook hands with his friends--bade them an affectionate farewell--urged them to persevere in the glorious cause of freedom--recommended his children to the protection of three gentlemen present and the next moment was struggling in death. The sight was too much for his son--his brain became disordered--his reason fled--he died insane. With his expiring breath he faintly whispered--"_My mother is dead!--Spare! O! spare my dear father!!!_"

Fortunately for North Carolina the efficient and sagacious Greene with his brave officers and half clad soldiers checked the triumphant and murderous career of the British army. The operations of this brave General were greatly accelerated by Mr. Penn. In 1780, when Lord Cornwallis penetrated the western part of the state to Charlottetown, the crisis became alarming and this bold patriot was placed at the helm of public affairs with almost unlimited power. He was authorized to seize supplies by force and do all things that he deemed necessary to repel the invading foe. He proved equal to the emergency. He knew his duty and performed it with such discretion and prudence that no complaints of injustice were heard. The state was saved from a merciless enemy--Tarleton was humbled--Ferguson killed and Cornwallis put on his back track at double quick time.

After discharging the duties imposed by his own state Mr. Penn retired to private life and the pursuit of his profession. In 1784 he was appointed Receiver of Taxes for North Carolina--a high encomium upon his reputation for integrity. Fatigued with public service he resigned this office in a few months. He then bid a final farewell to the perplexing duties of political life and took his exit from the public arena decked with a civic wreath of unfading honor. He again entered into the soul-cheering enjoyments of domestic felicity which were soon exchanged for those of another and brighter world. In September 1788 he was gathered to his fathers and laid in the silent tomb there to await the resurrection of the great day. He was cut down just as he began to enjoy the fruits of his labors--in the prime of life and left a vacuum in society not readily filled. His grave was moistened with tears--a nation mourned his loss.

In all the relations of private life and public action Mr. Penn was a model of rare perfection. As a counsellor and advocate he stood on a commanding eminence. His forensic eloquence was strongly pathetic. The court and jury were often suffused with tears when listening to his appeals. As a patriot and statesman he stood approved by his country. His disposition was mild and benevolent--his purposes pure and firm. He was a good and honest man. Let the young men who are just stepping on the stage of action imitate John Penn in his successful efforts to be useful. Banish the doctrine that power shall be monopolized by a few. This principle should never gain credence in a republican government where every individual is equally interested in the cardinal points of freedom--_personal liberty equally secured--personal rights equally enjoyed_. So long as these points are fully exemplified our UNION is safe.

JOSIAH QUINCY.

The magic power of the press cannot be too highly appreciated nor its abuses too deeply deprecated. The newspapers of the day have become the controlling power of public opinion. No course of reading so fully presents the present aspect of society. Were all our editors governed by lofty patriotism, sound logic, strict justice, enlarged philanthropy, universal charity, moral courage, sterling integrity and undeviating courtesy--a harmonious tone would be given to community that would usher in the day-spring of transporting harmony. But few of the editorial corps seem to feel the high responsibility resting upon them. Too many are the automatons of political parties and issue sheets not calculated to improve the mind, correct the head or better the heart. The politics of the present day have become disgusting to genuine patriots who deem the good of their country paramount to party triumph. Demagogues discard the old landmarks of '76. Many of our laws are based upon party principles without reference to the good of our country--a very sandy foundation. Let editors banish all party control and venality from the press and send forth rays of living light that will purify our political and moral atmosphere--then our government will be healthful, vigorous and strong.

The silken cords of our Union have been strained to their utmost tension several times. We have an accumulating mass of combustible materials in our midst. Our bond of Union has been put at issue by the meddlesome and sensitive--the fanaticism of the one part and the boiling passions of the other are encouraged by demagogues--the virtue of the people can alone preserve it. A little more steam upon the locomotive of disunion--a little more fuel from the north and fire from the south may burst the boiler and destroy the beautiful engine of our LIBERTY. More than any other class--editors can insure the perpetuity of our UNION. Let conductors of the public press soar above all selfish and demagogue influences and become shining examples of purity in the broadest sense of the term. Then our tree of LIBERTY will continue to rise in majesty sublime and as it towers upward will send forth flashes of light upon the oppressed millions of the old world who will yet rise in all the might of their native dignity--demolish the thrones of monarchs--sing the requiem of tyrants and strike for FREEDOM--the crowning glory of man.

