Chapter VIII: Part 8

44. _T. chrysonome_, Shy. As above. Very common.

45. _T. vesta_, var. _amelia_, Lucas. South Bornu.

46. _T. protomedia_, Shy. Everywhere, sporadic.

47. _T. eris_, Shy. As above.

48. _T. jone_, var. _phlegas_, Butl. Everywhere, and at all times of the year.

49. _T. eupompe_, Shy, with f. _dedecora_, Feld. As above.

50. _T. evippe_, L. and f. _ocale_, Boisd. Habitat as above, but rarer.

51. _T. antigone_, Boid., with f. _phlegetonia_, Boisd. As above.

52. _T. euarne_, Shy, with f. _citreus_, Butl. As above.

53. _Eronia cleodora_, Hübn, var. _erxia_, Hübn. Everywhere sporadic, especially on the cotton plant.

54. _Catopsilia florella_, Fabr. Everywhere. Caterpillars on the Cassia.

55. _Terias brigitta_, Cram., f. _Zoe_, Hopff. Everywhere, especially in the marshy zone of Chad, where the caterpillars are fond of the ‘ambach’.

FAM. PAPILIONIDAE

56. _Papilio Schultzei_, Auriv. Only on the boundary at Uba, and only at one small spot near inaccessible rocks.

57. _P. pylades_, Fabr. Everywhere on the damp sand-banks of rivers. Caterpillars on _Anona senegalensis_.

58. _P. leonidas_, Fabr. Boundary of Southern Bornu.

FAM. HESPERIDAE

59. _Hesperia Zaire_, Pl. South bank of Chad.

60. _Chapra mathias_, Fabr. Marshy zone of Chad. Caterpillars on Graminae.

61. _Cyclopides formosus_, Butl., var. _tsadicus_, Auriv. Dile. South Bornu.

62. _Tagiades flesus_, Fabr. As above.

FAM. ARCTIIDAE

63. _Utetheisa pulchella_, L. Everywhere. Common in places.

FAM. LYMANTRIIDAE

64. _Laelia euproctina_, Auriv. South bank of Chad.

FAM. SPHINGIDAE

65. _Hersi convolvuli_, L. Caterpillars common on the _Ipomoea_ on the banks of Chad.

66. _Acherontia atropos_, L. Sporadic. Caterpillars on the _Vitex_.

67. _Daphnis nerii_, L. In damp places. Caterpillars on the Sarcocephalus species.

68. _Macroglossum trochilus_, Hübn. South Bornu.

(_Hippotion celerio_, L., and _osiris_, Dalm., are both met with in the neighbouring country of Adamawa, the former in great numbers.)

FAM. SATURNIIDAE

69. _Epiphora bauhiniae_, Guér. Everywhere that the _Zizyphus_ grows, on which the caterpillars feed. (Silk-spinners.)

70. _E. Schultzei_, Auriv. As above, but more on Lake Chad.

71. _Gonimbrasia osiris_, Druce. South Bornu. Caterpillars swarm on the Terminalia trees, and are eaten by the pagans.

72. _Bunaea hersilia_, Westw. In South Bornu (Marghi ‘bush’), caterpillars common on the elephant grass.

73. _B. licharbas_, Maas. Dile. South Bornu. Caterpillars on vetches.

FAM. LASIOCAMPIDAE

74. _Taragama diluta_, Auriv. To be met with resting on the ‘retam’ or broom on the banks of Chad.

FAM. SESIIDAE

75. _Sesia spec._ Marshy zone of Chad.

FAM. PLUSIIDAE

76. _Plusia chalcytes_, Esp. Boundary of Southern Bornu.

FAM. HELIOTHIDAE

77. _Heliothis armiger_, Hl. South Bornu. Caterpillars on _Sesamum indicum_.

78. _Xanthodes Graëllsii_, Feisth. Everywhere.

FAM. OPHIUSIDAE

79. _Leucanitis stolida_, F. Everywhere in damp meadows.

80. _Grammodes bifasciata_, Petag. As above. Common in places.

81. _G. algira_, L. As above.

(The five last-named species are the commonest _Heterocerae_.)

82. _Pseudophia tirrhaea_, Cr. In Southern Bornu.

[Footnote 487: Cf. p. 128 ff. of article by Aurivillius in _Archiv för Zoologi_, vol. ii, No. 12, Stockholm, 1905. [For plates of butterflies vid. Karl Kumm, _From Hausaland to Egypt_.]]

APPENDIX II

LIST OF THE BORNU KINGS

Below will be found a list of the kings of Bornu given to me by one Mallam Kashim. This list was shown to the late Major McClintock, who ordered the mallam to keep it until I returned from leave.

It differs considerably from Mr. Vischer’s list[488]—printed opposite it—and it also differs from the list compiled by M. Landeroin and printed in the _Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho_, vol. ii, p. 348. Mallam Kashim asserts that the list he gave me was copied from an old manuscript, but I do not think it has any special authenticity or correctness.[489] It is interesting, however, for purposes of comparison. Mr. Vischer’s list was compiled when he was a political officer in Bornu in 1906, and is printed with his kind permission, and by that of the government of Northern Nigeria. It is printed in the _Notes on certain Emirates and Tribes_, edited by Major Burdon and published by the N.N. Government, where also appears a table of relationships of the Shehus, compiled by Mr. Vischer. Barth’s, Nachtigal’s, and Landeroin’s lists appear in parallel columns in vol. ii, p. 348 of _Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho_, and Mr. H. R. Palmer’s list in the _Journal of the African Society_ for October, 1912.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE RULERS OF BORNU

FROM SAEF BEN DHU YASAN, fourth century A.D. to SHEICH ABUBAKR GERBAI
BEN IBRAHIM BEN OMAR, present day.

Source of information: Barth’s and Nachtigal’s tables of Bornu rulers; personal information. Compiled by Hanns Vischer, Geidam, December 12, 1907.

