The tribes and castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, Volume 1 (of 4)

Chapter VI: Forms of Hindu Marriage (3)

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[Social rules.] 10. As regards food, the use of the onion, garlic, carrot and turnip is forbidden. At the commencement of meals a small portion is thrown into the fire, and a little known as Gogrâs is given to the family cow. “All Pachhainiya and most Purabiya Agarwâlas wear the sacred thread. In Behâr they rank immediately below Brâhmans and Kâyasths, and the former can take water and certain kinds of sweetmeats from their hands. According to their own account they can take cooked food only from Brâhmans of the Gaur, Tailanga, Gujarâti and Sanâdh sub-castes; water and sweetmeats they can take from any Brâhmans, except the degraded classes of Ojha and Mahâbrâhman, from Râjputs, Bais Banyas, and Khatris (usually reckoned as Vaisyas), and from the superior members of the so-called mixed castes, from whose hands Brâhmans will take water. Some Agarwâlas, however, affect a still higher standard of ceremonial purity in the matter of cooked food, and carry their prejudices to such lengths that a mother-in-law will not eat food prepared by her daughter-in-law. All kinds of animal food are strictly prohibited, and the members of the caste also abstain from jovanda rice which has been parboiled before husking. Jaina Agarwâlas will not eat after dark for fear of swallowing minute insects. Smoking is governed by the rules in force for water and sweetmeats. It is noticed that the Purohits of the caste will smoke out of the same huqqa as their clients.” [117]

[Occupation.] 11. The Agarwâlas are one of the most respectable and enterprising of the mercantile tribes in the Province. They are bankers, money-lenders and land-holders. These rights in land have generally been acquired through their mercantile business. It is a joke against them that the finery of the Agarwâla never wears out because it is taken so much care of. They are notorious for their dislike to horsemanship, and for the skill of their women in making vermicelli pastry and sweetmeats. The greatness of Agroha, their original settlement, is commemorated in the legend told by Dr. Buchanan [118] that when any firm failed in the city, each of the others contributed a brick and five rupees which formed a stock sufficient for the merchant to recommence trade with advantage.

DISTRIBUTION OF AGARWÂLAS BY THE CENSUS OF 1891.

==============+=========+=========+========
District. | Hindus. | Jainas. | Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | 2,109 | 234 | 2,343
Sahâranpur | 26,448 | 5,988 | 32,436
Muzaffarnagar | 28,237 | 9,029 | 37,266
Meerut | 37,792 | 16,307 | 54,099
Bulandshahr | 26,272 | 1,053 | 27,325
Aligarh | 16,083 | 9 | 16,092
Mathura | 27,323 | 1,196 | 28,519
Agra | 22,439 | 1,447 | 23,886
Farrukhâbâd | 2,281 | 122 | 2,403
Mainpuri | 2,350 | 157 | 2,507
Etâwah | 2,048 | 137 | 2,185
Etah | 2,518 | 69 | 2,587
Bareilly | 7,401 | 4 | 7,405
Bijnor | 12,222 | 779 | 13,001
Budâun | 1,968 | 3 | 1,971
Murâdâbâd | 10,968 | 255 | 11,223
Shâhjahânpur | 1,065 | 33 | 1,098
Pilibhît | 2,255 | 11 | 2,266
Cawnpur | 6,004 | 70 | 6,074
Fatehpur | 543 | | 543
Bânda | 860 | ... | 860
Hamîrpur | 1,542 | ... | 1,542
Allahâbâd | 3,340 | ... | 3,340
Jhânsi | 3,482 | 14 | 3,496
Jâlaun | 1,907 | | 1,907
Lalitpur | 119 | | 119
Benares | 2,833 | 3 | 2,836
Mirzâpur | 1,920 | ... | 1,920
Jaunpur | 263 | ... | 263
Ghâzipur | 1,067 | 26 | 1,093
Ballia | 510 | ... | 510
Gorakhpur | 1,539 | 40 | 1,579
Basti | 277 | | 277
Azamgarh | 1,049 | | 1,049
Kumâun | 260 | | 260
Garhwâl | 1,755 | | 1,755
Tarâi | 1,348 | 36 | 1,384
Lucknow | 2,831 | 422 | 3,253
Unâo | 149 | 8 | 157
Râê Bareli | 140 | 23 | 163
Sîtapur | 266 | 124 | 390
Hardoi | 106 | ... | 106
Kheri | 276 | ... | 276
Faizâbâd | 1,022 | ... | 1,022
Gonda | 802 | ... | 802
Bahrâich | 292 | 30 | 322
Sultânpur | 205 | ... | 205
Partâbgarh | 295 | ... | 295
Bâra Banki | 500 | 887 | 1,387
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Grand Total | 269,761 | 38,516 | 308,277
==============+=========+=========+=========

Agastwâr.—A sect of Râjputs found principally in Pargana Haveli of Benares. They claim to take their name from the Rishi Agastya, who appears to have been one of the early Brâhman missionaries to the country south of the Vindhya range, which he is said to have ordered to prostrate themselves before him.