All the patriots of the American Revolution whose opinions we know, deprecated the venality of the press. Among the pioneer sages was Josiah Quincy who was born in Boston, Mass. in 1745. In childhood he manifested unusual talents which were highly cultivated in Harvard College where he graduated with high honors. He then read law and became an ornament to the Boston bar. His eloquence was of that commanding kind that at once rivets the attention of an audience. His logic was forcible, his demonstrations clear, his arguments convincing, his conclusions happy, his action captivating. A bright career was apparently before him which gave promise of extensive usefulness to his country and honor to himself.

He was among the first to espouse the cause of the oppressed Colonies. He was one of the boldest champions of the people. He had their confidence, esteem and admiration. Although surrounded and threatened by the myrmidons of the crown he fearlessly and publicly opposed the unrighteous pretensions of the British ministry. He lucidly pointed out the various innovations upon chartered rights that had become sacred by long enjoyment and repeatedly sanctioned by declaratory Acts of Parliament. Had the colonists tamely surrendered them they would have been unworthy of the rights of freemen. Thank God--they did not surrender them. Anxious to maintain them peaceably, they sent Mr. Quincy to England in 1774 for the purpose of reconciling, existing difficulties. Among the people he found many who deprecated the course of ministers--a respectable minority of the eminent British statesmen considered the advisers of the king visionary in their plans--unreasonable in their demands. Finding that mother Britain was madly bent on ruin Mr. Quincy left for his native land. He reached Cape Ann Harbor on the 25th of April 1775 and died the same day deeply mourned by a nation just bursting into life.

His course was brilliant but transient. Like some rich flowers that bloom at distant periods only for a short time--so bloomed this distinguished patriot--then disappeared for ever from the human gaze. He bloomed long enough to richly perfume the atmosphere of patriotism around him and rouse those to action who inhaled the rich perfumes of LIBERTY emitted from his noble soul. With such men as Josiah Quincy our Press would be pure--our UNION safe.

GEORGE READ.

When an individual is presented with both horns of the dilemma--Liberty or slavery--the one to be obtained with blood--the other a tame submission to chains--if he is worthy the name of MAN--his mental and physical powers are at once roused to action. He does not stop to explore the avenues of obtuse metaphysics, speculative dogmas or fastidious etiquette. He flies to first principles and strains his reason and genius to their utmost tension to aid him. He puts forth his mightiest efforts--boldest exertions--strongest energies to extricate himself from surrounding difficulties--impending dangers. He performs astonishing feats rather than become a serf and surmounts the cloud-capped summit of an Alpine barrier that he would have never reached under ordinary circumstances.

The same proposition may be extended to a nation. The history of the American Revolution demonstrates it most clearly. The colonists were placed upon the piercing horns of an awful dilemma--apparently doomed to slavery or death. By their unparalleled efforts, crowned with the blessing of God, they were ultimately delivered from their perilous situation and survived the gores and bruises received in the unequal conflict. This was effected by men of strong intellect, clear heads, good hearts and sound judgments--men of strong moral courage who could reason, plan, execute. The _flowers_ of literature were not then culled to form a bouquet for legislative halls. Plain common sense, sterling worth, useful knowledge, practical theorems, honesty of purpose, energy of action--all based upon pure patriotism and love of LIBERTY were the grand requisites to ensure popular favor.

All those were concentrated in George Read who was the son of John Read a wealthy and respectable planter who came from Dublin, Ireland and located in Cecil County, Maryland, where George was born in 1734. The father subsequently removed to Newcastle County, Delaware and placed this son in a school at Chester, Pennsylvania, where he received his primary tuition. From there he was transferred to the seminary of Rev. Dr. Allison who was eminently qualified to mould the mind for usefulness by imparting correct and liberal principles, practical knowledge and general intelligence fit for every day use--combining the whole with refined classics and polite literature. Under this accomplished teacher Mr. Read completed his education and at the age of seventeen commenced the study of law under John Moland a distinguished member of the Philadelphia bar. So astonishing was his proficiency that he was admitted to the practice of his profession at the age of nineteen with a better knowledge of the elements of law than some practitioners obtain through life. He was also well prepared to enter upon the practice of his profession, having had the entire charge of Mr. Moland's business for several months. He was one of those rare geniuses that seemed endowed with intuition.

