Chapter XVI: Part I: Introductory Essay on Caste (11)

The religion preached by Kabir was of a lofty character. He rejected the divine inspiration of the Vedas and the whole Hindu mythology. He taught that there was no virtue in outward observances such as shaving the head, ceremonial purity and impurity, and circumcision among Muhammadans. He condemned the worship of idols and the use of sect-marks and religious amulets, but in all ordinary matters allowed his followers to conform to usage in order to avoid giving offence. He abolished distinctions of caste. He enjoined a virtuous life, just conduct and kindly behaviour and much meditation on the virtues of God. He also condemned the love of money and gain. In fact, in many respects his creed resembles Christianity, just as the life of Kabir contains one or two episodes parallel to that of Christ. He prescribed obedience to the Guru or spiritual preceptor in all matters of faith and morals. His religion appears to have been somewhat of a pantheistic character and his idea of the deity rather vague. But he considered that the divine essence was present in all human beings, and apparently that those who freed themselves from sin and the trammels of worldly desires would ultimately be absorbed into the godhead. It does not seem that Kabir made any exact pronouncement on the doctrine of the transmigration of souls and re-birth, but as he laid great stress on avoiding the destruction of any animal life, a precept which is to some extent the outcome of the belief in transmigration, he may have concurred in this tenet. Some Kabirpanthis, however, have discarded transmigration. Bishop Westcott states that they do believe in the re-birth of the soul after an intervening period of reward or punishment, but always apparently in a human body.

3. His sayings

He would seem never to have promulgated any definite account of his own religion, nor did he write anything himself. He uttered a large number of Sakhis or apothegms which were recorded by his disciples in the Bijak, Sukhanidhan and other works, and are very well known and often quoted by Kabirpanthis and others. The influence of Kabir extended beyond his own sect. Nanak, the founder of the Nanakpanthis and Sikhs, was indebted to Kabir for most of his doctrine, and the Adi-Granth or first sacred book of the Sikhs is largely compiled from his sayings. Other sects such as the Dadupanthis also owe much to him. A small selection of his sayings from those recorded by Bishop Westcott may be given in illustration of their character:

1. Adding cowrie to cowrie he brings together lakhs and crores.

At the time of his departure he gets nothing at all, even his loin-cloth is plucked away.

2. Fire does not burn it, the wind does not carry it away, no thief comes near it; collect the wealth of the name of Rama, that wealth is never lost.

3. By force and love circumcision is made, I shall not agree to it, O brother. If God will make me a Turk by Him will I be circumcised; if a man becomes a Turk by being circumcised what shall be done with a woman? She must remain a Hindu.

4. The rosaries are of wood, the gods are of stone, the Ganges and Jumna are water. Rama and Krishna are dead. The four Vedas are fictitious stories.

5. If by worshipping stones one can find God, I shall worship a mountain; better than these stones (idols) are the stones of the flour-mill with which men grind their corn.

6. If by immersion in the water salvation be obtained, the frogs bathe continually. As the frogs so are these men, again and again they fall into the womb.

7. As long as the sun does not rise the stars sparkle; so long as perfect knowledge of God is not obtained, men practise rites and ceremonies.

8. Brahma is dead with Siva who lived in Kashi; the immortals are dead. In Mathura, Krishna, the cowherd, died. The ten incarnations (of Vishnu) are dead. Machhandranath, Gorakhnath, Dattatreya and Vyas are no longer living. Kabir cries with a loud voice, All these have fallen into the slip-knot of death.

9. While dwelling in the womb there is no clan nor caste; from the seed of Brahm the whole of creation is made.

Whose art thou the Brahman? Whose am I the Sudra? Whose blood am I? Whose milk art thou?

Kabir says, 'Who reflects on Brahm, he by me is made a Brahman.'

10. To be truthful is best of all if the heart be truthful. A man may speak as much as he likes; but there is no pleasure apart from truthfulness.

11. If by wandering about naked union with Hari be obtained; then every deer of the forest will attain to God. If by shaving the head perfection is achieved, the sheep is saved, no one is lost.

If salvation is got by celibacy, a eunuch should be the first saved. Kabir says, 'Hear, O Man and Brother; without the name of Rama no one has obtained salvation.'

The resemblance of some of the above ideas to the teaching of the Gospels is striking, and, as has been seen, the story of Kabir's birth might have been borrowed from the Bible, while the Kabirpanthi Chauka or religious service has one or two features in common with Christianity. These facts raise a probability, at any rate, that Kabir or his disciples had some acquaintance with the Bible or with the teaching of Christian missionaries. If such a supposition were correct, it would follow that Christianity had influenced the religious thought of India to a greater extent than is generally supposed. Because, as has been seen, the Nanakpanthi and Sikh sects are mainly based on the teaching of Kabir. Another interesting though accidental resemblance is that the religion of Kabir was handed down in the form of isolated texts and sayings like the Logia of Jesus, and was first reduced to writing in a connected form by his disciples. The fact that Kabir called the deity by the name of Rama apparently does not imply that he ascribed a unique and sole divinity to the hero king of Ajodhia. He had to have some name which might convey a definite image or conception to his uneducated followers, and may have simply adopted that which was best known and most revered by them.