Aghori, Aghorpanthi, Aughar. [119]—(Sanskrit aghora “not terrific,” a euphemistic title of Siva), the most disreputable class of Saiva mendicants. The head-quarters of the sect are at Râmgarh, Benares. The founder of it was Kinna Râm, a Râjput by caste, who was born at Râmgarh, and was a contemporary of Balwant Sinh, Râja of Benares. When he was quite a boy he retired to a garden near Benares and meditated on the problems of life and death. He became possessed of the spirit and his parents shut him up as a mad-man. When they tried to wean him from the life of an ascetic and marry him, he made his escape and retired to Jagannâth. Some time after he was initiated by a Vaishnava Pandit from Ghâzipur. Then he went to Ballua Ghât at Benares and began to practise austerities. Some time after one Kâlu Râm came from Girnâr Hill, and Kinna Râm attended on him for some years. One day he announced his intention of making a second pilgrimage to Jagannâth, when Kâlu said,—“If I bring Jagannâth before your eyes here will you give up your intention?” Kinna Râm agreed, and then by his supernatural power Kâlu Râm did as he had promised to do. This shook the faith of Kinna Râm and he abandoned the Vaishnava sect and was initiated as a Saiva. From that time he became an Aughar or Aghori. Kâlu Râm gave him a piece of burning wood which he had brought from the Smasâna Ghât or cremation ground at Benares, and ordered him with this to maintain the perpetual fire. After this Kâlu Râm returned to Girnâr and Kinna Râm went to the garden where he had stayed at the opening of his life and erected a monastery there. He performed miracles and attracted a number of disciples out of his own tribe.

2. Some time after his own Guru who had initiated him into the Vaishnava sect came to see him. Kinna Râm directed him to go to Delhi, where a number of Sâdhus were then suffering imprisonment at the hands of the Muhammadan Emperor for their faith, and to procure their release by working miracles. The Guru went there and shared their fate. Long after when the Guru did not return Kinna Râm went himself to Delhi in order to effect his release. Kinna Râm, on his arrival, was arrested and sentenced to work on the flour-mills. He asked the Emperor if he would release him and the other Sâdhus, if he was able, by his miraculous power to make the mills move of themselves. The Emperor agreed and he worked the miracle. The Emperor was so impressed by his power that he released the Sâdhus and conferred estates on Kinna Râm. The Sâdhus whom he had released became his disciples, and he returned to Benares, where at Râmgarh he established the Aghori sect and became the first leader. He lived to a good old age, and was succeeded by one of the members elected by general vote of the society.

[Form of initiation.] 3. The form of initiation into the sect is as follows:—The candidate for initiation places a cup of liquor and a cup of bhang on the stone which covers the tomb of Kinna Râm. It is said that those who wish to become Aughars without losing caste drink only the bhang, while those who desire to be fully initiated drink both the bhang and spirits. Some say that when the candidate has perfect faith, the cups come to his lips of themselves. Then a sacrifice is performed in which various kinds of fruits are thrown into the fire which has been kept alight since it was first lighted by Kinna Râm, and an animal, usually a goat, is sacrificed. It is believed that the animal thus sacrificed often comes to life again when the function is over. After this the hair of the candidate is moistened in urine, by preference that of the head of the sect, and shaved. Subsequently the candidate has to meditate on the precepts and teaching of Kinna Râm, which are recorded in a book known as the Bîjaka. Those who are illiterate have these read over to them by other Aughars. The initiation ceremony ends with a feast to all the disciples present, at which spirits and meat are distributed. This is followed by a probation term of twelve years, during which the initiated eats any kind of filthy food, the flesh of corpses being included. Their life is spent in drinking and smoking intoxicating drugs, and they are most abusive to those who will not give them alms. When they go to beg they carry a bottle either empty or full of spirits. They demand alms in the words Jây Kinna Râm ki (Glory to Kinna Râm). It is said that after leading this life for twelve years they abandon the use of spirits and only eat filthy food.

4. A great resort of this class of ascetics is the Asthbhuja hill near Bindhâchal in the Mirzapur District. According to Lassen, quoted by Mr. Risley, [120] the Aghoris of the present day are closely related to the Kapâlika or Kapâladhârin sect of the middle ages who wore crowns and necklaces of skulls and offered human sacrifices to Châmunda, a horrible form of Devi or Pârvati. In support of this view it is observed that in Bhavabhuti’s Drama of Mâlati Mâdhava, written in the eighth century, the Kapâlika sorcerer, from whom Mâlati is rescued, as she is about to be sacrificed to Châmunda, is euphemistically described as an Aghorakantha, from aghora, “not terrible.” The Aghoris of the present day represent their filthy habits as merely giving practical expression to the abstract doctrine of the Paramahansa sect of the Saivites that the whole universe is full of Brahma, and consequently that one thing is as pure as another. The mantra or mystic formula by which Aghoris are initiated is believed by other ascetics to be very powerful and to be capable of restoring to life the human victims offered to Devi and eaten by the officiating priest. Not long since a member of the sect was punished in Budaun for eating human flesh in public. Of the Panjab Mr. MacLagan [121] writes:—“The only real sub-division of the Jogis which are at all commonly recognised are the well-known sects of Oghar and Kanphattas. The Kanphattas, as their name denotes, pierce their ears and wear in them large rings (mundra) generally of wood, stone or glass; the ears of the novice are pierced by the Guru, who gets a fee of Re. 1–4–0. Among themselves the word Kanphatta is not used; but they call themselves Darshani or ‘one who wears an ear-ring.’ The Oghar, on the contrary, do not split their ears, but wear a whistle (nâdha) of wood, which they blow at morning and evening and before meals. Kanphattas are called by names ending in Nâth, and the names of the Oghar end in Dâs. The Kanphattas are the more distinctive sect of the two, and the Oghars were apparently either their predecessors or seceders from their body. One account says that the Kanphattas are the followers of Gorakhnâth, the pupil of Jalandharanâth, who sometimes appears in the legends as an opponent of Gorakhnâth. Another account would go further back and connect the two sects with a sub-division of the philosophy of Patanjali.” The difference between the Aughar and Aghori does not seem to be very distinct; the Aghori adds to the disgusting license of the Aughar in matters of food the occasional eating of human flesh and filth.