He commenced a successful practice at Newcastle in 1754 and at once grappled with old and experienced counsellors. His thorough knowledge of the primary principles of law, his acuteness in pleading, his urbanity of manners, his noble and courteous bearing in court, gained for him the esteem and confidence of the judges, his senior brethren and of the community. As a natural consequence his practice soon became lucrative. His forte did not consist in a flowery show but in a deep-toned and grave forensic eloquence that informs the understanding and carries conviction to the mind. He rarely appealed to the passions of court or jury--preferring to stand upon the legitimate basis of the law clearly expounded--the testimony honestly stated.

On the 13th of April 1763 he was appointed Attorney General for the three lower counties of Delaware and held the office until called to the duties of legislation. The same year he led to the hymeneal altar an amiable, pious and accomplished daughter of the Rev. George Ross of Newcastle--thus adding largely to the stake he held in the welfare of his country--enhancing his earthly joys and giving him an influence and rank in society unknown to lonely bachelors. She fully supplied the vacuum abhorred by nature and proved a consolation to him amidst the toils, perils, pains and pleasures of subsequent life.

Mr. Read was a republican to the core. From the commencement to the close of the Revolution he was a bold and unyielding advocate of equal rights and liberal principles. When the questions in dispute assumed the form of serious discussion between the two countries he at once resigned the office of Attorney General held under the crown. In 1765 he was elected a member of the Delaware Assembly and was instrumental in laying deep the foundations of the superstructure of LIBERTY. He was prudent, calm and discreet in all his actions--but firm, bold and resolute. He was a member of the committee of the Delaware Assembly that so ably addressed the king upon the subject of grievances and redress. He was in favor of exhausting the magazine of petition and remonstrance--if to no purpose then to replenish with powder and ball. He did not nor did any of the Signers of the Declaration originally contemplate a dissolution of the ties that bound the Colonies to the mother country. They could not believe until "the death" forced the truth upon them--that ministers would commit political suicide. This done, as Americans are proverbial for humanity and decency the compound _felo de se_ was interred with a calm dignified solemnity.

Mr. Read and his coadjutors understood the rights secured by Magna Charta and the Constitution of England and knew that those rights were trampled upon by the hirelings of the crown. To vindicate them was his firm resolve. He knew and weighed well the superior physical powers of the oppressors but he believed the majesty of eternal justice and the kind aid of Heaven would be vouchsafed to sustain the patriots in their struggle to sustain their inalienable rights. He believed the project of taxation without representation to pamper royal corruption to be so heinous that the scheme would be crushed by the blighting curse of an offended Deity. Nor did he err in his reasonable conclusions. That curse came with the force of a sweeping avalanche--British power was annihilated in America.

On the 17th of August 1769 he published an appeal to his constituents, calling upon them to resist the encroachments of tyranny. Its language was bold and forcible, portraying in colors deep and strong their rights and wrongs, pointing out the path of duty so plain that a tory need not have erred therein. This talismanic production sealed the fate of British power in patriotic Delaware--small in size but a giant in action. The hirelings of the crown saw the writing upon many walls and were suddenly attacked with a Belshazzar tremor and found no balance in America to restore an equilibrium.

Mr. Read sanctioned the various non-importation resolutions passed by his own and other Colonies. This was the first measure adopted to negative the designs of ministers by refraining from the use of all taxable articles whether of luxuries or daily consumption. Had the colonists not presented so bold a front at the onset the non-importation resolutions would have probably been paralyzed by an Act of Parliament compelling them to use the taxable articles in quantities so large that the accruing revenue would have enabled the cabinet to revel in profligacy.

He was chairman of the committee of twelve appointed by the people of Newcastle on the 29th of June 1774 to obtain subscriptions for the Boston sufferers, then writhing under the lash of the infamous Port Bill passed by Parliament for the purpose of chastising the refractory "rebels" of that patriotic city. In February following he had the exquisite pleasure of remitting nine hundred dollars to them. The receipt was eloquently acknowledged by Samuel Adams who was one of his faithful correspondents.