4. The Kabirpanthi Sect in the Central Provinces.

The two principal headquarters of the Kabirpanthi sect are at Benaires and at Kawardha, the capital of the State of that name, or Damakheda in the Raipur District. These appear to be practically independent of each other, the head Mahants exercising separate jurisdiction over members of the sect who acknowledge their authority. The Benares branch of the sect is known as Bap (father) and the Kawardha branch as Mai (mother). In 1901 out of 850,000 Kabirpanthis in India 500,000 belonged to the Central Provinces. The following account of the practices of the sect in the Province is partly compiled from local information, and it differs in some minor, though not in essential, points from that given by Bishop Westcott. The Benares church is called the Kabirchaura Math and the Kawardha one the Dharam Das Math.

One of the converts to Kabir's teaching was Dharam Das, a Kasaundhan Bania, who distributed the whole of his wealth, eighteen lakhs of rupees, in charity at his master's bidding and became a mendicant. In reward for this Kabir promised him that his family should endure for forty-two generations. The Mahants of Kawardha claim to be the direct descendants of Dharam Das. They marry among Kasaundhan Banias, and their sons are initiated and succeed them. The present Mahants Dayaram and Ugranam are twelfth and thirteenth in descent from Dharam Das. Kabir not only promised that there should be forty-two Mahants, but gave the names of each of them, so that the names of all future Mahants are known. [291] Ugranam was born of a Marar woman, and, though acclaimed as the successor of his father, was challenged by Dhirajnam, whose parentage was legitimate. Their dispute led to a case in the Bombay High Court, which was decided in favour of Dhirajnam, and he accordingly occupied the seat at Kawardha. Dayaram is his successor. But Dhirajnam was unpopular, and little attention was paid to him. Ugranam lives at Damakheda, near Simga, [292] and enjoys the real homage of the followers of the sect, who say that Dhiraj was the official Mahant but Ugra the people's Mahant. Of the previous Mahants, four are buried at Kawardha, two at Kudarmal in Bilaspur, the site of a Kabirpanthi fair, and two at Mandla. Under the head Mahant are a number of subordinate Mahants or Gurus, each of whom has jurisdiction over the members of the sect in a certain area. The Guru pays so much a year to the head Mahant for his letter of jurisdiction and takes all the offerings himself. These subordinate Mahants may be celibate or married, and about two-thirds of them are married. A dissenting branch called Nadiapanthi has now arisen in Raipur, all of whom are celibate. The Mahants have a high peaked cap somewhat of the shape of a mitre, a long sleeveless white robe, a _chauri_ or whisk, _chauba_ or silver stick, and a staff called _kuari_ or _aska_. It is said that on one occasion there was a very high flood at Puri and the sea threatened to submerge Jagannath's temple, but Kabir planted a stick in the sand and said, 'Come thus far and no further,' and the flood was stayed. In memory of this the Mahants carry the crutched staff, which also serves as a means of support. When officiating they wear a small embroidered cap. Each Mahant has a Diwan or assistant, and he travels about his charge during the open season, visiting the members of the sect. A Mahant should not annoy any one by begging, but rather than do so should remain hungry. He must not touch any flesh, fish or liquor. And if any living thing is hungry he should give it of his own food.

5. The religious service.

A Kabirpanthi religious service is called Chauka, the name given to the space marked out for it with lines of wheat-flour, 5 or 7 1/2 yards square. [293] In the centre is made a pattern of nine lotus flowers to represent the sun, moon and seven planets, and over this a bunch of real flowers is laid. At one corner is a small hollow pillar of dough serving as a candle-stick, in which a stick covered with cotton-wool burns as a lamp, being fed with butter. The Mahant sits at one end and the worshippers sit round. _Bhajans_ or religious songs are sung to the music of cymbals by one or two, and the others repeat the name of Kabir counting on their _kanthi_ or necklace of beads. The Mahant lights a piece of camphor and waves it backwards and forwards in a dish. This is called Arti, a Hindu rite. He then breaks a cocoanut on a stone, a thing which only a Mahant may do. The flesh of the cocoanut is cut up and distributed to the worshippers with betel-leaf and sugar. Each receives it on his knees, taking the greatest care that none fall on the ground. If any of the cocoanut remain, it is kept by the Mahant for another service. The Hindus think that the cocoanut is a substitute for a human head. It is supposed to have been created by Viswamitra and the _buch_ or tuft of fibre at the end represents the hair. The Kabirpanthis will not eat any part of a cocoanut from other Hindus from which this tuft has been removed, as they fear that it may have been broken off in the name of some god or spirit. Once the _buch_ is removed the cocoanut is not an acceptable offering, as its likeness to a human head is considered to be destroyed. After this the Mahant gives an address and an interval occurs. Some little time afterwards the worshippers reassemble. Meanwhile, a servant has taken the dough candle-stick and broken it up, mixing it with fragments of the cocoanut, butter and more flour. It is then brought to the Mahant, who makes it into little _puris_ or wafers. The Mahant has also a number of betel-leaves known as _parwana_ or message, which have been blessed by the head _guru_ at Kawardha or Damakheda. These are cut up into small pieces for delivery to each disciple and are supposed to represent the body of Kabir. He has also brought _Charan Amrita_ or Nectar of the Feet, consisting of water in which the feet of the head _guru_ have been washed. This is mixed with fine earth and made up into pills. The worshippers reassemble, any who may feel unworthy absenting themselves, and each receives from the Mahant, with one hand folded beneath the other, a wafer of the dough, a piece of the _parwana_ or betel-leaf, and a pill of the foot-nectar. After partaking of the sacred food they cleanse their hands, and the proceedings conclude with a substantial meal defrayed either by subscription or by a well-to-do member. Bishop Westcott states that the _parwana_ or betel-leaf is held to represent Kabir's body, and the Kabirpanthis say that the flame of the candle is the life or spirit of Kabir, so that the dough of the candle-stick might also be taken to symbolise his body. The cocoanut eaten at the preliminary service is undoubtedly offered by Hindus as a substitute for a human body, though the Kabirpanthis may now disclaim this idea. And the foot-nectar of the _guru_ might be looked upon as a substitute for the blood of Kabir.