DISTRIBUTION OF AGHORPANTHIS AND AUGHARS BY THE CENSUS OF 1891. [122]

===============+=======+====================+=======
| | Aghori including |
District. |Aughar.| Kinnarâmi. | Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Dehrà Dûn | 86 | ... | 86
Muzaffarnagar | 1,235 | ... | 1,235
Meerut | 1,646 | ... | 1,646
Bulandshahr | 49 | ... | 49
Agra | 32 | 13 | 45
Etah | 8 | ... | 8
Bijnor | 821 | ... | 821
Budâun | 15 | ... | 15
Morâdâbâd | 52 | ... | 52
Pilibhît | 16 | 9 | 25
Cawnpur | ... | 8 | 8
Bânda | ... | 6 | 6
Hamîrpur | 14 | 9 | 23
Allahâbâd | 1 | 17 | 18
Jhânsi | 2 | ... | 2
Benares | 186 | ... | 186
Ghâzipur | 9 | 100 | 109
Ballia | ... | 67 | 67
Gorakhpur | ... | 260 | 260
Basti | ... | 96 | 96
Azamgarh | 7 | ... | 7
Kumâon | 5 | ... | 5
Tarâi | 54 | ... | 54
Lucknow | 6 | 29 | 35
Râî Bareli | ... | 3 | 3
Unâo | 1 | ... | 1
Sîtapur | 12 | ... | 12
Faizâbâd | ... | 13 | 13
Gonda | 45 | ... | 45
Sultânpur | 15 | ... | 15
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Grand Total | 4,317 | 630 | 4,947
===============+=======+====================+=======

Agnihotri. [123]—A class of Brâhmans who are specially devoted to the maintenance of the sacred fire. The number of such Brâhmans now-a-days is very limited, as the ceremonies involve heavy expenditure and the rules which regulate them are very elaborate and difficult. They are seldom found among the Pancha Gaur Brâhmans, who are not devoted to the deep study of the Vedas; they are most numerous among the Pancha Drâvira or Dakshini Brâhmans. In one sense, of course, the offering of part of the food to fire at the time of eating is one of the five daily duties of a Brâhman; but the regular fire sacrifice is the special duty of the Agnihotri. In order to secure the requisite purity he is bound by certain obligations not to travel or remain away from home for any lengthened period; to sell nothing which is produced by himself or his family; not to give much attention to worldly affairs; to speak the truth; to bathe and worship the deities in the afternoon as well as in the morning; to offer pindas to his deceased ancestors on the 15th of every month before he takes food; not to eat food at night; not to eat alkaline salt (khâri nimak), honey, meat, and inferior grain, such as urad pulse or the kodo millet; not to sleep on a bed, but on the ground; to keep awake most of the night and study the Shâstras; to have no connection with, or unholy thoughts regarding, any woman except his wife; or to commit any other act involving personal impurity.

2. In the plains there are three kinds of Agnihotris: first, hereditary Agnihotris; second, those who commence maintaining the sacred fire from the time they are invested with the Brâhmanical cord; and third, those who commence to do so later on in life. The proper time to begin is the time of investiture. If any one commence it at a later age, he has to undergo certain purificatory rites, and if subsequently the maintenance of the fire is interrupted, the ceremony of purification has to be undergone again. The ceremony of purification is of the kind known as Prajâpatya vrata, which is equal to three times the krichchhra, which latter lasts for four days, and consists in eating the most simple food once in the 24 hours; to eat once at night on the second day; not to ask for food, but to take what is placed before him; to eat nothing on the fourth day. This course, carried out for twelve days, constitutes the Prajâpatya vrata. In default of this the worshipper has to give as many cows to Brâhmans as years have passed since his investiture. In default of this he must tell the gâyatri mantra ten thousand times for every year that has passed since he was invested. Or finally, if he can do none of these, he may place in the sacrificial pit (kunda) as many thousand offerings (âhuti) of sesamum (tila) as years have passed.

3. Agnihotri Brâhmans keep in their houses a separate room, in which is the pit at which the fire sacrifice is performed, and a second pit out of which is taken fire to burn the Agnihotri himself or any of his family when they die; besides these, a third pit is maintained from which fire is taken when it is required for ordinary household work. The first is known as the havaniya kunda, the second dagdha kunda, and the third, grâhya patya. The pit is one cubit in cubic measurement. All three are of the same dimensions. Around it is a platform (vedi), twelve finger breadths in width, and made of masonry or clay. One-third of it is coloured black, and is known as tama, “darkness” or “passion”; one-third, coloured red, is rajas, or “impurity,” and one-third, white, signifying sat, or “virtue.” Sometimes the pit is made in the form of the leaf of a pîpal tree and has the mouth in the shape of the yoni. In the morning the Agnihotri should place in the pit an oblation (âhuti) of ghi: this should be the product of the cow; if this be not procurable, it may be replaced with buffalo ghi, or that of the goat, sesamum oil, curds, milk, or, in the last resort, pottage (lapsi). On certain occasions an offering of rice-milk (khîr) is allowed. Some also offer incense.

