Chapter XXXIII: A.d. 1745 (3)

Though the river was usually shallow at the place fixed upon for passing, it was now swollen, by continued rains, to the depth of four feet. The passage was not without its dangers; but as the river might be rendered impassable by a continuation of the rain during the night, and as it was possible that the Duke of Cumberland might reach the Esk next morning, it was resolved to cross it immediately. After trying the water to ascertain that the ford was good, a body of cavalry formed in the river, a few paces above the ford, to break the force of the stream, and another body was likewise stationed in the river below the ford to pick up such of the infantry as might be carried away by the violence of the current. This arrangement being completed, the infantry entered the river a hundred men abreast, each holding one another by the neck of the coat, by which plan they supported one another against the rapidity of the river, leaving sufficient intervals between their ranks for the passage of the water. Lord George Murray, who was among the first to enter the water in his philibeg, says, that when nearly across, there were about 2,000 men in the water at once. The appearance of the river, in the interval between the cavalry, presented an extraordinary spectacle. As the heads of the Highlanders were generally all that was seen above the water, the space of water occupied in the passage looked like a paved street. Not one man was lost in the transit; but a few girls who had followed their lovers in their adventurous campaign, were swept away by the current. After the army had passed, the pipes began to play; and the Highlanders, happy on setting their feet again on Scottish ground, forgot for a time the disappointment they had suffered at Derby, and testified their joy by dancing reels upon the northern bank of the Esk.[1074]

The expedition into England, though not signalised by any great military achievement, will always hold a distinguished place in the annals of bold and adventurous enterprise. It was planned and carried through in all its details with great judgment; and if circumstances had not delayed its execution, it might have terminated in success. From the consternation into which the English people were thrown by the invasion of the Highland army,[1075] it seems certain, that without the aid of a regular army their militia would scarcely have ventured to oppose the march of the Highlanders to the metropolis; but after the return of the British forces from Flanders, the arrival of the Dutch auxiliaries, and the assembling of the armies under Wade and Ligonier, the attempt appeared to be hopeless. It was not, however, until the retreat from Derby that the government was relieved from its anxiety for the safety of the monarchy.

The Duke of Cumberland halted at Penrith on the 20th of December, and marched next day to Carlisle, which he invested the same day. As he was under the necessity of sending to Whitehaven for heavy cannon, the fire from his batteries did not commence till the morning of the 28th. During the blockade the garrison fired repeatedly upon the besiegers, but with little effect. A fire was kept up by the besiegers from a battery of six eighteen-pounders, during the 28th and 29th. Another battery of three thirteen-pounders was completed on the 30th; but on the first fire from the old battery that day, the besieged hung out a white flag, and offered hostages for a capitulation. The Duke of Cumberland, on observing this signal, sent one of his aides-de-camp with a note, desiring to know its meaning; to which Governor Hamilton answered, that the object was to obtain a cessation for a capitulation, and desiring to know what terms his royal highness would grant to the garrison. The only condition the duke would grant was, that the garrison should not be put to the sword, but be reserved for the king’s pleasure; and Hamilton, seeing the impossibility of holding out, surrendered the same day. The garrison, including officers, consisted of 114 men of the Manchester regiment; of 274 men, also including officers, chiefly of the Scotch low country regiments, and a few Frenchmen and Irishmen. The number of cannon in the castle was sixteen, ten of which had been left by the Highland army on its return to Scotland. Among the prisoners were found twelve deserters from the royal forces, who were immediately hanged. The officers were kept prisoners in the castle, but the privates were confined in the cathedral and town-jail. The whole were afterwards dispersed in several jails through England. The Duke of Cumberland, after putting Bligh’s regiment in garrison at Carlisle, returned to London, in consequence of an order from court.[1076]

FOOTNOTES:

[988] _Kirkconnel MS._ Lord George Murray’s Narrative, in _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 47.