1. Saef Ben Dhu Yasan reigned 20 years

2. Ibrahim Ben Saef „ 16 „

3. Duku Ben Ibrahim „ 250 „

4. Fune Ben Duku „ 60 „

5. Aritso Ben Fune „ 50 „

6. Katori Ben Aritso „ 250 „

7. Adyoma Ben Katori „ 20 „

8. Bulu Ben Ayoma „ 16 „

9. Arki Ben Bulu „ 44 „

10. Shu Ben Arki „ 4 „

11. Abd El Djelil Ben Shu „ 4 „

12. Hume Ben Abd El Djelil „ from 1086-1097

13. Dunama Ben Hume „ „ 1098-1150

14. Biri Ben Dunama „ „ 1151-1176

15. Abd Allah Ben Bikoru „ „ 1177-1193

16. Abd el Djelil Ben Bikoru „ „ 1194-1220

17. Dunama Dibalami „ „ 1221-1259

18. Abd El Kedim Ben Dunama „ „ 1259-1288

19. Biri Ben Dunama „ „ 1288-1306

20. Nikale Ben Biri „ „ 1307-1326

21. Abd Allah Ben Kade „ „ 1326-1345

22. Selma Ben Abd Allah „ „ 1346-1349

23. Kure Gana Ben Abd Allah „ „ 1350

24. Kure Kura Ben Abd Allah „ „ 1351

25. Mohammed Ben Abd Allah „ „ 1352

26. Edris Ben Nikale „ „ 1353-1376

27. Daud Ben Nikale „ „ 1377-1386

28. Otman Ben Daud „ „ 1387-1390

29. Otman Ben Edris „ „ 1391-1392

30. Abubakr Liyatu Ben Daud „ „ 1392

31. Omar Ben Edris „ „ 1394-1398

32. Said „ „ 1399-1400

33. Kade Afno Ben Edris „ „ 1400-1432

35. Otman Kalnama Ben Daud „ „ 1432

36. Dunama ben Omar „ „ 1433-1434

37. Abd Allah Ben Omar „ „ 1435-1442

38. Ibrahim Ben Otman „ „ 1442-1450

39. Kade Ben Otman „ „ 1450-1451

40. Dunama Ben Biri „ „ 1451-1455

41. Mohammed „ „ 1455

42. Amer „ „ 1456

43. Mohammed Ben Kade „ „ ?

44. Rhadji „ „ 1456-1461

45. Otman Ben Kade „ „ 1461-1466

46. Omar Ben Abd Allah „ „ 1467-1471

47. Mohammed Ben Mohammed „ „ 1472-1504

49. Edris Ben Ali „ „ 1504-1526

50. Moh Ben Edris „ „ 1526-1545

51. Ali Ben Edris „ „ 1545

52. Dunama Ben Mohammed „ „ 1546-1563

53. Abd Allah Ben Dunama „ „ 1564-1570

54. Edris Ben Ali Aloma „ „ 1571-1603

55. Mohammed Ben Edris „ „ 1603-1618

56. Ibrahim Ben Edris „ „ 1618-1625

57. Hadj Omar Ben Edris „ „ 1625-1645

58. Ali Ben El Hadj Omar „ „ 1645-1685

59. Edris Ben Ali „ „ 1685-1704

60. Dunama Ben Ali „ „ 1704-1722

61. Hadj Hamdun Ben Dunama „ „ 1723-1736

62. Mohammed Ben El Hadj Hamdun „ „ 1737-1751

63. Dunama Gana Ben Mohammed „ „ 1752-1755

64. Ali Ben Hadj Dunama „ „ 1755-1793

65. Ahmed Ben Ali „ „ 1793-1810

66. Dunama Ben Ahmed „ „ 1810-1817

67. Ibrahim Ben Ahmed „ „ 1818-1846

68. Sheich Omar Ben El Kanemi „ „ 1846-1880

69. Abdurrahman Ben El Kanemi „ „ 1853-1854

70. Sheich Bukr Ben Omar „ „ 1880-1884

71. Sheich Ibrahim Ben Omar „ „ 1884-1885

72. Sheich Hashem Ben Omar „ „ 1885-1893

73. Sheich Kiari Ben Bukr „ „ 1893

74. Sheich Sanda Limanambe
Ben Bukr „ „ 1893

75. Rhabe the Usurper „ „ 1893-1900

76. Sheich Sanda Kwori
Ben Ibrahim „ „ 1900

77. Sheich Abubakr Gerbai
Ben Ibrahim Ben Omar
Ben El Kanemi

LIST OF BORNU KINGS

As given by Mallam Kashim (Maiduguri, October 12, 1912). _N.B._—V. =
Vischer.