Mr. Read was a member of the Congress of 1774 and continued a member during the Revolution. He was also President of the Convention that formed the first Constitution of Delaware in 1776. He was a member of the Delaware Assembly for twelve years in succession and a portion of that time Vice President of the state. In the autumn of 1777 President M'Kinley fell into the hands of the enemy which compelled Mr. Read to leave Congress for a season and perform the duties of Chief Magistrate of his state. On his way home with his family he was compelled to pass through Jersey. In crossing the Delaware from Salem his boat was discovered by those on board the British fleet then lying just below. An armed barge was sent in pursuit. Mr. Read's boat stuck in the mud and was soon overtaken. By effacing the marks upon his baggage before he was boarded and having with him his wife and children he convinced those from the fleet he was a country gentleman on his way to his farm and solicited their assistance to put him and his family on shore. They cheerfully complied with his request and landed him and his precious charge safely on the Delaware side of the river. The open frankness and calmness of himself and lady saved them from the horrors of a prison-ship and probably him from an exhibition upon the yard-arm of a man of war.

The duties of Chief Magistrate of his state were very imposing at that time. Internal discussions were to be reconciled--an intercourse by many of the inhabitants with the British fleet to be broken up--ways and means for his own and the general government to be provided and some plan devised to procure the release of the President. A conquering foe was flushed with victory in all directions. In the midst of all these perils he stood firmly at the helm and outrode every storm. He proved equal to every emergency and added fresh lustre to his growing fame.

When the Declaration of Independence was under discussion he believed the measure premature but when adopted he cheerfully placed his name on this monument of fame. In 1779 ill health compelled him to retire from the public arena for a year when he again resumed his legislative duties. In 1782 he was appointed a judge of appeals in the Court of Admiralty. In 1785 he was one of the commissioners to settle the boundary line between New York and Massachusetts. The next year he was a delegate to the convention of states convened at Annapolis to regulate the Commerce of the Union. In 1787 he was one of that talented convention that framed the Federal Constitution. He was a Senator in the first Congress convened under that Constitution and served six years. He was Chief Justice of Delaware from 1793 to the time of his death. Upon the Bench he had few equals and no superior. In all these responsible stations he acquitted himself nobly and did honor to his country and the cause of rational freedom.

The person of Mr. Read was above the middle size, well formed with a commanding and agreeable deportment. He was scrupulously honest, rigidly just. When he arrived at his majority he assigned his portion of the paternal estate to his brothers, deeming the expenses of his education equivalent to his share. He was systematic even in the smallest concerns of life. He abhorred vice of every kind. He enjoyed a good health in his old age up to the autumn of 1798 when, after a sudden and short illness, he closed his eyes on terrestrial scenes and resigned his spirit into the hands of the wise Disposer of all events.

As a civilian, statesman, magistrate, patriot, philanthropist, gentleman, husband, father, citizen and public benefactor--George Read was a model worthy of all admiration and the exactest imitation. All who imitate his noble career will go for the UNION forever.

CAESAR RODNEY.

Genealogy was once a kind of titular idol held in great veneration. The biographer made it his first stepping-stone--one of the main pillars of his superstructure. In countries where the iron sceptre of monarchy is still swayed--where titles of honor create lineal dignity without regard to merit--where blood is analyzed by political chemistry and all the precipitants are rejected but the carbonate of noble and royal pedigree--where the crown descends upon a _non compos mentis_ incumbent with the same certainty that it reaches a man of good intellect--genealogy is still measurably the criterion by which to determine the importance and weight of character. As light and intelligence shed their benignant rays upon mankind the deference paid to this titular phantom will be diminished. Where rational liberty reigns triumphant merit alone creates dignity. The man is measured by his actions--not by the purple fluid in his veins or conduct of his relations. In our free country genealogy is a matter of curiosity--not of veneration. The son of a coal cracker or cobbler can rise to the highest station within the gift of the people by the force of talent and merit. I am aware that the aristocracy of wealth is a noxious weed that spreads its deleterious branches through our cities and large towns but not yet so widely and luxuriant as to prevent merit and genius from acquiring a rapid and healthful growth. In times of danger and peril its power will be lessened in the same ratio that these increase. In an atmosphere purely republican it withers and dies.