[989] _Kirkconnel MS._

[990] _Kirkconnel MS._

[991] The Highland army about the middle of November, according to a list then published, was thus composed:--

_Regiments._ _Colonels._ _Men._

Lochiel, Cameron, younger of Lochiel, 740

Appin, Stewart of Ardshiel, 360

Athole, Lord George Murray, 1,000

Clanranald, Macdonald, yr. of Clanranald 200

Keppoch, Macdonald of Keppoch, 400

Glencoe, Macdonald of Glencoe, 200

Ogilvy, Lord Ogilvy, 500

Glenbucket, Gordon of Glenbucket, 427

Perth, { Duke of Perth (including } 750
{ Pitsligo’s foot), }

Robertson, Robertson of Strowan, 200

Maclauchlan, Maclauchlan of Maclauchlan, 260

Glencairnock, Macgregor of Glencairnock, 300

Nairne, Lord Nairne, 200

Edinburgh, John Roy Stewart, 450

Several small corps, 1,000

Horse, { Lord Elcho, } 160
{ Lord Kilmarnock, }

Horse, Lord Pitsligo’s, 140
-----
7,287

The numbers, however, are overrated.

[992] _Memoirs_, p. 113.

[993] Letters from Moor and Smart, two of the agents of the Chevalier de St. George, will be found among the _Stuart Papers_. Smart held an appointment in the London post-office, and is often alluded to in the correspondence between Sempil and Drummond of Bochaldy, and the Chevalier, as their “post-office correspondent.” Smart was furnished with a list of the addresses, under which the correspondence between the Chevalier’s agents on the continent, and their friends in England, was carried on, and, as his duty appears to have been to examine all letters passing through the post-office, he passed the letters to such addresses without examination. When he found any letters from abroad, giving information to the government about the Jacobite party, he always burnt them.--Letter from Drummond to the Chevalier de St. George, 19th October, 1745, among the _Stuart Papers_.

[994] _Stuart Papers._

[995] Marchant, p. 161.

[996] _Kirkconnel MS._

[997] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 455.

[998] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 56.

[999] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 57.

[1000] Lord George Murray’s Narrative, _Jacobite Memoirs_, pp. 47, 48.

[1001] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 493.

[1002] Ray, p. 96.

[1003] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1004] Marchant, p. 169.

[1005] Boyse, p. 100.

[1006] Marchant, p. 169.

[1007] Ray, p. 99. Boyse, p. 100.

[1008] Maxwell of Kirkconnel.

[1009] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1010] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 49.

[1011] _Jacobite Memoirs_, pp. 49-50.

[1012] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 52.

[1013] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1014] _Scotland_, (1689-1747) vol. ii. p. 476.

[1015] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1016] Boyse, p. 101.

[1017] _Culloden Papers_, p. 255.

[1018] The Chevalier Johnstone says it did not exceed 4,500; and Maxwell of Kirkconnel, that it amounted to 4,400.

[1019] Lord George Murray’s Narrative, _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 48. Home’s _Rebellion_, p. 143.

[1020] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1021] So called, to distinguish them from the clan regiments, though the greater part were Highlanders, and wore the Highland garb, which was indeed the dress of the whole army.--_Idem._

[1022] Charles, during his stay at Carlisle, lived in the house of a Mr. Hymer, an attorney, to whom he paid twenty guineas, being five guineas _per diem_, for the use of his house, as noted in the prince’s household book, published in the _Jacobite Memoirs_. James Gib, his master of household, appears to have grudged Charles’s liberality, as he observes that Hymer furnished nothing, not even coal or candle; and, moreover, that he and his wife had every day two dishes of meat at dinner, and as many at supper, at the cost of the prince. But Charles’s liberality was not confined to landlords, for Gib states, that whenever he happened to pass even a night in a gentleman’s house, his ordinary custom was to give at least five guineas of ‘drink-money’ to the servants.

[1023] _Kirkconnel MS._ _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 49.

[1024] _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 457.

[1025] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 52.