6. Initiation.

The initiation of a proselyte is conducted at a similar service, and he is given cocoanut and betel-leaf. He solemnly vows to observe the rules of the sect, and the Mahant whispers a text into his ear and hangs a necklace of wooden beads of the wood of the _tulsi_ or basil round his neck. This _kanthi_ or necklace is the mark of the Kabirpanthi, but if lost, it can be replaced by any other necklace, not necessarily of _tulsi_. One man was observed with a necklace of pink beads bought at Allahabad. Sometimes only a single _tulsi_ bead is worn on a string. The convert is also warned against eating the fruit of the _gular_ [294] fig-tree, as these small figs are always full of insects. Kabir condemned sect-marks, but many Kabirpanthis now have them, the mark usually being a single broad streak of white sandalwood from the top of the forehead to the nose.

7. Funeral rites.

The Kabirpanthis are usually buried. Formerly, the bodies of married people both male and female were buried inside the compound of the house, but this is now prohibited on sanitary grounds. A cloth is placed in the grave and the corpse laid on it and another cloth placed over it covering the face. Over the grave a little platform is made on which the Mahant and two or three other persons can sit. On the twenty-first day after the death, if possible, the Mahant should hold a service for the dead. The form of the service is that already described, the Mahant sitting on the grave and the _chauka_ being made in front of it. He lays a cocoanut and flowers on the grave and lights the lamp, afterwards distributing the cocoanut. The Kabirpanthis think that the soul of the dead person remains in the grave up to this time, but when the lamp is burnt the soul mingles with the flame, which is the soul of Kabir, and is absorbed into the deity. When breaking a cocoanut over the grave of the dead the Kabirpanthis say, 'I am breaking the skull of Yama,' because they think that the soul of a Kabirpanthi is absorbed into the deity and therefore is not liable to be taken down to hell and judged by Chitragupta and punished by Yama. From this it would appear that some of them do not believe in the transmigration of souls.

8. Idol worship.

Ordinarily the Kabirpanthis have no regular worship except on the occasion of a visit of the _guru_. But sometimes in the morning they fold their hands and say '_Sat Sahib_,' or the 'True God,' two or three times. They also clean a space with cowdung and place a lighted lamp on it and say '_Jai Kabir Ki_,' or 'Victory to Kabir.' They conceive of the deity as consisting of light, and therefore it seems probable that, like the other Vaishnava sects, they really take him to be the Sun. Kabir prohibited the worship of all idols and visible symbols, but as might be expected the illiterate Kabirpanthis cannot adhere strictly to this. Some of them worship the Bijak, the principal sacred book of their sect. At Rudri near Dhamtari on the Mahanadi one of the Gurus is buried, and a religious fair is held there. Recently a platform has been made with a footprint of Kabir marked on it, and this is venerated by the pilgrims. Similarly, Kudarmal is held to contain the grave of Churaman, the first _guru_ after Dharam Das, and a religious fair is held here at which the Kabirpanthis attend and venerate the grave. Dharam Das himself is said to be buried at Puri, the site of Jagannath's temple, but it seems doubtful whether this story may not have been devised in order to give the Kabirpanthis a valid reason for going on pilgrimage to Puri. Similarly, an arch and platform in the court of the temple of Rama at Ramtek is considered to belong to the Kabirpanthis, though the Brahmans of the temple say that the arch was really made by the daughter of a Surajvansi king of the locality in order to fasten her swing to it. Once in three years the Mahar Kabirpanthis of Mandla make a sacrificial offering of a goat to Dulha Deo, the bridegroom god, and eat the flesh, burying the remains beneath the floor. On this occasion they also drink liquor. Other Kabirpanthis venerate Brahma, Vishnu and Siva, and light a lamp and burn camphor in their names, but do not make idols of them. They will accept the cooked food offered to Vishnu as Satnarayan and a piece of the cocoanut kernel offered to Devi, but not the offerings to any other deities. And a number even of illiterate Kabirpanthis appear to abstain from any kind of idol-worship.