1. Sebu Aisami Yamanma V. 1

2. Ibrahim Sebumi V. 2

3. Mai Duku Brem V. 3

4. Mai Fune Dukumi V. 4

5. Mai Archo Funemi V. 5

6. Mai Kaduri Archomi V. 6

7. Mai Boiyoma Kadurimi

8. Mai Boiyo Bulumi

9. Mai Arigi Bulumi V. 9

10. Mai Jil Shomi V. 11

11. Mai Jil Rigimi

12. Mai Ume Jilumi V. 12

13. Mai Dunama Umemi V. 13

14. Mai Daudu Nigalemi

15. Mai Dalla Bikorumi V. 15

16. Mai Tselim Bikorumi

17. Mai Dalla Dunamami

18. Mai Kadde Aujami

19. Mai Dalla Aujami

20. Mai Arri Gaji Zainami

21. Mai Kadde Madallami

22. Mai Usuman Kaddemi

23. Mai Momadi Kaddemi

24. Mai Iderisa Ashami

25. Mai Deril Arilwa

26. Mai Ume Aisa Gana

27. Mai Biri Aminami

28. Mai Kore Afuno Dalla

29. Mai Kore Goguwa

30. Mai Kore Gawua

31. Mai Kore Kura Kesa Ngilleru

32. Mai Jil Kellemi

33. Mai Momadu Baranbatama

34. Mai Momadi Jumarama Umar Iderisami

35. Mai Dagumoma Dalla Umarmi

36. Mai Kagu Umarmi

37. Mai Momadu Godimi

38. Mai Momadu Palagema

39. Mai Momadu Maza Iderisimi

40. Mai Daudu Niyalemi V. 27

41. Mai Usumanu Daudumi V. 28

42. Mai Sebu Gana

43. Mai Yusufu Sebumi

44. Mai Tselim Auwami

45. Mai Daudu Nigalemi

46. Mai Tolomaramma Kashim Biri Dunamami

47. Mai Dalla Bikurumi Birimi

48. Mai Dunama Arrimi

49. Mai Momodu Dunamami

50. Mai Duna Aminami

51. Mai Panami Umar

52. Mai Arri

53. Mai Dalla Dunamami

54. Mai Arri Gaji

55. Mai Aisa Keri Ngumaramma (F) (regent for nephew No. 56)

56. Mai Iderisi Arrimi Aloma (buried in Lake Alo) V. 54

57. Mai Momadi Panami Baranbatama V. 55

58. Mai Brem Gumsumi V. 56

59. Mai Umar Pusami Dusumami V. 57

60. Mai Arri Umarmi V. 58

61. Mai Tolomaramma Kashim Biri Umarmi (ancestor of
Mallam Kashim, compiler of this list)

62. Mai Kime Mele Arrimi

63. Mai Dunama V. 60

64. Mai Aji Dunamami V. 61

65. Mai Momodu Ajimi V. 62

66. Mai Dunama V. 63

67. Mai Arri Dunamami V. 64

68. Mai Arri Panami

69. Mai Amadu Arrimi V. 65

70. Mai Dunama Lefiami (ancestor of Maina Gumsumi,
present representative of old dynasty and now
Ajia of Bussugua) V. 66

71. Mai Momadi Ngilleruma Gumsumi or Ngueleroma

72. Mai Ibram V. 67

73. Mai Arri Dalatumi (killed at Minarge by Shehu Umar)

74. Shehu Lamino

75. Shehu Umar

76. Shehu Abdurrahman

77. Shehu Umar

78. Shehu Bukar

79. Shehu Ibrahim

80. Shehu Ashimi

81. Shehu Kiari

82. Shehu Sanda Limannambe

83. Rabeh

84. Shehu Sanda Kura

85. Shehu Garbai

[Footnote 488: Though sometimes only in giving a man’s matronymic, instead of his patronymic, e.g. No. 58 in Mallam Kashim’s list is described as ‘the son of Gumsu’ and corresponds to No. 56 in Mr. Vischer’s list ‘the son of Edris’.]

[Footnote 489: E.g. he introduces in No. 61 his own ancestor, who does not appear in any other list. On the other hand he includes No. 71, Nguéléroma, omitted in all other lists, except M. Landeroin’s, for reasons mentioned in _Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho_, vol. ii, p. 346; cf. Appendix IV of the present work.]

APPENDIX III

THE TUBBAS (OR SEFS) AND THE SOS

According to the _Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho_, ii. 352, the dynasty of the Sefs are more generally known under the name of Tubbas. ‘A young chief whose name has not been preserved but who was later known as Tubba Lowel (the first who repented) left Hindi (India) at the head of an army and went to the country of Cham (Syria), whose inhabitants paid him tribute in order to avoid war. He then directed his march to Bougdari or Goudeber (Baghdad?) then to Masr (Egypt) and Medina, exacting tribute everywhere. From Medina he went to Yemen, where he established himself without resistance. From there he went to besiege Mecca, which had refused to submit to him. He was accompanied by 4,000 mallams (priests).’ To this legend M. l’officier interprète principal, Hamet Ismael, appends a note that this legend appears to be a somewhat garbled account of the history of the Tobbas or Shepherd Kings of Egypt (Hyksos): cf. _L’Arabie_, par Noël des Vergers, p. 50 ff. ‘One day the king reproached the mallams that their assistance did not enable him to capture Mecca. The principal mallam replied that he ought to be content with the empire of Persia, Bougdari, Egypt, Medina, and Yemen, and should not attack the sacred city of the Kaaba, which was destined one day to give birth to a prophet. The king then repented, abandoned the siege, and declared that on the appearance of this prophet he would become his first disciple. This repentance caused him to be called Tubba Lowel (the first who repented), from the Arabic verb “itoub” = he repents. Tubba Lowel returned to Yemen, and forty years later, when Mohammed was preaching Islam, he embraced the new religion.

After the reign of Hussein, the sixth Caliph, the Mussulman Empire was divided. One of the descendants of Tubba Lowel had the north and afterwards Stambul (Constantinople); another, named Seibu Aïsami, crossed the Nile and travelled towards the Sudan. This Seibu is perhaps Barth’s Sef. Later the descendants of Seibu came to Kanem, then occupied by the Bulala, and drove back the latter to Lake Fittri. Whether the Tubbas came in from the north via Fezzan or from the east via Kordofan is not known. Barth says they came from Borku, which is north-east of Kanem, and that they were descended from the Libyan tribe of the Berdoa, who, according to Nachtigal, occupied the oases of Kufra and Tou. Having thus conquered Kanem, the Tubbas or Seibuas established their capital at Birni Njime, thirty miles east of Mao, north-east of Chad. Towards the end of the fifteenth century the Tubbas left Kanem in order to instal themselves in Bornu. According to Barth and Nachtigal the Tubbas were driven out of Kanem by the Bulala; according to our informants they left there in order to conquer Bornu, a more fertile country than Kanem.’

There is also another version of the installation of the Tubbas in Bornu (_Doc. sci._, ii. 356). After having abandoned Kanem, about four hundred and fifty years ago, they came to Bornu, then occupied by the Sos, whose chief Guma Kandira or Dala Gumami [cf. Benton, _Kanuri Readings_, p. 27] (‘Kandira’ means in Kanuri ‘hunter, archer’) was living in straw huts at Gambaru on the River Yo. Having obtained leave to sit down near him, the Tubbas bought land in order to build their houses there. Amongst this land was a garden planted with ‘kumo’, which means in Kanuri ‘the calabash-gourd’. When their town or ‘birni’ was built, it was called Birni Zerku Kumo, i.e. the town of the calabash-garden, ‘zerku’ meaning in Kanuri ‘a garden’. [Probably the word spelt ‘zerkou’ by Landeroin should be ‘ze̥rge̥’ = a dry watercourse, a natural place for a market- garden.—P. A. B.] By inversion of syllables ‘zerku’ became ‘kuzer’, hence Kuzer Kumo. Another derivation is suggested by Landeroin. Nachtigal speaks of a group of three villages to the north of Mao, whose chief bore the title of ‘Kumo’. Perhaps the Tubba chiefs, who bore in Bornu the title of ‘Mai’ (= ‘king’ in Kanuri), may have formerly borne that of Kumo, hence Kasr Kumo = the palace of the Kumo. [‘Kasr’ is an Arabic word for a castle or citadel, sometimes used in Hausa, vid. Robinson’s _Hausa Dictionary_, under the form ‘kasru’ to mean ‘a palace’.][490] The Tubbas constructed their first capital at Gambaru, but finding that it was apt to be flooded by the river during the rains and was unsuited for the operations of their cavalry, they removed a few miles south to Kasr Kumo. Gambaru became the residence of the Queen Mother and her court.