4. The sacrifice is made in this way: First of all the pit should be swept with a bundle of kusa grass, and the ashes and refuse thrown into a pure place in the house facing the north-east; next the pit is plastered with cow-dung; then three lines are drawn in the middle with a stalk of kusa grass; from these lines three pinches of dust are collected and thrown towards the north-east. The pit and altar are then sprinkled with water from a branch of kusa grass. Fire is then kindled with the arani, or sacred drill, and lighted with wood of the sandal tree, or palâsa, which are also used for replenishing the fire. After this is performed the nândi srâddha, or commemorative offering to the manes preliminary to any joyous occasion, such as initiation, marriage, etc., when nine balls (pinda) are offered in threes—three to the deceased father, his father, and grandfather; three to the maternal grandfather, great-grandfather, and great-great-grandfather; three to the mother, paternal grandmother, and great-grandmother. Water is then filled into the sacrificial vessel (pranîta), and twenty blades of kusa grass are arranged round the altar, so that the heads of all be facing the east. All the sacrificial vessels (pâtra) are arranged north of the pit and the altar. First of all the pranîta is so placed; then three blades of kusa grass; then another sacrificial vessel called the prokshani pâtra; then the âjya or ajyasthalipâtra, which holds the offering of ghi; after these the samârjana, or brush, the sruva, or sacrificial ladle, and the pûrna pâtra, another vessel. The vessels are purified with aspersion from a bunch of kusa grass dipped in water, after which the ghi is poured on the fire out of a bell-metal cup, and, with a prayer to Prajâpati, the fire is replenished with pieces of wood soaked in ghi.

5. Certain ceremonies (sanskâra) are incumbent on Agnihotris. On the fifteenth of every Hindu month they must perform the srâddha for their deceased ancestors: on the last day of every month they must do the srâddha and fire sacrifice (homa) every day during the four months of the rainy season. They must do the homa on a large scale: they must do the srâddha on the eighth day of both the fortnights in Sâwan and Chait: they must do a great fire sacrifice in Aghan and feed Brâhmans. Whenever a man begins to perform the fire sacrifice he always starts on the Amâvas, or fifteenth day of the month. There is a special elaborate ritual when an offering of rice-milk is made, in which sacred mortars and pestles and sacred winnowing fans are used with special mantras in extracting the rice from the husk.

[The Agnihotris of the Hills.] 6. Of these, Pandit Janardan Datta Joshi writes:—“They originally came from Gujarât, and are worshippers of the Sâma Veda. An Agnihotri commences fire worship from the date of his marriage. The sacred fire of the marriage altar is carried in a copper vessel to his fire-pit. This fire is preserved by a continual supply of fuel, and when the Agnihotri dies this fire alone must be used for his funeral pyre. He takes food once a day only and bathes three times. He must not eat meat, masûr pulse, the baingan, or egg-plant, or other impure articles of food. He never wears shoes: he performs the fire sacrifice (homa) daily with ghi, rice, etc., and recites the mantra of the Sâma Veda. The fire-pit which I have seen was forty feet long and fifteen broad, and is known as Agni Kunda. He has to feed one Brâhman daily before he can take his food, and he eats always in the afternoon. Generally, the eldest son alone is eligible for this office, but other sons may practise it if they choose.

7. “The method of producing fire by the arani is as follows:—The base is formed of sami wood one cubit long, one span broad and eight finger breadths deep. In the block a small hole is made four finger breadths deep, emblematical of the female principle (sakti yoni). The middle arani is a shaft eighteen inches long and four finger breadths in diameter. An iron nail, one finger breadth long, is fixed to its end as an axis or pivot. The top arani, which is a flat piece of wood, is pressed on this nail, and two priests continue to press the bottom arani and maintain them in position. The point in the drill where the rope is applied to cause it to revolve, is called deva yoni. Before working the rope the gâyatri must be repeated, and a hymn from the Sâma Veda in honour of the fire god Agni. After repeating this hymn the fire produced by the friction is placed in a copper vessel, and powdered cowdung is sprinkled over it. When it is well alight it is covered with another copper vessel, and drops of water are sprinkled over it while the gâyatri is recited three times. The sprinkling is done with kusa grass. Again a Sâma Veda hymn in honour of Agni is recited. It is then formally consigned to the fire-pit. If the Agnihotri chance to let his fire go out he must get it from the pit of another Agnihotri, or produce it by means of the arani.”

Agrahari: Agrehri.—A sub-caste of Banyas found in considerable numbers in the Allahâbâd, Benares, Gorakhpur, Lucknow, and Faizâbâd divisions. They claim partly a Vaisya and partly a Brâhmanical descent, and wear the sacred cord. Their name has been connected with the cities of Agra and Agroha. Mr. Nesfield derives it from the agara or aloe wood, which is one of the many things which they sell. There is no doubt that they are closely connected with the Agarwâlas, and Mr. Nesfield suggests that the two groups must have been “sections of one and the same caste which quarrelled on some trifling question connected with cooking or eating, and have remained separate ever since.” Mr. Sherring remarks that they, unlike the Agarwâlas, allow polygamy, and Mr. Risley [124] suggests that if this be true it may supply an explanation of the divergence of the Agraharis from the Agarwâlas. In Mirzapur they do allow polygamy, but with this restriction, that a man cannot marry a second wife in the lifetime of the first without her consent.

[Internal organisation.] 2. They have a large number of exogamous groups (gotra), the names of which are known only to a few of their more learned Bhâts. In Mirzapur they name seven—Sonwân; Payagwâr or Prayâgwâl; Lakhmi; Chauhatt; Gangwâni; Sethrâê; and Ajudhyabâsi. There are also the Purbiya or Purabiya, “those of the East;” Pachhiwâha, “those of the West,” and Nariyarha. To these Mr. Sherring adds, from Benares, Uttarâha, “Northern;” Tanchara; Dâlamau from the town of Dalmau, in the Râê Bareli District; Mâhuli from the Pargana of Mâhul, in Azamgarh; Ajudhyabâsi, from Ajudhya, and Chhiânawê, from a Pargana of the name in Mirzapur. In Mirzapur they regard the town of Kantit, near Bindhâchal, as their head-quarters. The levirate is recognised, but is not compulsory on the widow.