9. Statistics of the sect.

About 600,000 Kabirpanthis were returned in the Central Provinces in 1911, this being equivalent to an increase of 19 per cent since the previous census. As this was less than the increase in the total population the sect appears to be stationary or declining in numbers. The weaving castes are usually Kabirpanthis, because Kabir was a weaver. The Brahmans call it 'The weaver's religion.' Of the Panka caste 84 per cent were returned as members of the sect, and this caste appears to be of sectarian formation, consisting of Pans or Gandas who have become Kabirpanthis. Other weaving castes such as Balahis, Koris, Koshtis and Mahars belong to the sect in considerable numbers, and it is also largely professed by other low castes as the Telis or oilmen, of whom 16 per cent adhere to it, and by Dhobis and Chamars; and by some castes from whom a Brahman will take water, as the Ahirs, Kurmis, Lodhis and Kachhis. Though there seems little doubt that one of the principal aims of Kabir's preaching was the abolition of the social tyranny of the caste system, which is the most real and to the lower classes the most hateful and burdensome feature of Hinduism, yet as in the case of so many other reformers his crusade has failed, and a man who becomes a Kabirpanthi does not cease to be a member of his caste or to conform to its observances. And a few Brahmans who have been converted, though renounced by their own caste, have, it is said, been compensated by receiving high posts in the hierarchy of the sect. Formerly all members of the sect took food together at the conclusion of each Chauka or service conducted by a Mahant. But this is no longer the case, and presumably different Chaukas are now held for communities of different castes. Only on the 13th day of Bhadon (August), which was the birthday of Kabir, as many Kabirpanthis as can meet at the headquarters of the Guru take food together without distinction of caste in memory of their Founder's doctrine. Otherwise the Kabirpanthis of each caste make a separate group within it, but among the lower castes they take food and marry with members of the caste who are not Kabirpanthis. These latter are commonly known as Saktaha, a term which in Chhattisgarh signifies an eater of meat as opposed to a Kabirpanthi who refrains from it. The Mahars and Pankas permit intermarriage between Kabirpanthi and Saktaha families, the wife in each case adopting the customs and beliefs of her husband. Kabirpanthis also wear the _choti_ or scalp-lock and shave the head for the death of a relative, in spite of Kabir's contempt of the custom. Still, the sect has in the past afforded to the uneducated classes a somewhat higher ideal of spiritual life than the chaotic medley of primitive superstitions and beliefs in witchcraft and devil worship, from which the Brahmans, caring only for the recognition of their social supremacy, made no attempt to raise them.

Lingayat Sect

_Lingayat Sect_.--A sect devoted to the worship of Siva which has developed into a caste. The Lingayat sect is supposed [295] to have been founded in the twelfth century by one Basava, a Brahman minister of the king of the Carnatic. He preached the equality of all men and of women also by birth, and the equal treatment of all. Women were to be treated with the same respect as men, and any neglect or incivility to a woman would be an insult to the god whose image she wore and with whom she was one. Caste distinctions were the invention of Brahmans and consequently unworthy of acceptance. The _Madras Census Report_ [296] of 1871 further states that Basava preached the immortality of the soul, and mentions a theory that some of the traditions concerning him might have been borrowed from the legends of the Syrian Christians, who had obtained a settlement in Madras at a period not later than the seventh century. The founder of the sect thus took as his fundamental tenet the abolition of caste, but, as is usual in the history of similar movements, the ultimate result has been that the Lingayats have themselves become a caste. In Bombay they have two main divisions, Mr. Enthoven states: [297] the Panchamsalis or descendants of the original converts from Brahmanism and the non-Panchamsalis or later converts. The latter are further subdivided into a number of groups, apparently endogamous. Converts of each caste becoming Lingayats form a separate group of their own, as Ahir Lingayats, Bania Lingayats and so on, severing their connection with the parent caste. A third division consists of members of unclean castes attached to the Lingayat community by reason of performing to it menial service. A marked tendency has recently been displayed by the community in Bombay to revert to the original Brahmanic configuration of society, from which its founder sought to free it. On the occasion of the census a complete scheme was supplied to the authorities professing to show the division of the Lingayats into the four groups of Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra.