But few families in these United States can trace their ancestors so far back as the Rodneys of Delaware. They came into England with the Norman queen Maud [Matilda] in 1141 and were among the bravest military chieftains who led in the Norman conquest. At all subsequent periods they were prominent in directing the destinies of Britain. To those who are conversant with the history of the various periods of public commotion in that kingdom--the name of Sir Walter de Rodney is familiar, with many others of the same lineage. They were able in council and war. They were conspicuous in the civil, military and naval departments and received the highest honors that could be awarded to their rank by kings and queens. They were marked for magnanimity and liberal views.

Under the auspices of William Penn William Rodney came to Philadelphia who was a branch of this ancient family. He was the son of William Rodney of England and settled in Kent, Delaware. His mother, Alice, was the daughter of Sir Thomas Caesar a wealthy English merchant. William Rodney left one son, Caesar, who was the father of the subject of this biographette. This son was born at Dover, Kent county, Delaware in 1730. He received a good education and inherited a large real estate from his father. He possessed a strong and penetrating mind, firmness of purpose, decision of character, an abundant share of keen wit and good humor, a large stock of experimental intelligence and practical knowledge with discretion to know how, when and where to bring these important qualities into action. With endowment's like those Mr. Rodney spread his canvass to the popular breeze and commenced his voyage of public life. His cabin stores were purely republican and liberal in quantity.

In 1758 he became high sheriff of his native county and discharged his duties in a manner that gained for him the confidence and esteem of the citizens generally. At the expiration of his term he was appointed a Justice of the Peace and a judge of the lower courts. In October 1762 he took his seat in the Legislature at Newcastle and became an active and influential member. He was one of the committee that prepared the answer to the message of the governor and was on other important committees. At the close of the session he was put in possession of the great seal to be affixed to the laws that had been passed at that term.

When the rights of the Colonies were infringed by assumptions of arrogated power on the part of mother Britain, Mr. Rodney was among the first who took a bold stand in favor of justice. He was a member of the Congress that convened at New York in 1765 to remonstrate against the Stamp Act and other threatened innovations upon the privileges of the Colonies that had been long enjoyed and were guarantied by the social compact between the king of Great Britain and his "dutiful and most loyal subjects in America." After the Stamp Act was repealed Messrs. Rodney, M'Kean and Read were appointed a committee to prepare an address to the king expressive of the joy produced throughout the Colony by this event. It is substantially the same as those prepared by the other Colonies and shows clearly the feelings of loyalty that pervaded the people at that time. The following is the body of the address.

"We cannot help glorying in being the subjects of a king that has made the preservation of the civil and religious rights of his people and the established constitution the foundation and constant rule of government and the safety, ease and prosperity of his people his chiefest care--of a king whose mild and equal administration is sensibly fell and enjoyed in the remotest part of his dominions. The clouds which lately hung over America are dissipated. Our complaints have been heard and our grievances redressed--trade and commerce again flourish. Our hearts are animated with the warmest wishes for the prosperity of the mother country for which our affection is unbounded and your faithful subjects here are transported with joy and gratitude. Such are the blessings we may justly expect will ever attend the measures of your Majesty pursuing steadily the united and true interests of all your people throughout your wide extended empire assisted with the advice and support of a British Parliament and a virtuous and wise ministry. We most humbly beseech your Majesty graciously to accept the strongest assurances that having the justest sense of the many favors we have received from your royal benevolence during the course of your majesty's reign and how much of our present happiness is owing to your paternal love and care for your people. We will at all times most cheerfully contribute to your majesty's service to the utmost of our abilities when your royal requisitions, as heretofore, shall be made known--that your majesty will always find such returns of duty and gratitude from us as the best of kings may expect from the most loyal subjects and that we will demonstrate to all the world that the support of your majesty's government and the honor and interests of the British nation are our chief care and concern, desiring nothing more than the continuance of your wise and excellent constitution in the same happy, firm and envied situation in which it was delivered to us from our ancestors and your majesty's predecessors."

With the feelings expressed in this address the conclusion is irresistible that nothing but the most cruel oppressions could have driven the American people to a revolution. A similar expression of feeling was sent to the king from all the Colonies.

"Whom the gods would destroy they first make mad."