In the course of time the So king got into debt to the Tubbas and finally fled to escape his creditors. The following legend is told to explain how the Tubbas got rid of the remaining Sos. The Tubbas were accustomed to stain their hands and nails with a tincture of henna. The Sos had tried to imitate them, but they were ignorant both of henna and how to use it. The Tubbas had jealously guarded their secret, but at last they agreed to reveal it on condition that all the Sos in the country were present. Accordingly on the appointed day they killed an ox and made the credulous Sos dip their hands in its blood. Their hands were then enveloped in green leaves, as the Tubbas were accustomed to do themselves, and the leaves bound round with thongs of raw hide. These thongs were not to be removed for three days. At the end of this period the thongs had shrunk so much that it was impossible to remove them without cutting them. The Tubbas then fell upon the unfortunate Sos, only one of whom escaped. This happened in the year 1452 of our era.

The Sos mentioned above were, according to the natives, the autochthonous inhabitants of Bornu. They lived chiefly by hunting and professed no religion. History has not preserved the names of their chiefs, but legend paints them as of gigantic stature and of such strength that when a So killed an elephant, he could carry it home on his shoulder [cf. Benton, _Kanuri Readings_, p. 9]; their bracelets would have been too big for our thighs and their axe-heads were as big as a man’s body of the present day. But nothing in the country recalls this extraordinary strength,—no weapon, utensil or dwelling which can justify their reputation. [Since these words were written by M. Landeroin some implements have been discovered bearing on this point. During the excavations for the wall of the Maiduguri leper-camp at the end of 1911 three implements were turned up, which the Shehu at once pronounced to be So arrow and spear-heads or hoes. They are shaped like a very blunt arrow-head, and the biggest measures 14 in. by 8 in. at its greatest length and breadth, and weighs 4 lb. 12 oz. They are perhaps So hoes, and are certainly infinitely heavier than those used at the present day. They have been deposited in the Zungeru museum. No other remains were found.—P. A. B.] Another argument against the Sos being giants is that their descendants the Beddes, Ngizims, Kotokos, &c., are no taller and no stronger than individuals of other races inhabiting the country. [But according to Miss Macleod, _Chiefs and Cities of Central Africa_, p. 196, few Kotokos are under 6 ft., and some are as tall as 6 ft. 7 in.]

[Footnote 490: Whichever derivation is accepted, it is perhaps not too fanciful to quote as parallels the Biblical phrase ‘a lodge in a garden of cucumbers’, or again the first words of the famous passage describing the accession of Queen Victoria—‘In a palace in a garden . . .’ If this sounds too poetical, the alliterative translation ‘Castle Calabash’ is easily remembered.]

APPENDIX IV

SHEHU LAMINO AND HIS SUCCESSORS

The following is a translation of pp. 358-76 of vol. ii of the _Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho_, published in 1911, which modify considerably Barth’s estimate of Shehu Lamino and his successors. The information was obtained orally by M. Landeroin, ‘officier interprète’ of the French Boundary Commission. He remarks on p. 346:

‘It is even probable that Barth, as well as Nachtigal, could not get impartial information regarding the period of the rise of Mohammed El Amin (more often called Sheikh Lamino), founder of the Kanemi dynasty. One may guess in fact that, owing to fear of the Sheikh, no one would have dared to say, even in a whisper, what they thought of their sovereign, for informers were held in much honour at the court of Bornu, and the gossips would soon have been denounced and executed. Barth and Nachtigal were generally escorted and guided by the spies of Shehu Umar, and they could hardly become intimate with anybody but his favourites and friends. All the information furnished to them was faithfully reported to the Shehu, who would not have failed to deal severely with those who dared to criticize his own acts or those of his father. This is doubtless why Barth was able to write, all in good faith, that Sheikh Mohammed El Amin was “a pious and God-fearing man”, whereas, on the contrary he was greedy and ambitious.

To-day the Kanemi dynasty exercise no more than the shadow of power; any one, therefore, can tell fearlessly what he knows and express an opinion on those who have held the reins of power. This is why the unpublished information which we have collected will show the reigns of the last Sultans of Bornu under a new light.’

The justice of M. Landeroin’s observations can hardly be disputed, and a knowledge of the present representatives of the Kanemi dynasty inclines one to accept his version of events rather than Barth’s. Nguéléroma does not appear in Barth’s and Nachtigal’s lists, or in that compiled by Mr. Vischer in 1906. The Bornu Provincial Office copy of the latter has a note inserted in pencil by M. Landeroin himself regarding Nguéléroma.

Translated from _Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho_ (1911),
vol. ii, pp. 358-76.[491]

STRUGGLE AGAINST THE FULANI

Mai Ali was succeeded by his son Ahmed (Mai Amadu). During the latter’s reign, Othman dan Fodio, who had just founded a Fulani empire in the Hausa states, sent one of his lieutenants, Goni Mukhtar, to attack Bornu. Mai Amadu, having become blind, had handed over the reins of power to his son, Mai Dunama. The latter was unable to repulse Goni Mukhtar, who captured Gazerregomo (Kazer Koumo) and installed himself there. Dunama fled to Maguié, one day’s march to the east of Gazerregomo, where he met Sheikh Lamino (Mohammed El Lamin El Kanemi), a native of Kanem. Mai Dunama gave him handsome presents and said to him: ‘You are a learned and pious “mallam”, pray to God for me that He may restore me my kingdom.’ This Sheikh Lamino was the son of Sheikh Langa of the Kanembu tribe and of an Arab woman from Zouïla in the Tripolitaine. After studying, like his father, with the Koiyams of Gazerregomo, he accompanied his father on a pilgrimage to Mecca. His father died at Medina, and Sheikh Lamino returned to Kanem. In answer to Mai Dunama’s request, Lamino wrote three letters to Goni Mukhtar pointing out to him that he was waging an unjust war against Mussulmans, and suggesting that he should abandon Gazerregomo. At the same time he begged the Sultan of Bornu’s vassals, among others the chiefs of Nguru, Wacha, and Miria, to come and join him. No reply having been received to the three letters, Sheikh Lamino said to Mai Dunama: ‘Return to your capital, God will restore it to you.’ Full of confidence, the Tubba Sultan marched against Goni Mukhtar and was victorious; the Fulani chief was killed in the battle inside the town itself, which he had occupied for forty days.

Mai Dunama reinstalled himself at Gazerregomo, but a year later was attacked by the Fulani chief Mallam Ali, surnamed Zaki (the lion), and again routed. Putting his faith in the invocations of Sheikh Lamino, Dunama hastened to recall him from Kanem, gave him 100 camels, 100 oxen, 100 slaves, 100 horses, 1,000 dollars, 1,000 goats, 1,000 sheep, and 1,000 gowns, and begged him to pray to God anew that his empire might be a second time restored to him.