In the Central Provinces Lingayats were not shown as a separate caste, and the only return of members of the sect is from the Bania caste, whose subcastes were abstracted. Lingayat was recorded as a subcaste by 8000 Banias, and these form a separate endogamous group. But members of other castes as Gaolis, Malis, Patwas and the Telugu Balijas are also Lingayats and marry among themselves. A child becomes a Lingayat by being invested with the _lingam_ or phallic sign of Siva, seven days after its birth, by the Jangam priest. This is afterwards carried round the neck in a small casket of silver, brass or wood throughout life, and is buried with the corpse at death. The corpse of a Lingayat cannot be burnt because it must not be separated from the _lingam_, as this is considered to be the incarnation of Siva and must not be destroyed in the fire. If it is lost the owner must be invested with a fresh one by the Jangam in the presence of the caste. It is worshipped three times a day, being washed in the morning with the ashes of cowdung cakes, while in the afternoon leaves of the _bel_ tree and food are offered to it. When a man is initiated as a Lingayat in after-life, the Jangam invests him with the _lingam_, pours holy water on to his head and mutters in his ear the sacred text, '_Aham so aham_,' or 'I and you are now one and the same.' The Lingayats are strict vegetarians, and will not expose their drinking water to the sun, as they think that by doing this insects would be bred in it and that by subsequently swallowing them they would be guilty of the destruction of life. They are careful to leave no remains of a meal uneaten. Their own priests, the Jangams, officiate at their weddings, and after the conclusion of the ceremony the bride and bridegroom break raw cakes of pulse placed on the other's back, the bride with her foot and the bridegroom with his fist. Widow-marriage is allowed. The dead are buried in a sitting posture with their faces turned towards the east. Water sanctified by the Jangam having dipped his toe into it is placed in the mouth of the corpse. The Jangam presses down the earth over the grave and then stands on it and refuses to come off until he is paid a sum of money varying with the means of the man, the minimum payment being Rs. 1-4. In some cases a platform with an image of Mahadeo is made over the grave. When meeting each other the Lingayats give the salutation _Sharnat_, or, 'I prostrate myself before you.' They address the Jangam as Maharaj and touch his feet with their head. The Lingayat Banias of the Central Provinces usually belong to Madras and speak Telugu in their houses. As they deny the authority of Brahmans, the latter have naturally a great antipathy for them, and make various statements to their discredit. One of these is that after a death the Lingayats have a feast, and, setting up the corpse in the centre, arrange themselves round it and eat their food. But this is not authenticated. Similarly the Abbe Dubois stated: [298] "They do not recognise the laws relating to defilement which are generally accepted by other castes, such, for instance, as those occasioned by a woman's periodical ailments, and by the death and funeral of relations. Their indifference to all such prescriptive customs relating to defilement and cleanliness has given rise to a Hindu proverb which says, 'There is no river for a Lingayat,' meaning that the members of the sect do not recognise, at all events on many occasions, the virtues and merits of ablutions." The same author also states that they entirely reject the doctrine of migration of souls, and that, in consequence of their peculiar views on this point, they have no _tithis_ or anniversary festivals to commemorate the dead. A Lingayat is no sooner buried than he is forgotten. In view of these remarks it must be held to be doubtful whether the Lingayats have the doctrine of the immortality of the soul.

Muhammadan Religion

[_Bibliography_: Rev. T.P. Hughes, _Notes on Muhammadanism_, and _Dictionary of Islam_, London, W.H. Allen, 1895; _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. ix. Part II. _Muhammadans of Gujarat_, by Khan Bahadur Fazalullah Lutfullah Faridi; _Qaun-i-Islam,_ G.A. Herklots, Madras, Higginbotham, reprint 1895; _Muhammadanism and Early Developments of Muhammadanism_, by Professor D.S. Margoliouth; _Life of Mahomet_, by Sir. W. Muir; Mr. J.T. Marten's _Central Provinces Census Report_, 1911. This article is mainly compiled from the excellent accounts in the _Bombay Gazetteer_ and the _Dictionary of Islam_.]

List of Paragraphs

1. _Statistics and distribution_.
2. _Occupations_.
3. _Muhammadan castes_.
4. _The four tribal divisions_.
5. _Marriage_.
6. _Polygamy, divorce and widow-remarriage_.
7. _Devices for procuring children, and beliefs about them_.
8. _Pregnancy rites_.
9. _Childbirth and naming children_.
10. _The Ukika sacrifice_.
11. _Shaving the hair and ear-piercing_
12. _Birthdays_.
13. _Circumcision, and maturity of girls_.
14. _Funeral rites_.
15. _Muhammadan sects. Shiah and Sunni_.
16. _Leading religious observations. Prayer._
17. _The fast Ramazan._
18. _The pilgrimage to Mecca._
19. _Festivals. The Muharram_.
20. _Id-ul-Fitr._
21. _Id-ul-Zoha._
22. _Mosques._
22. _Mosques_
23. _The Friday service._
24. _Priest. Mulla and Maulvi._
25. _The Kazi._
26. _General features of Islam._
27. _The Koran._
28. _The Traditions_
29. _The schools of law._
30. _Food._
31. _Dress._
32. _Social rules. Salutations._
33. _Customs._
34. _Position of women._
35. _Interest on money._
36. _Muhammadan education._

1. Statistics and distribution.

_Muhammadan Religion._--The Muhammadans numbered nearly 600,000 persons in the Central Provinces in 1911, or about 3 per cent of the population. Of these about two-fifths belong to Berar, the Amraoti and Akola Districts containing more than 70,000 each; while of the 350,000 returned from the Central Provinces proper, about 40,000 reside in each of the Jubbulpore, Nagpur and Nimar Districts. Berar was for a long period governed by the Muhammadan Bahmani dynasty, and afterwards formed part of the Mughal empire, passing to the Mughal Viceroy, the Nizam of Hyderabad, when he became an independent ruler. Though under British administration, it is still legally a part of Hyderabad territory, and a large proportion of the official classes as well as many descendants of retired soldiers are Muhammadans. Similarly Nimar was held by the Muhammadan Faruki dynasty of Khandesh for 200 years, and was then included in the Mughal empire, Burhanpur being the seat of a viceroy. At this period a good deal of forcible conversion probably took place, and a considerable section of the Bhils nominally became Muhammadans.