[Religion.] 3. Some of them are initiated in the Sri Vaishnava sect and some are Nânakpanthis. To the east of the Province their clan deities are the Pânchonpîr and Mahâbîr, and, as a rule, the difference of worship is a bar to intermarriage. Their family priests are Sarwariya Brâhmans. The use of meat and spirits is prohibited; but a few are not abstainers, and these do not intermarry with the more orthodox families.

[Occupation.] 4. They are principally dealers in provisions (khichari-farosh) and they have acquired some discredit as compared with their kinsfolk the Agarwâlas by not isolating their women and allowing them to attend the shop. They also specially deal in various sweet-smelling woods which are used in religious ceremonies, such as agara or aloe-wood and sandal-wood (chandana), besides various medicines and simples. The richer members of the caste are bankers, dealers in grain, etc., or pawnbrokers. All Banyas, but not Brâhmans, or Kshatriyas, will eat pakki from their hands; only low castes, like Kahârs or Nâis, will eat kachchi cooked by them, and they will themselves eat kachchi only if cooked by one of their own caste or by their Brâhman Guru.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE AGRAHARI BANYAS ACCORDING TO CENSUS, 1891.

Ahar.—A pastoral and cultivating tribe found principally in Rohilkhand along the banks of the Râmganga and west of that river. These tracts are familiarly known as Aharât. Sir H. M. Elliot [125] says that they smoke and drink in common with Jâts and Gûjars, but disclaim all connection with Ahîrs, whom they consider an inferior stock, and the Ahîrs repay the compliment. Ahars say that they are descended from Jâdonbansi Râjputs; but Ahîrs say that they are the real Jâdonbansi, being descended in a direct line from Krishna, and that Ahars are descended from the cowherds in Krishna’s service, and that the inferiority of Ahars is fully proved by their eating fish and milking cows. It seems probable that the name and origin of both tribes is the same. The Collector of Mathura reports that the names Ahîr and Ahar appear to be used indiscriminately, and in particular in most cases the Ahîr clans of Bhatti, Deswâr and Nugâwat appear to have been recorded as Ahars. To the east of the Province Ahar appears to be occasionally used as a synonym for Aheriya, and to designate the class of bird-catchers known as Chiryâmâr.

2. At the last census the Ahars were recorded under the main sub-castes of Bâchar, or Bâchhar, Bhirgudi, Deswâr, Guâlbans, and Jâdubans. In the returns they were recorded under no less than 976 sub-castes, of which the most numerous in Bulandshahr are the Nagauri and Rajauliya; in Bareilly the Alaudiya, Baheriya, Banjâra, Bharthariya, Bhusangar, Bhijauriya, Dirhwâr, Mundiya, Ora, Rajauriya, and Siyârmâr, or “Jackal killers;” in Budâun the Alaudiya, Baisgari, Bareriya, Bhagrê, Chhakrê, Doman, Gochhar, Ghosiya, Kara, Kathiya, Mahâpachar, Mahar, Murarkha, Ora, Rahmaniyân, Rajauriya, Sakariya, Sansariya and Warag; in Morâdâbâd the Alaudiya, Bagarha, Baksiya, Bhadariya, Bhosiya, Chaudhari, Janghârê, Mahar, Nagarha, Ora, Rajauriya, Râwat, Saila and Sakoriya; in Pilibhît the Bharthariya and Dhindhor. The analogy of many of these with the Ahîrs is obvious, and many of the names are taken from Râjput and other sources.

3. In manners and customs they appear to be identical with the Ahîrs. They have traditions of sovereignty in Rohilkhand, and possibly enjoyed considerable power during the reign of the Tomars (700 to 1150 A. D). [126]

DISTRIBUTION OF THE AHARS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

===========+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=======+========
District. | Sub-Castes. | Total.
|Bâchar. |
| |Bhirgudi. |
| | |Deswâr. |
| | | |Guâlbans. |
| | | | |Jâdubans. |
| | | | | |Others.|
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Meerut | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 2,632| 2,632
Bulandshahr| ... |1,953| 2| 78|1,420| 1,765| 5,218
Etah | ... |1,414| ... | ... | 298| 102| 1,814
Bareilly |5,291| 335|2,040| 360| 649| 36,083| 44,758
Bijnaur | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 3| 3
Budâun | ... | ... |1,514| 97| 7|137,846|139,464
Morâdâbâd | ... | 60|2,163| 203| 712| 31,913| 35,051
Pilibhît |2,419| 221| 74|3,789| 767| 5,447| 12,717
Kumâon | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 36| 36
Tarâi | 8| ... | 145| 243| 856| 1,221| 2,473
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Total |7,718|3,983|5,938|4,770|4,097|217,048|244,166
===========+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=======+=======