Sheikh Lamino and his disciples prayed continuously for seven days, at the end of which Dunama marched against his enemies. Mallam Zaki, vanquished in his turn, had to fly and took refuge at Katagum, after having been master of Gazerregomo for six months. These events happened about 1808 or 1809.

At the advice of Sheikh Lamino, Mai Dunama abandoned his capital, polluted by the Fulani, and founded Birnin Kabela, five days’ march to the south-east.[492] To Sheikh Lamino he said: ‘Your prayers are always efficacious; each time that you have invoked God in my favour, He has heard you; I wish you therefore to remain near me in case the Fulani come again to attack me.’

The Sheikh agreed, but only on condition of being allowed to settle amongst the Kanembus who lived near Ngornu, eight or nine miles to the east of Birnin Kabela. The Sultan accordingly gave him authority over all the Kanembus of the district.

INTRIGUES OF SHEIKH LAMINO

The Sheikh was intriguing and ambitious. Some time afterwards, in accord with the courtiers, he had Mai Dunama deposed and imprisoned at Dikoa, according to some, at Ngornu, according to others. He was replaced by his paternal uncle, Mohammed Nguéléroma, younger brother of the preceding Sultan, Mai Amadu the Blind.

_Mohammed Nguéléroma_ reigned for three or four years, but he soon fell out with Sheikh Lamino, who did not find him sufficiently generous towards himself. New intrigues were then started to restore Dunama, still a prisoner, to power. The Sheikh, having gained over by his presents a certain number of Nguéléroma’s courtiers, had the ex-Sultan brought before him by them, and asked him: ‘What would you give me if I had the kingdom restored to you?’ Dunama replied: ‘If you have the power restored to me, you shall have half the revenues of the kingdom.’ Satisfied with this answer, Sheikh Lamino kept Dunama in his house, and the next day asked Nguéléroma to send him the principal officers of his court.

The Sultan sent them to him at once, accompanied by his son and his son- in-law. When they arrived at the gate of Lamino’s house, the latter had them introduced one after the other, with the exception of the son and the son-in-law, into a room in which had previously been placed a divan to serve as a throne and some garments of royalty. Then Dunama entered, took his place on the divan, and repeated before the assembled functionaries the promise which he had made the evening before. ‘If Lamino has the power restored to me, he shall have the half of the revenues of the kingdom’.

Those of the courtiers who had not been made privy to the plot were violently angry, but as they were in a minority, they had to restrain themselves. Already they were afraid of the Sheikh, who, supported by the Kanembu, was powerful enough to overawe them. Lamino immediately invested Dunama with the garments of royalty, and then had the son and son-in-law of Nguéléroma introduced into the chamber. At the same time he bade the trumpets sound to announce the accession, and gave orders for the public to be admitted. All could then see Mai Dunama seated on the throne, and Sheikh Lamino presented him to them as the new sovereign of Bornu.

On hearing the trumpets sound to announce the accession of Mai Dunama, the horse-boy of Nguéléroma’s son leaped on his master’s horse and galloped with loose rein to apprise the Sultan. He found the latter occupied in reading the Koran. Nguéléroma, having learnt the news, showed no signs of disturbance, but asked the horse-boy if the weather seemed overcast. The latter replied that there were no clouds. Then the Sultan shut his book, put it in a bag which he hung round his neck, and left the town on foot by the north gate.

SECOND REIGN OF MAI DUNAMA

Meanwhile Sheikh Lamino and the courtiers were bringing Mai Dunama to Birnin Kabela, which they entered by the south gate. Nguéléroma, hearing the trumpets, stopped in the bush. Mai Dunama had search made for him, and he was found without difficulty. Brought before his nephew, the latter, without reproaching him for having formerly dethroned him, assigned as a residence a village called Yamia, situated to the south of Munio, and allowed him to take with him his four legitimate wives and forty concubines. Nguéléroma only accepted the four wives, and escorted by forty faithful horsemen, soon reached his new residence.

For three years Mai Dunama and Lamino governed jointly and divided the revenues of the state. But Lamino’s authority kept increasing, and the Sultan in alarm sought in secret to get rid of him. With this view he summoned to his aid the Sultan of Baghirmi, Burgu Manda, who had been formerly the vassal of Bornu, but had profited by the embarrassments occasioned by the Fulani invasion to make himself independent of his suzerain. Glad of an opportunity of proving his power to the Kanuri, he assembled an army, crossed the Shari, and marched on Birnin Kabela.

Sheikh Lamino, informed almost immediately of the Baghirmi invasion, decided to move against the enemy with all the forces of Bornu. Mai Dunama could not avoid putting himself at the head of the army without unmasking his designs, but he wrote to Burgu Manda to explain to him the reasons of his apparent hostility. The Sultan of Baghirmi immediately replied that he approved his conduct, but suggested that in future, to avoid any misunderstanding, he and his adherents should always establish their camp to the south of that of Sheikh Lamino. The Baghirmi could thus be sure of concentrating their efforts on the army of the Sheikh and of destroying it.

But the courier who carried this letter made a mistake. Instead of giving it to Mai Dunama, he took it to Sheikh Lamino, who read it without showing any disturbance, put it in his pocket and sent the man away with a present.

Then, as the Baghirmi approached, the Sheikh’s camp was struck and re- pitched some distance in advance, at Ngala; here Lamino and his Kanembu established themselves to the south of Mai Dunama’s camp and waited.

Burgu Manda soon arrived. After viewing the dispositions made by the opposing army, he thought that the Sultan of Bornu had safely received his letter and had followed his advice. Accordingly he attacked the north camp with all his forces, and after a desperate battle cut to pieces the army of his friend, Mai Dunama. Before the latter could recover from his astonishment and put a stop to the misunderstanding, he was captured and slain by the Baghirmi troops (1817).

Meanwhile, Sheikh Lamino fled to Ngornu, hastily collected his most valuable possessions and sent them off northwards, and after burning the remainder, he fled towards Yo, on the River Wobe.

When Burgu Manda perceived his terrible mistake he was furious, and hastened in pursuit of Lamino. The latter, however, had a good start and the Sultan of Baghirmi could not overtake him. Burgu Manda was soon afterwards compelled to return to his own country, and after sacking Kukawa, where the Sheikh had another house, and ravaging everything as he passed, he returned to his kingdom laden with booty.