When the Gond Raja of Deogarh embraced Islam after his visit to Delhi, members of this religion entered his service, and he also brought back with him various artificers and craftsmen. The cavalry of the Bhonsla Raja of Nagpur was largely composed of Muhammadans, and in many cases their descendants have settled on the land. In the Chhattisgarh Division and the Feudatory States the number of Muhammadans is extremely small, constituting less than one per cent of the population.

2. Occupations.

No less than 37 per cent of the total number of Muhammadans live in towns, though the general proportion of urban population in the Provinces is only 7 1/2 per cent. The number of Muhammadans in Government service excluding the police and army, is quite disproportionate to their small numerical strength in the Provinces, being 20 per cent of all persons employed. In the garrison they actually outnumber Hindus, while in the police they form 37 per cent of the whole force. In the medical and teaching professions also the number of Muhammadans is comparatively large, while of persons of independent means a proportion of 29 per cent are of this religion. Of persons employed in domestic services nearly 14 per cent of the total are Muhammadans, and of beggars, vagrants and prostitutes 23 per cent. Muhammadans are largely engaged in making and selling clothes, outnumbering the Hindus in this trade; they consist of two entirely different classes, the Muhammadan tailors who work for hire, and the Bohra and Khoja shopkeepers who sell all kinds of cloth; but both live in towns. Of dealers in timber and furniture 36 per cent are Muhammadans, and they also engage in all branches of the retail trade in provisions. The occupations of the lower-class Muhammadans are the manufacture of glass bangles and slippers and the dyeing of cloth. [299]

3. Muhammadan castes.

About 14 per cent of the Muhammadans returned caste names. The principal castes are the Bohra and Khoja merchants, who are of the Shiah sect, and the Cutchis or Memans from Gujarat, who are also traders; these classes are foreigners in the Province, and many of them do not bring their wives, though they have now begun to settle here. The resident castes of Muhammadans are the Bahnas or cotton-cleaners; Julahas, weavers; Kacheras, glass bangle-makers; Kunjras, greengrocers; Kasais, butchers; and the Rangrez caste of dyers who dye with safflower. As already stated, a section of the Bhils are at least nominally Muhammadans, and the Fakirs or Muhammadan beggars are also considered a separate caste. But no caste of good standing such as the Rajput and Jat includes any considerable number of Muhammadans in the Central Provinces, though in northern India large numbers of them belong to this religion, while retaining substantially their caste usages. The Muhammadan castes in the Central Provinces probably consist to a large extent of the descendants of Hindu converts. Their religious observances present a curious mixture of Hindu and Muhammadan rites, as shown in the separate articles on these castes. Proper Muhammadans look down on them and decline to take food or intermarry with them.

4. The four tribal divisions.

The Muhammadans proper are usually divided into four classes, Shaikh, Saiyad, Mughal and Pathan. Of these the Shaikhs number nearly 300,000, the Pathans nearly 150,000, the Saiyads under 50,000, and the Pathans about 9000 in the Central Provinces. The term Saiyad properly means a descendant of Ali, the son-in-law, and the lady Fatimah, the daughter of the Prophet. They use the title Saiyad or Mir [300] before, and sometimes Shah after, their name, while women employ that of Begum. Many Saiyads act as Pirs or spiritual guides to other Muhammadan families. The external mark of a Saiyad is the right to wear a green turban, but this is of course no longer legally secured to them. The title Shaikh properly belongs only to three branches of the Quraish tribe or that of Muhammad: the Siddikis, who claim descent from Abu Bakr Siddik, [301] the father-in-law of the Prophet and the second Caliph; the Farukis claiming it from Umar ul Faruk, the third Caliph, and also the father-in-law of the Prophet; and the Abbasis, descended from Abbas, one of the Prophet's nine uncles. The Farukis are divided into two families, the Chistis and Faridis. Both these titles, however, and especially Shaikh, are now arrogated by large numbers of persons who cannot have any pretence to the above descent. Sir D. Ibbetson quotes a proverb, 'Last year I was a butcher; this year I am a Shaikh; next year if prices rise I shall become a Saiyad.' And Sir H. M. Elliot relates that much amusement was caused in 1860 at Gujarat by the Sherishtadar or principal officer of the judicial department describing himself in an official return as Saiyad Hashimi Quraishi, that is, of the family and lineage of the Prophet. His father, who was living in obscurity in his native town, was discovered to be a Lohar or blacksmith. [302] The term Shaikh means properly an elder, and is freely taken by persons of respectable position. Shaikhs commonly use either Shaikh or Muhammad as their first names. The Pathans were originally the descendants of Afghan immigrants. The name is probably the Indian form of the word Pushtun (plural Pushtanah), now given to themselves by speakers of the Pushtu language. [303] The men add Khan to their names and the women Khatun or Khatu. It is not at all likely either that the bulk of the Muhammadans who returned themselves as Pathans in the Central Provinces are really of Afghan descent. The Mughals proper are of two classes, Irani or Persian, who belong to the Shiah sect, and Turani, Turkish or Tartar, who are Sunnis. Mughals use the title Mirza (short for Amirzada, son of a prince) before their names, and add Beg after them. It is said that the Prophet addressed a Mughal by the title of Beg after winning a victory, and since then it has always been used. Mughal women have the designation Khanum after their names. [304] Formerly the Saiyads and Mughals constituted the superior class of Muhammadan gentry, and never touched a plough themselves, like the Hindu Brahmans and Rajputs. These four divisions are not proper subcastes as they are not endogamous. A man of one group can marry a woman of any other and she becomes a member of her husband's group; but the daughters of Saiyads do not usually marry others than Saiyads. Nor is there any real distinction of occupation between them, the men following any occupation indifferently. In fact, the divisions are now little more than titular, a certain distinction attaching to the titles Saiyad and Shaikh when borne by families who have a hereditary or prescriptive right to use them.