Ahban.—(Probably Sans. ahi, “the dragon,” which may have been the tribal totem.) A sept of Râjputs chiefly found in Oudh. Their first ancestors in Oudh are said to have been Gopi and Sopi, two brothers of the Châwara race, which ruled in Anhalwâra Pâtan of Gujarât. Of the Châwaras or Chauras, Colonel Tod writes [127]:—“This tribe was once renowned in the history of India, though its name is now scarcely known, or only in the chronicles of the bard. Of its origin we are in ignorance. It belongs neither to the Solar nor to the Lunar race; and consequently we may presume it to be of Scythic origin. The name is unknown in Hindustân, and is confined with many others originating beyond the Indus to the peninsula of Saurâshtra. If foreign to India proper, its establishment must have been at a remote period, as we find individuals of it intermarrying with the Sûryavansa ancestry of the present princes of Mewâr when this family were the Lords of Ballabhi. The capital of the Châwaras was the insular Deobandar on the coast of Saurâshtra; and the celebrated temple of Somnâth, with many others on this coast, dedicated to Balnâth, or the Sun, is attributed to this tribe of the Sauras, or worshippers of the Sun; most probably the generic name of the tribe as well as of the peninsula. By a natural catastrophe, or, as the Hindu superstitious chroniclers will have it, as a punishment for the piracies of the prince of Deo, the element whose privileges he abused rose and overwhelmed his capital. As this coast is very low, such an occurrence is not improbable; though the abandonment of Deo might have been compelled by the irruptions of the Arabians, who at this period carried on a trade with these parts, and the plunder of some of their vessels may have brought this punishment on the Châwaras. That it was owing to some such political catastrophe, we have additional grounds for belief from the Annals of Mewâr, which state that its princes inducted the Châwaras into the seats of the power they abandoned on the continent and peninsula of Saurâshtra.” After describing their subsequent history Colonel Tod goes on to say:—“This ancient connection between the Sûryavansi chiefs and the Châwaras or Chauras of Saurâshtra is still maintained after a lapse of more than one thousand years, for, though an alliance with the Râna’s family is the highest honour that a Hindu prince can obtain, as being the first in rank in Hindustân, yet is the humble Châwara sought out even at the foot of fortune’s ladder, whence to carry on the blood of Râma. The present heir-apparent of a line of one hundred kings, prince Jovana Sinh, is the offspring of a Châwara woman, the daughter of a petty chieftain of Gujarât.”

2. These two leaders, Gopi and Sopi, are said to have come into Oudh shortly after the commencement of the Christian era. The former obtained the Pargana Gopamau, in Hardoi, and a descendant of the latter took possession of Pataunja, near Misrikh, in Pargana Nîmkhâr, of Sîtapur District. “This is the reputed residence of the Dryad Abbhawan, who is alleged to have given supernatural assistance to the Châwar chief, her favourite, who thenceforth took the name of Ahban. At any rate Pataunja became a centre of secular and religious power. A tribe of Kurmis and a gotra of Tiwâri Brâhmans have called themselves after Pataunja—a fact which tends to indicate that, although now a mere village, it was formerly the capital of a state possessing some independence.” [128] The Ahban race rose afterwards to great prosperity; “how great it is impossible to state, for of all Chhatri clans they are the most mendacious, and many plans for the advancement of individuals have been foiled by this defect of theirs. The sept labours under a superstitious aversion to build houses of brick or line wells with them.

3. Of the Ahbans General Sleeman writes [129]:—“No member of the Ahban tribe ever forfeited his inheritance by changing his creed; nor did any of them, I believe, change his creed except to retain his inheritance, liberty, or life, threatened by despotic and unscrupulous rulers. They dine on the same floor, but there is a line marked off to separate those of the party who are Hindus from those who are Musalmâns. The Musalmâns have Musalmân names, and the Hindus have Hindu names, but they still go under the common patronymic name of Ahban. The Musalmâns marry into Musalmân families, and the Hindus into Hindu families of the highest class, Chauhân, Râthaur, Raikwâr, Janwâr, etc. Their conversion took place under Muhammad Farm ’Ali, alias Kâlapahâr, to whom his uncle Bahlol, king of Delhi, left Bahrâich as a separate inheritance a short time before his death, which occurred in 1488 A.D. This conversion stopped infanticide, as the Musalmân portion of the tribe would not associate with the Hindus who practised it.”

4. In Sîtapur they generally supply brides to the Tomar and occasionally to the Gaur septs, while they marry girls of the Bâchhal, Janwâr, and occasionally of the Gaur. In Kheri their daughters many Chauhâns, Kachhwâhas, Bhadauriyas, Râthaurs, and Katheriyas, and their sons marry girls of the Janwâr, Punwâr, Bais Nandwâni or Bâchhal septs. In Hardoi their gotra is Garga, and they give brides to the Sômbansi, Chauhân, Dhâkrê and Râthaur septs, and take brides from the Dhâkrê, Janwâr, Kachhwâha, Râikwar and Bâchhal.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE AHBAN RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