SULTAN IBRAM AND SHEIKH LAMINO REIGN JOINTLY

At Birnin Kabela the nearest relatives of Mai Dunama and Nguéléroma disputed among themselves as to who should succeed the Sultan thus killed by mistake. The Sheikh, reassured by the departure of the Baghirmi army, returned to Ngornu and again became master of the situation. Ibram (Ibrahim ben Ahmed), younger brother of Mai Dunama, wishing to assure himself of his protection, said to him: ‘My brother gave you half the power and half the revenues of the kingdom; I will let you have them all, if I can obtain the title of Mai.’

Lamino immediately accepted this offer. He called for the long silver trumpets which were used to announce the accession of a Sultan, and summoned to Ngornu the chiefs of the various tribes. In front of them Ibram solemnly repeated the promise which he had just made to the Sheikh, who immediately had a seal manufactured, on which was engraved in Arabic—

Let God’s will be done.

God is sufficient for his servant.

Mohammed Al Amin.

Then addressing the assembled chiefs and notables from the various tribes, he advised them to turn a deaf ear to the artful designs of the courtiers and to obey him loyally. Then, at his order, the trumpets proclaimed the accession of the new Sultan. Ibram was clothed in the royal garments, and the procession set out for Birnin Kabela.

One of the first acts of sovereignty of the Sheikh was to permit the ex- sultan Nguéléroma, exiled to Yamia, to once more approach the capital. He installed him at Belangawa, north of Geidam on the River Wobe, where he died some time afterwards.

Lamino also busied himself in organizing his household, which hitherto had resembled the school of a famous ‘mallam’ rather than the dwelling of a chief. His disciples were always coming and going, and allowed any one who liked to penetrate into his presence. On his demand, forty officials of the court of the Sultans of Bornu were sent to him; they soon drove away the greater part of the students, and divided amongst themselves the dignities of the new court.

This court was soon more brilliant than that of the nominal sultan Ibram. The latter, in fact, only received annually from the Sheikh 1,000 dollars (about 5,000 francs), 1,000 gowns, 1,000 cloths, 100 camels, 100 horses, 100 oxen, 100 donkeys, 100 goats, and 100 sheep, whose total value was less than 50,000 francs, which was very little to cover the cost of maintaining his entourage. The courtiers therefore gradually deserted him and went to live at the court of the Sheikh.

It is said that the latter, in order to affirm his authority, went out one day from his apartments holding in each hand a gown, which he gave as insignia of office to two slaves who were watching at his gate. The one on the right was nominated Kachella of the Kubri Kanembu (the Sheikh’s own tribe), and the one on the left Kachella of the Sugurti, the best warriors of Bornu, who fought on foot, armed with the spear, the bow, and the shield of ‘ambach’ wood.

At the same time he rebuilt his palace at Kukawa, which had been pillaged and polluted by the Sultan of Baghirmi, and put himself in communication with the Fulani Sultan of Sokoto, Mohammed Bello, the Sarikin Mussulmi. To the latter he wrote as follows: ‘We profess the same religion, and it is not fitting that our subjects should make war on each other. Between our two kingdoms are the pagan Bedde tribes, on whom it is permissible to levy contributions; let us respect this limit; what lies to the west of their country shall be ours, what lies to the east shall be yours; as for Munio, Damagaram, and Daura, they will continue to be vassals of the Sultan of Bornu, who in return will surrender to you all his pretensions to Gober and Katsena.’

Mohammed Bello replied that he accepted Lamino’s propositions, but the two Mussulman chiefs would not, or could not, abide by their word, and the Fulani incursions into Bornu continued as before.

EXPEDITION AGAINST BAGHIRMI

Sheikh Lamino never forgot a grievance and, when he could, repaid twofold any evil that had been done him. As soon, therefore, as he had reorganized and reinforced his army, his first expedition was directed against the Baghirmi in order to avenge the intervention of Burgu Manda against him some years before. So as to deceive the enemy, instead of marching to the south of the Lake, where the Shari constitutes a formidable obstacle, he marched round Chad to the north, and thus arrived in Kanem without alarming his adversaries. A rapid march brought him to Massenya before the Sultan of Baghirmi could assemble his contingents, and it was then Burgu Manda’s turn to take to flight. He fled for refuge to the Sara country, whilst Sheikh Lamino razed the ramparts of his capital and destroyed his palace, the site of which was, according to our informants, systematically polluted for a week by the Bornu army. Then Lamino, having gained considerable booty and seen his enemy fly before him, satisfied with his vengeance, crossed the Shari and re-entered Bornu.

EXPEDITION AGAINST KANO

Every year in the autumn the Sheikh undertook some new expedition. Tempted by the hope of a rich booty, he directed his army against Kano, the wealthy commercial capital of the Central Sudan. Having arrived at Gorko, a little distance from the town, he learnt that a strong Fulani army, commanded by Yakubu, governor of Bauchi, was marching against him. Lamino immediately sounded the retreat, but was overtaken by Yakubu at Fake. Thanks to their fire-arms, the Kanuri repulsed the first attack of their adversaries, who were only armed with spears and bows; then in their turn they took the offensive, but without success. The two parties, having each gained a slight advantage, then returned each to their own country claiming for themselves a victory.

In the following autumn, Lamino renewed his attempt and was more fortunate, for, if he did not succeed in penetrating into Kano, he was able undisturbed to obtain possession of numerous villages, such as Kanawa, Rimi, &c. As booty and not glory was always his object, he returned to Bornu as soon as he considered his plunder sufficient.[493]

EXPEDITION AGAINST KATAGUM

The following year it was the turn of Katagum to be disturbed; but the town, well defended, could not be taken in spite of a two months’ siege. The Bornu army had to content itself with sacking all the surrounding hamlets, and before retreating, it destroyed, out of spite, all the growing crops. A great dearth resulted for this little country.

EXPEDITION AGAINST HADEIJA

A year later Sheikh Lamino laid siege to Hadeija. He pitched his camp on the banks of the river, and summoned his vassals to aid him in his enterprise, for the town resisted vigorously. Munio, Damagaram, Machena, and Nguru obeyed; Tumbi dan Hawa, Sarikin Gummel, alone refused to join them. An envoy from the Sheikh was sent to press him, but he replied: ‘If the Sheikh and his army can do without water for two days, let them come here.’

EXPEDITION AGAINST GUMMEL

Lamino accepted the challenge. He crossed the uninhabited and waterless zone, which for forty miles separated Hadeija from Malawa, to the east of Dungass, not without losing numerous men and horses from thirst. After resting three days, he sent a messenger to the Sultan of Gummel to announce his arrival. Dan Hawa, panic-stricken, tried to obtain pardon by sending him two ambassadors, Liman Bergoma[494] and Mallam Shetima Kinguimi, accompanied by twenty young virgins, twenty young boys, twenty camels loaded with presents, and 100 oxen. The Sheikh gave the embassy a very unfriendly reception. ‘You have given evil counsel to dan Hawa,’ said he; ‘you deserve to die, but I pardon you in memory of the father of Shetima Kinguimi, for as a young man I studied under his directions.’ Then, refusing the presents which they brought, he sent them back, saying: ‘Let your master come in person.’