5. Marriage.

The census returns of 1911 show that three-fourths of Muhammadan boys now remain unmarried till the age of 20; while of girls 31 per cent are unmarried between 15 and 20, but only 13 per cent above that age. The age of marriage of boys may therefore be taken at 18 to 25 or later, and that of girls at 10 to 20. The age of marriage both of girls and boys is probably getting later, especially among the better classes.

Marriage is prohibited to the ordinary near relatives, but not between first cousins. A man cannot marry his foster-mother or foster-sister, unless the foster-brother and sister were nursed by the same woman at intervals widely separated. A man may not marry his wife's sister during his wife's lifetime unless she has been divorced. A Muhammadan cannot marry a polytheist, but he may marry a Jewess or a Christian. No specific religious ceremony is appointed, nor are any rites essential for the contraction of a valid marriage. If both persons are legally competent, and contract marriage with each other in the presence of two male or one male and two female witnesses, it is sufficient. And the Shiah law even dispenses with witnesses. As a rule the Kazi performs the ceremony, and reads four chapters of the Koran with the profession of belief, the bridegroom repeating them after him. The parties then express their mutual consent, and the Kazi, raising his hands, says, "The great God grant that mutual love may reign between this couple as it existed between Adam and Eve, Abraham and Sarah, Joseph and Zuleika, Moses and Zipporah, His Highness Muhammad and Ayesha, and His Highness Ali and Fatimah." [305] A dowry or _meher_ must be paid to the wife, which under the law must not be less than ten silver _dirhams_ or drachmas; but it is customary to fix it at Rs. 17, the dowry of Fatimah, the Prophet's favourite daughter, or at Rs. 750, that of the Prophet's wife, Ayesha. [306] The wedding is, however, usually accompanied by feasts and celebrations not less elaborate or costly than those of the Hindus. Several Hindu ceremonies are also included, such as the anointing of the bride and bridegroom with oil and turmeric, and setting out earthen vessels, which are meant to afford a dwelling-place for the spirits of ancestors, at least among the lower classes. [307] Another essential rite is the rubbing of the hands and feet of the bridegroom with _mehndi_ or red henna. The marriage is usually arranged and a ceremony of betrothal held at least a year before it actually takes place.

6. Polygamy, divorce and widow-remarriage.

A husband can divorce his wife at pleasure by merely repeating the prescribed sentences. A wife can obtain divorce from her husband for impotence, madness, leprosy or non-payment of the dowry. A woman who is divorced can claim her dowry if it has not been paid. Polygamy is permitted among Muhammadans to the number of four wives, but it is very rare in the Central Provinces. Owing to the fact that members of the immigrant trading castes leave their wives at home in Gujarat, the number of married women returned at the census was substantially less than that of married men. A feeling in favour of the legal prohibition of polygamy is growing up among educated Muhammadans, and many of them sign a contract at marriage not to take a second wife during the lifetime of the first. There is no prohibition on the remarriage of widows in Muhammadan law, but the Hindu rule on the subject has had considerable influence, and some Muhammadans of good position object to the marriage of widows in their family. The custom of the seclusion of women also, as Mr. Marten points out, operates as a bar to a widow finding a husband for herself.

7. Devices for procuring children, and beliefs about them.

Women who desire children resort to the shrines of saints, who are supposed to be able to induce fertility. "Blochmann notes that the tomb of Saint Salim-i-Chishti at Fatehpur-Sikri, in whose house the Emperor Jahangir was born, is up to the present day visited by childless Hindu and Musalman women. A tree in the compound of the saint Shaih Alam of Ahmedabad yields a peculiar acorn-like fruit, which is sought after far and wide by those desiring children; the woman is believed to conceive from the moment of eating the fruit. If the birth of a child follows the eating of the acorn, the man and woman who took it from the tree should for a certain number of years come at every anniversary of the saint and nourish the tree with a supply of milk. In addition to this, jasmine and rose-bushes at the shrines of certain saints are supposed to possess issue-giving properties. To draw virtue from the saint's jasmine the woman who yearns for a child bathes and purifies herself and goes to the shrine, and seats herself under or near the jasmine bush with her skirt spread out. As many flowers as fall into her lap, so many children will she have. In some localities if after the birth of one child no other son is born, or being born does not live, it is supposed that the first-born child is possessed by a malignant spirit who destroys the young lives of the new-born brothers and sisters. So at the mother's next confinement sugar and sesame-seed are passed seven or nine times over the new-born infant from head to foot, and the elder boy or girl is given them to eat. The sugar represents the life of the young one given to the spirit who possesses the first-born. A child born with teeth already visible is believed to exercise a very malignant influence over its parents, and to render the early death of one of them almost certain." [308]