[1026] At Wigan, Charles gave “a woman” ten guineas for one night for the use of her house, her husband, “a squire, being from home.”--_Household Book._

[1027] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 63. This statement of the Chevalier Johnstone’s is corroborated in the main by a contemporary journal in Marchant, p. 197.

[1028] Boyse, p. 103.

[1029] _Kirkconnel MS._ Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 66.

[1030] Boyse, p. 104.

[1031] Lord George Murray’s Narrative, in _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 53.

[1032] When Weir was taken, Mr. Maxwell says, “he was immediately known to be the same person that had been employed in that business in Flanders, the year before. It was proposed to hang him immediately, in punishment of what he had done, and to prevent the mischief he might do in case the prince did not succeed. But the prince could not be brought to consent. He still insisted that Weir was not, properly speaking, a spy, since he was not found in the army in disguise. I cannot tell whether the prince, on this occasion, was guided by his opinion or by his inclination. I suspect the latter, because it was his constant practice to spare his enemies, when they were in his power. I don’t believe there was one instance to the contrary to be found in his whole expedition.”--_Kirkconnel MS._

[1033] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 54.--_Kirkconnel MS._

[1034] Boyse, p. 164.

[1035] Marchant, p. 202. Boyse, p. 164.

[1036] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 78.

[1037] Burton discredits these statements, there being, he says, no contemporary evidence in their favour.--_Scotland_ (1689-1747), vol. ii. p. 483.

[1038] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 75.

[1039] Idem, p. 67.

[1040] Burton appears to think that there was little danger of any serious consequences following the possession of London by Charles. “The days were long past,” he says, “when the rising of a body of the English gentry brought a certain force into the field; and a few wealthy peers and squires, with their lacqueys and grooms, would have gone little way to help some five thousand janissaries in keeping down the people of England.”--_Scotland_ (1689-1747), vol. ii. p. 485.

[1041] Lord George Murray’s _Narrative_. _Kirkconnel MS._

[1042] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 71.

[1043] There seems to be an apparent discrepancy between Lord George’s statement, (_Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 55,) and that of the Chevalier Johnstone, (_Memoirs_, p. 71,) relative to the conduct of the Duke of Perth: but the account in the text agrees with the account of Charles himself, (in Appendix, No. 33, to Home’s _Works_,) who says, that with the exception of himself, all the members of the council “were of opinion that the retreat was absolutely necessary.”

[1044] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 56.

[1045] Id. p. 57.

[1046] Idem. _Kirkconnel MS._

[1047] See these instructions in the _Stuart Papers_.

[1048] Home, Appendix, No. 35.

[1049] Boyse, p. 106.

[1050] _Kirkconnel MS._ Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 78.

[1051] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1052] Lord George Murray’s Narrative in _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 59.

[1053] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1054] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1055] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 58.

[1056] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1057] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 60. _Kirkconnel MS._

[1058] Lockhart _Papers_, vol. ii. p. 460. _Kirkconnel MS._

[1059] Maxwell of Kirkconnel gives a different version of this matter from that of Lord George Murray. After stating that his lordship represented to Charles the dangerous situation he might be in if the united armies of Wade and Cumberland overtook him before reaching Carlisle, he says that Lord George “proposed to avoid them by sacrificing the cannon and all the heavy baggage to the safety of the men, which was now at stake. He observed that the country is mountainous betwixt Kendal and Penrith, and the roads, in many places, very difficult for such carriages; but the prince was positive not to leave a single piece of his cannon. He would rather fight both their armies than give such an argument of fear and weakness. He gave peremptory orders that the march should be continued in the same order as hitherto, and not a single carriage to be left at Kendal.”

[1060] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 63.

[1061] In the prince’s _Household Book_, printed among the _Jacobite Memoirs_, the following entries occur:--

Dec. 17th, at Shape, Tuesday.

To ale, wine, and other provisions, £4 17
The landlady for the use of her house, 2 2

N. B. The landlady a sad wife for imposing.

[1062] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 65.