Dan Hawa, little reassured by the reception accorded to his envoys, preferred to dispatch another ambassador to the Sheikh, one Shetima Allah Rhama, with much more valuable gifts.

Lamino then appeared to be softened, and accepted the presents on condition that the Sarikin Gummel came himself to ask his pardon. To give him confidence, he said in Hausa to the envoy: ‘En ka kawo shi, ka tashi da shi agaba nan,’ i.e. ‘if you bring him, you shall arise at the same time as he in my presence.’

Dan Hawa was then reassured, and accompanied by Shetima dan Allah, he repaired in person to the camp of the Sheikh. The latter made them sit down in front of him, and when the Sarikin Gummel had expressed his repentance, Lamino said to them: ‘Give each other your hands and get up.’ They obeyed. ‘Now sit down again.’ They did so. Then addressing Shetima, he said: ‘I promised you that if you brought me dan Hawa, you should arise with him in my presence; I have kept my promise.’

He then handed over the Sarikin Gummel to the Galadima of Nguru. Now the latter, who claimed hegemony over all the vassals of Bornu from the north to the west, had long hated dan Hawa, who had always defied him, so without delay he put him to death.

On learning of this summary execution, which had not been ordered by him, Lamino was, or pretended to be, violently angry, and inflicted on the Galadima a considerable fine.

He nominated as Sarikin Gummel, dan Tenoma, younger brother of dan Hawa, and at the request of the new chief, decided that he should not have to obey the Galadima of Nguru, but only Yerima Umar, his own son. He then returned to Bornu.

EXPEDITION AGAINST NGURU

The Galadima of Nguru had been profoundly humiliated, and had sworn to revenge himself. He soon assumed an independent attitude towards the Sheikh, at the same time advising the other vassal states to imitate him, but only Kosso, ex-sultan of Munio, joined him with a strong force of Mangas.

It was therefore against Wari—a place which no longer exists, but which was situated about thirty miles north-east of Kachellari—the capital of Nguru, that Lamino directed his autumn expedition of the following year. It is asserted that he camped opposite this town for a year and a half without being able to take it, or even to secure any marked success against the bands of horsemen that from time to time sallied out from the walls. He then appealed to all his vassals, and when his troops were sufficiently numerous, completely surrounded the fortifications. The Galadima Umar, feeling that all was lost, made a desperate sortie, succeeded in penetrating the besiegers’ lines and fled to Hadeija. On the following day Kosso also made good his escape.

The inhabitants, thus deprived of their leaders, asked for peace. Lamino demanded from them 100 slaves, 100 horses, 100 camels, and 100 oxen, which were immediately delivered to him. He then ordered the destruction of the ramparts. The inhabitants refused to consent, and hostilities recommenced. After some time they made new proposals for peace, which was offered on the same conditions as before. When these were fulfilled, the Sheikh demanded the demolition of the fortifications. The inhabitants again refused. There were fresh hostilities and fresh successes on the part of the Sheikh. At last the inhabitants again asked for peace, paid the tribute imposed on them, and then scattered.

Wari was delivered up to pillage, and then Lamino marched on Hadeija, where the Galadima Umar had taken refuge. Thereupon the latter fled to Sokoto and was replaced as Galadima of Nguru by his younger brother Dunama.[495] The victorious Bornu army returned home and the Sheikh allowed it two years’ repose.

A little later, Lamino, always excessively prone to suspicion, took umbrage at the popularity acquired by a ‘Sufi’ mallam, whose school was much frequented and who lived at Yale, to the north-east of Dikoa. He repaired in person to Yale, where he learnt that the mallam was a Koiyam of the Kullumfardo family, and quite devoid of ambition. At this juncture the mallam became blind and the Sheikh, almost at the same time, was attacked by a malady of the ear, from which he was destined never to recover.

Almost at the same time Bohari, the Sultan of Hadeija, attacked Nguru and raided the district of Selleri (Zagarari). Lamino was ill and unable to take the field in person, but his son, Yerima Umar (later Shehu Umar), took command of a strong expedition with which he advanced rapidly into the invaded territory. Bohari had no alternative between a difficult retreat and immediate submission, and having collected considerable presents he repaired in person to Umar, did homage to him, and was allowed to return to Hadeija.

Sheikh Lamino died soon afterwards, in 1835, leaving Bornu flourishing, his family aggrandized, and the nominal sultan, Ibram, without the slightest power. His son, Yerima Umar, then took the title of Sheikh (or Shehu) and succeeded him without opposition as _de facto_ sovereign of the kingdom.

FIRST REIGN OF SHEHU UMAR (1835-53)

One of the first acts of the new Shehu was to cut down by half the meagre subsidy which his father had paid to the sultan Ibram. The latter protested, but in vain, for the following year the subsidy was still further reduced, and the third year he received almost nothing. Mallam Amadu Gonimi, relying on the friendship shown him by the late Sheikh, thrice made friendly representations to Umar, reminding him that it is the part of a good son to act in all circumstances as his father had acted, and requesting in consequence that he should allow Sultan Ibram the same subsidies as he had been accustomed to receive from Sheikh Lamino. Shehu Umar remained silent, but on the third occasion he replied: ‘A son inherits his father’s property, not his character.’

Then Ibram, spurred by necessity, wrote to the Sultan of Wadai, Sherif by name, begging him to come to his aid and rid Bornu of the Shehu and his family. The army of Wadai was set in motion, but unfortunately Ibram had confided the secret to one of his daughters, who in her turn communicated it to her lover, a young relative of the Shehu. As soon as he received the warning, the Sultan and seven of his advisers were seized and thrown into prison. The Shehu then departed with his army to arrest the invasion. The encounter took place on the banks of the Shari at Kusseri (1846) and the Bornu army was completely routed. Umar, much chagrined, returned in haste to Kukawa and had the Sultan and his advisers, who had summoned the enemy into Bornu, immediately executed. He then fled towards the north-west, taking refuge in the marshy country of Bera, near Zigagué, on the banks of the River Wobe.

Meanwhile, the Sultan of Wadai continued his march on Kukawa, and learning of the execution of Sultan Ibram, whom he had come to deliver, proposed to replace him by Ali, son of the latter, a boy of seventeen.