8. Pregnancy rites.

In the seventh or ninth month of pregnancy a fertility rite is performed as among the Hindus. The woman is dressed in new clothes, and her lap is filled with fruit and vegetables by her friends. In some localities a large number of pots are obtained, and a little water is placed in each of them by a fertile married woman who has never lost a child. Prayers are repeated over the pots in the names of the male and female ancestors of the family, and especially of the women who have died in childbirth. This appears to be a propitiation of the spirits of ancestors. [309]

9. Childbirth and naming children.

A woman goes to her parents' home after the last pregnancy rite and stays there till her confinement is over. The rites performed by the midwife at birth resemble those of the Hindus. When the child is born the _azan_ or summons to prayer is uttered aloud in his right ear, and the _takbir_ or Muhammadan creed in his left. The child is named on the sixth or seventh day. Sometimes the name of an ancestor is given, or the initial letter is selected from the Koran at a venture and a name beginning with that letter is chosen. Some common names are those of the hundred titles of God combined with the prefix _abd_ or servant. Such are Abdul Aziz, servant of the all-honoured; Ghani, the everlasting; Karim, the gracious; Rahim, the pitiful; Rahman, the merciful; Razzak, the bread-giver; Sattar, the concealer; and so on, with the prefix Abdul, or servant of, in each case. Similarly Abdullah, or servant of God, was the name of Muhammad's father, and is a very favourite one. Other names end with Baksh or 'given by,' as Haidar Baksh, given by the lion (Ali); these are similar to the Hindu names ending in Prasad. The prefix Ghulam, or slave of, is also used, as Ghulam Hussain, slave of Hussain; and names of Hebrew patriarchs mentioned in the Koran are not uncommon, as Ayub Job, Harun Aaron, Ishaq Isaac, Musa Moses, Yakub Jacob, Yusaf Joseph, and so on. [310]

10. The Ukika sacrifice.

After childbirth the mother must not pray or fast, touch the Koran or enter a mosque for forty days; on the expiry of this period she is bathed and dressed in good clothes, and her relatives bring presents for the child. Some people do not let her oil or comb her hair during these days. The custom would seem to be a relic of the period of impurity of women after childbirth. On the fortieth day the child is placed in a cradle for the first time. In some localities a rite called Ukika is performed after the birth of a child. It consists of a sacrifice in the name of the child of two he-goats for a boy and one for a girl. The goats must be above a year old, and without spot or blemish. The meat must be separated from the bones so that not a bone is broken, and the bones, skin, feet and head are afterwards buried in the earth. When the flesh is served the following prayer is said by the father: "O, Almighty God, I offer in the stead of my own offspring life for life, blood for blood, head for head, bone for bone, hair for hair, and skin for skin. In the name of God do I sacrifice this he-goat." This is apparently a relic of the substitution of a goat for Ishmael when Abraham was offering him as a sacrifice. The Muhammadans say that it was Ishmael instead of Isaac who was thus offered, and they think that Ishmael or Ismail was the ancestor of all the Arabs. [311]

11. Shaving the hair and ear-piercing.

Either on the same day as the Ukika sacrifice or soon afterwards the child's hair is shaved for the first time. By the rich the hair is weighed against silver and this sum is distributed to beggars. It is then tied up in a piece of cloth and either buried or thrown into a river, or sometimes set afloat on a little toy raft in the name of a saint. Occasionally tufts of hair or even the whole head may be left unshaven in the name of a saint, and after one or more years the child is taken to the saint's tomb and the hair shaved there; or if this cannot be done it is cut off at home in the name of the saint. [312]

When a girl is one or two years old the lobes of her ears are bored. By degrees other holes are bored along the edge of the ear and even in the centre, till by the time she has attained the age of two or three years she has thirteen holes in the right ear and twelve in the left. Little silver rings and various kinds of earrings are inserted and worn in the holes. But the practice of boring so many holes has now been abandoned by the better-class Muhammadans.

12. Birthdays.

The child's birthday is known as _sal-girah_ and is celebrated by a feast. A knot is tied in a red thread and annually thereafter a fresh knot to mark his age, and prayers are offered in the child's name to the patriarch Noah, who is believed to have lived to five hundred or a thousand years, and hence to have the power of conferring longevity on the child. When a child is four years, four months and four days old the ceremony of Bismillah or taking the name of God is held, which is obligatory on all Muhammadans. Friends are invited, and the child is dressed in a flowered robe (_sahra_) and repeats the first chapters of the Koran after his or her tutor. [313]

13. Circumcision, and maturity of girls.

A boy is usually circumcised at the age of six or seven, but among some classes of Shiahs and the Arabs the operation is performed a few days after birth. The barber operates and the child is usually given a little _bhang_ or other opiate. Some Muhammadans leave circumcision till an age bordering on puberty, and then perform it with a pomp and ceremony almost equalling those of a marriage. When a girl arrives at the age of puberty she is secluded for seven days, and for this period eats only butter, bread and sugar, all fish, flesh, salt and acid food being prohibited. In the evening she is bathed, warm water is poured on her head, and among the lower classes an entertainment is given to friends. [314]

14. Funeral rites.