Aheriya. [130]—(Sans. akhetika, a hunter.) A tribe of hunters, fowlers, and thieves found in the Central Duâb. Their ethnological affinities have not as yet been very accurately ascertained. Sir H. M. Elliot describes them as a branch of the Dhânuks, from whom they are distinguished by not eating dead carcases, as the Dhânuks do. They are perhaps the same as the Hairi or Heri of the Hills, a colony of whom Bâz Bahâdur settled in the Tarâi as guards, where they, and some Mewâtis settled in a similar way, became a pest to the country. [131] At the same time Mr. Williams describes the Heri in Dehra Dûn as aborigines and akin to the Bhoksas, with whom in appearance and character the Aheriyas of Aligarh and Etah seem to have little connection. They are almost certainly not the same as the Ahiriya or Dahiriya of the Gorakhpur Division, who are wandering cattle-dealers and apparently Ahîrs. [132] In Gorakhpur, however, there is a tribe called Aheliya, said to be descended from Dhânuks, whose chief employment is the capture of snakes, which they eat. There is again a tribe in the Panjab known as Aheri, who are very probably akin to the Aheriyas of the North-West Provinces. [133] They trace their origin to Râjputâna, and especially Jodhpur and the prairies of Bikâner. “They are vagrant in their habits, but not infrequently settle down in villages where they find employment. They catch and eat all kinds of wild animals, pure and impure, and work in reeds and grass. In addition to these occupations they work in the fields, and especially move about in gangs at harvest time in search of employment as reapers, and they cut wood and grass and work as general labourers on roads and other earthworks.” Mr. Fagan describes them in Hissâr as making baskets and winnowing fans and scutching wool. He thinks that the Jodhpuriya section, who appear to have been the ancestors of the tribe, may possibly have been Râjputs, and the other Aheris are probably descended from low castes who intermarried with them. In default of any distinct anthropometrical evidence, the most probable theory seems to be that the Aheriyas of these Provinces are connected with the Bhîl and their congeners, the Baheliya, who are a race of jungle hunters and fowlers. In Aligarh, they distinctly admit that in former times, owing to a scarcity of women in the tribe, they used to introduce girls of other castes. This, they say, they have ceased to do in recent years, since the number of their females has increased. This may, perhaps, point to the prevalence of infanticide in the tribe; but in any case it is very probable that a tribe of this character should become a sort of Cave of Adullam for every one who was in debt, and every one that was in distress or discontented.

[The Aligarh tradition.] 2. In Aligarh they seem to be known indifferently by the names of Aheriya, Bhîl, or Karol. They call themselves the descendants of Râja Piryavart, who (though the Aheriyas know nothing about him) is probably identical with Priyavrata, who was one of the two sons of Brahma and Satarûpa. According to the mythology he was dissatisfied that only half the earth was illuminated at one time by the sun’s rays; so he followed the sun seven times round the earth in his own flaming car of equal velocity, like another celestial orb, resolved to turn night into day. He was stopped by Brahma, and the ruts which were formed by his chariot wheels were the seven oceans; thus the seven continents were formed. The Aheriyas say that the son of the solar hero, whose name they have forgotten, was devoted to hunting, and for the purpose of sport took up his abode on the famous hill of Chitrakût, in the Bânda District. Here he became known as Aheriya, or “sportsman,” and was the ancestor of the present tribe. Thence they emigrated to Ajudhya, and, after the destruction of that city, spread all over the country. They say that they came to Aligarh from Cawnpur some seven hundred years ago. They still keep up this tradition of their origin by periodical pilgrimages to Chitrakût and Ajudhya.

[Tribal council.] 3. They have a tribal council (panchâyat), constituted partly by election and partly by nomination among the members or the tribe. They decide all matters affecting the tribe, but are not empowered to take up social questions suo motu. They have a permanent, hereditary chairman (sarpanch). If the son of a deceased chairman happen to be a minor, one of the members of the council is appointed to act for him during his minority. At the same time, if the new chairman, on coming of age, is found to be incompetent, he may be removed, and a new candidate selected by the votes of the council.

[Marriage rules.] 4. They have no exogamous or endogamous sub-divisions. The marriage of first cousins is prohibited, and a man cannot be married in a family to which during memory a bride from his family has been married. Difference of religious belief is no bar to marriage, provided there has been no conversion to another faith, such as that of Christians or Muhammadans. They can have as many as four wives at the same time, and may marry two sisters together. An apparent survival of marriage by capture is found in the ceremony which follows marriage when the newly-married pair are taken to a tank. The wife strikes her husband with a thin switch of the acacia (babûl). She is then brought into the house, where the relations of her husband give her presents for letting them see her face (munh-dikhâi). The senior wife rules the household, and those junior to her have to do her bidding. They live, as a rule, on good terms, and it is only under very exceptional circumstances that separate houses are provided for them. The age for marriage varies from seven to twenty. Any marriage is voidable at the wish of the parties with the approval of the tribal council. The match is arranged by some relation of the youth with the help of a Brâhman and barber. When the parties are grown up, their wishes are considered, but in the case of minors the match is arranged by their friends or guardians. There is no regular bride price; but if the girl’s father is very poor the friends of the boy assist him to defray the cost of the marriage feast. In other cases the girl’s father is supposed to give something as dowry (jahez). As to the ownership of this there is no fixed rule; but it is understood that the presents which the bride receives at the munh-dikhâi ceremony, above described, become her private property. Leprosy, impotency, idiocy, or mutilation occurring after marriage are considered reasonable grounds for its annulment; but if any physical defects were disclosed before the marriage, they are not held to be a ground for dissolving the union. Charges of adultery are brought before the tribal council, and, if proved, a divorce is declared. Divorced women can marry again by the karâo form; but women divorced for adultery, though such a course is possible, are seldom remarried in the tribe. Children born of a father or mother who are not members of the tribe are called lendra, and are not admitted to caste privileges.

[Widow marriage.] 5. When a man desires to marry a widow, he provides for her a suit of clothes, a set of glass bangles (chûri) and a pair of toe-rings (bichhua). The council is assembled and the woman is asked if she accepts her suitor. If she agrees, an auspicious day is selected by the advice of a Brâhman, and the new husband dresses her in the clothes and ornament and takes her home. After this he gives a feast to the brotherhood. In this form of marriage, known as karâo or dhareja, there is no procession (bârât), and no walking round the sacred fire (bhanwar). The levirate is enforced unless the younger brother of her late husband is already married, in which case the widow may live with an outsider. If she marries a stranger she loses her right to maintenance from the estate of her first husband, and also the guardianship of his children, unless they are of tender age. There is no trace of the fiction that children of the levir are attributed to his deceased brother.