[1063] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1064] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 87.

[1065] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 66.

[1066] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 68.

[1067] Idem, p. 67.

[1068] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 72.--_Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. p. 463.

[1069] Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 92.

[1070] _Kirkconnel MS._

[1071] Alluding to the retention of Carlisle, Mr. Maxwell observes, “This was perhaps the worst resolution the prince had taken hitherto. I cannot help condemning it, though there were specious pretexts for it. It was, to be sure, much for the prince’s reputation upon leaving England, to keep one of the keys of it, and he was in hopes of returning before it could be taken; but he could not be absolutely sure of that, and the place was not tenable against a few pieces of artillery, of battering cannon, or a few mortars. It’s true he had a good many prisoners in Scotland, and might look upon them as pledges for the lives of those he left in garrison; but that was not enough. He did not know what kind of people he had to deal with, and he ought to be prepared against the worst that could happen. The lives of so many of his friends ought not to have been exposed without an indispensable necessity, which was not the case; for blowing up the castle, and the gates of the town, would have equally given him an entry into England.”

[1072] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 73.

[1073] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 73.

[1074] _Jacobite Memoirs_, p. 74.--Johnstone’s _Memoirs_, p. 99.

[1075] “The terror of the English,” says the Chevalier Johnstone, _Memoirs_, p. 101, “was truly inconceivable, and in many cases they seemed quite bereft of their senses. One evening as Mr. Cameron of Lochiel entered the lodgings assigned to him, his landlady, an old woman, threw herself at his feet, and with uplifted hands and tears in her eyes, supplicated him to take her life, but to spare her two little children. He asked her if she was in her senses, and told her to explain herself; when she answered, that every body said the Highlanders ate children, and made them their common food. Mr. Cameron having assured her that they would not injure either her or her little children, or any person whatever, she looked at him for some moments with an air of surprise, and then opened a press, calling out with a loud voice, ‘Come out children; the gentleman will not eat you.’ The children immediately left the press where she had concealed them, and threw themselves at his feet. They affirmed in the newspapers of London that we had dogs in our army trained to fight, and that we were indebted for our victory at Gladsmuir to these dogs, who darted with fury on the English army. They represented the Highlanders as monsters, with claws instead of hands. In a word, they never ceased to circulate, every day, the most extravagant and ridiculous stories with respect to the Highlanders. The English soldiers had indeed reason to look upon us as extraordinary men, from the manner in which we had beaten them with such inferior numbers, and they probably told these idle stories to the country people by way of palliating their own disgrace.” The able editor of Johnstone’s _Memoirs_ relates in a note to the above, that Mr. Halkston of Rathillet, who was in the expedition, stated that the belief was general among the people of England, that the Highlanders ate children:--“While the army lay at Carlisle he was taken ill, and went with a few of his companions to a farmer’s house in the neighbourhood, where he remained several days. Perceiving his landlady to be a young woman, he asked her if she had any children, and where they were. When she found that he was no cannibal, she told him the truth was, that all the children were sent out of the way for fear the Highlanders should devour them.”

A Derby gentleman, who had a party of forty men quartered in his house, in a letter which appeared in all the newspapers of the period, describes most of them as looking “like so many fiends turned out of hell to ravage the kingdom and cut throats; and under their plaids nothing but various sorts of butchering weapons were to be seen.” He complains that they had eaten up “near a side of beef, eight joints of mutton, four cheeses, with abundance of white and brown bread, (particularly white,) three couples of fowls, and would have drams continually, as well as strong-ale, beer, tea, &c.” In the midst of this general devastation our host was convulsed with “unavoidable laughter to see these desperadoes, from officers to the common men, at their several meals, first pull off their bonnets, and then lift up their eyes in a most solemn manner, and mutter something to themselves, by way of saying grace, as if they had been so many pure primitive Christians!!!” This is merely a specimen of the many ridiculous stories with which the English journals of the period were crammed.

[1076] Boyse, p. 129.