So with the British ministry--they were madly bent on reducing their American brethren to unconditional subjection and after a short interval commenced a system of oppression upon a broader, bolder scale. Again the people appealed to their king--but appealed in vain. Mr. Rodney was upon the committee that prepared a second address to his majesty just before the Revolution in the following language:

"The sense of our deplorable condition will, we hope, plead with your majesty in our behalf for the freedom we take in dutifully remonstrating against the proceedings of a British Parliament--confessedly the wisest and greatest assembly upon earth. But if our fellow subjects of Great Britain, who derive no authority from us, who cannot, in our humble opinion, represent us and to whom we will not yield in loyalty and affection to your majesty, can, at their will and pleasure, of right give and grant away our property--if they can enforce an implicit obedience to every order or act of theirs for that purpose and deprive all or any of the Assemblies on this continent of the power of legislation for differing with them in opinion in matters which intimately affect their rights and interests and everything that is dear and valuable to Englishmen--we cannot imagine a case more miserable--we cannot think we shall have the shadow of Liberty left. We conceive it to be an inherent right in your majesty's subjects, derived to them from God and nature--handed down by their ancestors--confirmed by your royal predecessors and the constitution, in person or by their representatives, to give and to grant to their sovereign those things which their own labor and their own cares have acquired and saved and in such proportions and at such times as the national honor and interest may require. Your majesty's faithful subjects of this government have enjoyed this inestimable privilege uninterrupted, from its first existence till of late. They have at all times cheerfully contributed to the utmost of their abilities for your majesty's service as often as your royal requisition was made known and they cannot, but with the greatest uneasiness and distress of mind, part with the power of demonstrating their loyalty and affection for their beloved king."

Addresses similar to this were laid before the king from all the Colonies and from the Congress of 1774. The struggle between loyal affection and a submission to wrongs was truly agonizing. This affection and the physical weakness of the Colonies are proof strong as holy writ that British oppression was raised to the zenith of cruelty. The history of the American Revolution should be a striking lesson in all future time to those in power not to draw the cords of authority too tightly. It affords a cheering example to all persons to resist every encroachment upon their liberty.

In 1769 Mr. Rodney was chosen speaker of the Assembly of Delaware and continued to fill the chair for several years with honor and dignity. Among other things he introduced an amendment to a bill relative to slaves, prohibiting their importation into the Colony. So ably did he advocate this humane proposition that it was lost only by two votes. The same philanthropic feeling was increasing through the states until England, by her emissary Dr. Thompson, sowed the seeds of abolition broadcast in our country for the express purpose of dissolving our UNION and of destroying the only republic Europe fears. Digging around the roots of a decaying tree often revives it. Honest men may err.

As the specks of war began to concentrate Mr. Rodney became one of the most active opposers of British tyranny. Excepting a short interval he was a member of Congress from 1774 to 1776 and took a conspicuous part in the general business and discussions of that august body. In his own province he had much to do. The royal attachments were deeply rooted. It required greater exertions to thwart the intrigues of foes within than to repel the attacks of enemies without. In addition to his duties of speaker of the Delaware Assembly and member of Congress those of brigadier-general of militia devolved on him. His numerous messages to his legislature and letters to his officers urging them to decisive action manifested great industry, clearness of perception, firmness of purpose and patriotic zeal. He was in favor of the Declaration of Independence from its first inception. The day previous to the final decision upon this important measure he was in Delaware devising means to arrest the career of certain Tories in the lower end of the province. Mr. McKean informed him by express of the approaching crisis. He immediately mounted his horse and arrived at Philadelphia just in time to dismount and enter the hall of Congress and give his vote for LIBERTY and affix his name to that bold instrument that dissolved allegiance to England's king and created a compact of freemen.

In the autumn of 1776 the Tories defeated his election to Congress. With increasing zeal he entered the field of military operations. He repaired to Princeton soon after the brave Haslet and Mercer fell, fighting for the cause of justice and freedom. He remained with the army two months and received the approval of Washington expressed in the following letter written from Morristown, N. J. on the 18th of February 1777.

"The readiness with which you took the field at the period most critical to our affairs--the industry you used in bringing out the militia of Delaware State and the alertness observed by you in forwarding troops to Trenton--reflect the highest honor on your character and place your attachment to the cause in the most distinguished point of view. They claim my sincerest thanks and I am happy in this opportunity in giving them to you."