[Birth ceremonies.] 6. When pregnancy is ascertained the caste men are assembled and some gram and wheat boiled with molasses is distributed. Contrary to prevailing Hindu custom the woman is delivered on a bed with her feet turned towards the Ganges. The midwife is usually a sweeper woman, and after delivery her place as nurse is taken by a barber woman. When the child is born molasses is distributed to friends; and women sing songs and play on a brass tray (thâli). On the sixth day (chhathi) they worship Sati, and throw a little cakes and incense into the fire in her honour. On the twelfth day the mother is bathed, and seated in the court-yard inside a sacred square (chauk) made by a Brâhman, with wheat-flour. He then names the child, and purifies the house by sprinkling water all about it and reciting texts (mantra). The caste-men are feasted, and the women sing and dance. This is known as the Dashtaun. But if the child happen to be born in the asterism (nakshatra) of Mûl the Dashtaun is performed on the nineteenth or twenty-first day. Leaves of twenty-one trees or plants, such as the lime, mango, siras, jâmun, pomegranate, nîm, custard apple, etc., are collected. They also bring water from twenty-one wells, and little bits of lime stone (kankari) from twenty-one different villages. These things are all put into an earthen jar which is filled with water, and with this the mother is bathed. Grain and money are given to Brâhmans, and the purification is concluded. If twins are born, the father and mother sit together inside the sacred square on the day of the Dashtaun, and the Brâhman ties an amulet (râkhi), made of thread, round the wrists of both to keep off ill-luck.

[Adoption.] 7. On an auspicious day selected by a Pandit the father of the boy makes him over to the person adopting him. The adopter then dresses the boy in new clothes and gives him sweetmeats. A feast is then given to the clansmen. The child to be adopted must be under the age of ten.

[Marriage ceremonies.] 8. The marriage ceremonies begin with the betrothal, which is finished by the boy eating some betel sent to him by a barber from the house of the bride. It seems to be the custom in many cases to betroth children in their infancy. Then comes the lagan, consisting of cash, clothes, a cocoanut and sweets sent by the father of the bride with a letter fixing the marriage day; inside this is placed some dûb grass. The Brâhman recites verses (mantra) as he gives these things to the boy seated in a sacred square, while the women beat a small drum and sing songs. This goes on the whole night (ratjaga). Next follows the anointing (ubtana) of the bride and bridegroom. During this time the pair are not allowed to leave the house through fear of the Evil Eye and the attacks of malignant spirits. On the day fixed in the lagan some mango and chhonkar leaves, some turmeric and two pice are tied on a bamboo, which is fixed in the court-yard by some relation on the female side, or by the priest. He is given some money, clothes, or grain, which is called neg. Then a feast of food, cooked without butter, known as the marhwa, or “pavilion,” is given to the friends. The bridegroom is dressed in a coat (jâma) of yellow-coloured cloth, and wears a head-dress (maur) made of palm leaves. When they reach the bride’s village, they are received in a hut (janwânsa), prepared for them. The bridegroom’s father sends, by a connection (mân), some sharbat to the bride, and she sends food in return: this is known as barauniya. After this the pair walk seven times round the sacred fire, and a fire sacrifice (homa) is offered. Then follows the “giving away” of the bride (kanyâdân), and the pair are taken into an inner room, where they eat sweetmeats and rice together; this is known as sahkaur, or confarreatio. A shoe is tied up in cloth, and the women try to induce the boy to worship it as one of the local godlings. If he falls into the trap there is great merriment. The knot which has been tied in the clothes of the bride and bridegroom is then untied, his crown is taken off, and the marriage being over he returns to the janwânsa. Among poor people there is no lagan and no betrothal. Some money is paid to the bride’s father, and the girl is taken to her husband’s house and married there. No pavilion is erected, and the ceremony consists in making the girl and boy walk round the sacred fire, which is lighted in the court-yard. Girls that are stolen or seduced are usually married in this way, which is known as dola.

[Disposal of the dead.] 9. Rich people cremate the dead; poorer people bury, or consign the corpse to some river. The dead are buried face downwards to bar the return of the ghost; the feet face the north; some bury without a shroud. After cremation the ashes are usually taken to the Ganges, but some people leave them at the pyre. Fire is provided by a sweeper, who gets a small fee and the bamboos of the bier as his perquisite. After the cremation is over, some on their way home bathe, but this is not essential. After they bathe they collect a little kusa grass and throw it on the road by which the corpse was removed. Then they throw some pebbles in the direction of the pyre. The popular explanation of this practice is, in order that “affection for the dead may come to an end” (moh chhût jâwê); the real object is to bar the return of the ghost. On the third or seventh day after the cremation the son or person who has lighted the pyre shaves; then he has some large cakes (tikiya) cooked, and some is placed on a leaf of the dhâk tree (butea frondosa), and laid in a barley field for the support of the ghost. The clansmen are feasted on the thirteenth day; thirteen pieces of betel-nut and thirteen pice are placed, one in each of thirteen pots, and this, with some grain, is divided among thirteen Brâhmans. Then a fire-sacrifice is made. There is no regular srâddha; but they worship the souls of the dead collectively in the month of Kuâr, and throw cakes to the crows, who represent the souls of the dead.

[Ceremonial pollution.] 10. The death pollution lasts for thirteen days; after child-birth for ten, and after menstruation for three days. The first two are removed by regular purification; the third by bathing and washing the hair of the head.

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The tribes and castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, Volume 1 (of 4)Chapter VI: Forms of Hindu Marriage (3)

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