But a Wadai man, called Ibrahim, settled at Kukawa, pleaded the cause of Shehu Umar so well that the Sultan of Wadai dispatched the following message:

‘If you consent to pay me $1,000, I will return to Wadai with my whole army; otherwise I shall leave a strong guard with the young sultan to protect him.’

‘Where can I get $1,000?’ replied the Shehu, for at this period silver was rare in the country, and $1,000 constituted a very important sum.

But an Arab trader who happened to be in the country saw his opportunity to make a big profit. He brought $600 to the Shehu, on condition that he was repaid this sum in young girls, at the rate of $7 a head.[496] Then Umar, having collected all the ornaments of his harem, was able to make up the balance of $400, and sent the whole sum demanded. Sherif then returned to Wadai, leaving the young sultan, Ali, under the sole guard of the Kanembu and Sugurti.

Meanwhile, Durman (Abdurrahman, younger brother of the Shehu) happened to be with an army in the north-west of Bornu, marching towards Zinder. Ibrahim, sultan of this country, came to meet him with conciliatory intentions and peace was concluded. Durman, recalled by his brother with the idea of attacking the young sultan and regaining the reins of power, then returned towards the River Wobe. On his arrival, however, Umar, who was a bit of a poltroon, had changed his mind and suggested that they should fly to Fezzan, their mother’s country.[497]

The younger brother replied: ‘As you seem but a womanish creature, go to Fezzan if you like. I intend remaining in Bornu.’

Umar was thus shamed into fighting. The encounter took place at Minargué, on the banks of the River Wobe. Barth calls the place Minarem. Umar undertook to hold in check the cavalry of Ali, who were reputed to be not very brave and only moderate horsemen, whilst the more valiant Durman joined battle with the Kanembu and Sugurti infantry and put them to rout. The young sultan was killed and Shehu Umar was able to re-enter Kukawa as sole master henceforward of Bornu.

Two years later, desirous of strengthening his authority over his western vassals, he proceeded to Zinder, whose sultan, Ibrahim, had disregarded his orders. Ibrahim took to flight, but his brother Tenimu repaired to the Shehu and got himself enthroned by him as Sultan of Zinder. A mosque was built to commemorate this event and the Shehu returned to Kukawa.

Five years later grave dissensions arose between him and his brother Durman. The latter reproached him warmly with the affection which he showed for one of his counsellors, Haj Beshir, whom he consulted on every occasion and whose advice he followed in preference to that of his brother. Old men, who were living at the time and whose memories are still very clear, have informed us that the mutual affection of the Shehu and his counsellor was greater than that of two brothers and recalled that of husband and wife. Durman was much annoyed and told his brother one day in the course of a violent quarrel that he had ‘the spirit of a sheep’. He then fled.

Umar and his favourite, Haj Beshir, set off in pursuit, but when they had nearly overtaken him, some of the Shehu’s other brothers, who had followed the army, wrote to Durman in secret that they would not fight against him. Durman immediately faced about and by a bold stroke penetrated the camp and reached the very outskirts of the Shehu’s own tents, in front of which he himself discharged several shots.

Umar and his favourite, stricken with panic, leaped on their horses and, almost unaccompanied, fled to Kukawa without stopping. Haj Beshir immediately collected all the wealth that he could carry away and hastened to take refuge at Gulfei on the banks of the Shari, leaving the Shehu at Kukawa to await events.

Meanwhile, Durman had been proclaimed Shehu by the army of Umar and re- entered Kukawa at its head. Umar, relegated to the position of a simple prince of the blood, had to leave the palace and was installed in his brother’s private house.

REIGN OF DURMAN (ABDURRAHMAN), 1853-4

Durman had hardly been installed, when he charged his brother, Abba Bukar Kura, to inform Haj Beshir, of whom he was a friend, that if he would return at once to Kukawa he would grant him a pardon. At the instance of his friend and after a long hesitation, Haj Beshir consented to return. But as soon as he arrived Durman had him imprisoned, and shortly afterwards, in spite of the prayers of his brother, incensed at his ill faith, had him impaled.[498] This did not prevent him swearing the same evening in the presence of all the courtiers that he had never given the order for the execution of the unhappy man, but only that he should be put in bonds.

Durman reigned a bare two years: his harsh character rendered him unpopular with the courtiers, whilst he alienated the army by an unsuccessful expedition against the Musgu, a people in the south of the empire who refused to pay tribute. The malcontents resolved to replace him as soon as he returned to Kukawa by Shehu Umar, whose accommodating temper appeared all the more attractive since the autocratic character of Durman kept constantly increasing.

But Durman was warned of the plot by one of his slaves, Mustapha Mutube. He immediately assembled the courtiers and said to them: ‘I know that you are plotting against me. If you want to replace me, do it at once; don’t wait till I have returned to my palace.’

The courtiers exclaimed: ‘It is false! you have been deceived!’

Durman called the slave: ‘Who told you that a plot was being hatched against me?’

‘It was Arri Fugumani, the chief of the slaves.’

Arri Fugumani, when questioned, said: ‘I was joking with Mustapha Mutube; the whole thing is nothing but a jest, for which I ask pardon.’

Durman pardoned him, saying: ‘From henceforward let no one else come and tell me lies.’

Two months passed, the army had returned to Kukawa, and the courtiers began to conspire afresh.

Arri Fugumani said to Mustapha Mutube: ‘Yesterday’s lie may become to- morrow’s truth. You would do well to inform the sultan.’ But Mustapha, fearing to be again contradicted, dared not say anything.

The next morning all the courtiers assembled in the western town (Bela Potebe) in front of Umar’s house, and the latter’s son, Yerima Bukar, brought him the sultan’s drum and standard, the emblems of power. Then forming in procession they advanced towards the eastern town (Bela Gedibe), where the palace of Durman was situated. The latter, hearing the sound of the trumpets and the cries of the mob, emerged in haste, and with a few faithful followers engaged his adversaries in unequal combat on the open space, called Gumsigine, between the eastern and the western towns. Durman had his horse killed under him. He was immediately brought the horse of one of his slaves, but he refused it, saying: ‘I cannot mount a slave’s horse.’

His brother, Abba Bashir, then gave him his own horse to enable him to fly; but he was unable to get far, and was soon afterwards captured and brought back to Kukawa. Shehu Umar solemnly declared that he would not harm him, and installed him in the house that he had himself just quitted.

SECOND REIGN OF SHEHU UMAR (1854-81)