On his return he was appointed a judge of the Supreme Court organized under the new order of things. He declined serving believing he could be more useful in some other sphere. About that time an open insurrection broke out in Sussex County in his State. He immediately repaired to the scene of insubordination and quelled it with only the appearance of force. At the time the British were preparing to march from the Chesapeake to the Brandywine he was stationed south of the American army for the purpose of throwing his force between the enemy and their shipping. In the field and in the legislative hall he was alike active.

In December 1777 he was again elected to Congress. The legislature of his State being in session he concluded to remain until it rose. Before its adjournment he was elected President of Delaware which prevented him from serving in the national legislature. His services in his new station were of great importance. His exertions in raising supplies for the army were of the most vigorous character--especially during the winter and spring of 1779 when the troops were often on half allowance and the magazines so bare that it seemed impossible to sustain the army a single week. During the four years he directed the destinies of Delaware he had many refractory spirits to manage--many difficult questions to decide that brought into useful action his prudence, wisdom and firmness. Upon his own matured judgment he relied. So well did he balance the scales of justice that he gained the admiration of his friends and the approval of his enemies. The affairs of the State were never in better hands.

Mr. Rodney was remarkably fond of a good joke if inoffensive and chaste. He often exhibited brilliant displays of wit but was extremely careful of personal feelings. When in Congress Mr. Harrison had often called Virginia the Dominion of the Colonies. When threatened with invasion by the enemy he asked immediate aid to protect her from the approaching foe. When he sat down Mr. Rodney rose with assumed gravity and apparent sympathy and assured the gentleman that the _powerful Dominion_ should be protected--"Let her be of good cheer--she has a friend in need--_Delaware_ will take her under protection and insure her safety." The portly Harrison and the skeleton Rodney both enjoyed the hit which convulsed the other members with laughter.

In view of the great amount of business performed by Mr. Rodney and his proverbial cheerfulness and playful good humor the reader will be astonished to learn that he was afflicted with a cancer upon his nose from his youth which spread over one side of his face and compelled him to wear a bandage over it for many years before his death. It so reduced his flesh that he was a walking skeleton. It terminated his active and useful life in 1783. He met death with calm submission and Christian fortitude and died rejoicing in the bright prospects that were dawning upon the country he dearly loved and had faithfully served.

Mr. Rodney was naturally of a slender form with an animated countenance, easy and polished manners and very agreeable and gentlemanly in his intercourse. From his writings he appears to have held religion in high veneration and practised the purest morals--producing the fruits of righteousness in richer abundance than many who make loud pretensions to piety but do not prove their faith by their works. He was liberal, kind, benevolent and so strongly sympathetic that he was obliged to avoid scenes of physical suffering if possible. He could not endure to be in the room of a dying friend or relative. The poor, the widow, the orphan, his relatives and friends, his country--all deeply mourned the loss of CAESAR RODNEY.

GEORGE ROSS.

Idleness is the tomb of a living man--the progenitor of want, the substratum of misery--the fountain of crime. It was scarcely known and never countenanced by the pilgrim fathers or revolutionary patriots. We now have many among us who had rather be pinched with hunger and shine in rags than labor. A more numerous and dangerous class is composed of gentlemen idlers who pass down the stream of time at the expense of those who constantly pull at the oar. They live upon the best, dress finely by borrowing and spunging and when these fail they take to swindling, stealing, gambling, robbing and often pass on for years before justice overtakes them. So long as they can keep up fashionable appearances and elude the kind hearted police whose good will they generally have, they are received into the company of the upper ten exquisites with marked complacency. By virtue of a fine coat, lily hand and graceful bow, which cover more sins than modern Christian charity, many an idle knave has been received into fashionable circles with eclat and walked rough-shod over a worthy young clerk, mechanic or farmer who had too much good sense to act the monkey flirtations of an itinerant dandy. When the counting-house, the mechanic shop, the plough and the kitchen fall into disrepute and are submerged by vain show, pomp and parade--the sun of our country's glory will set to rise no more. When the republican simplicity of Greece and Rome receded before imported fashions, luxuries and rules of etiquette--when they ceased to call men from the shop and the plough to the cabinet and the field--when the women exchanged the kitchen for the drawing-room and plainness for extravagance of dress--corruption supplanted virtue--the genius of LIBERTY veiled her face and fled--dissolution followed--RUIN closed the dreadful scene.