Chapter VI: Forms of Hindu Marriage (14)

48. Then the couple, with their left shoulders in the direction of the marriage pole, make seven circuits (bhaunri) round it. On the first four circuits the bridegroom, and on the last three the bride, is the leader. As each circuit is completed, it is usual, but not necessary, for the father, or in his absence the bridegroom’s sister’s husband, to hand over a strip of mango wood (tîli) to the leader, who, tapping his or her partner on the back with it, flings it back by way of record over the marriage canopy. The bridegroom, then conducting the bride to the doorway, removes his head-dress, and tenders it with a money present to the bride’s mother, who, in like manner, removing her daughter’s head-dress, tenders it with a money present to the father of the bridegroom. The bride retires into the house, and the bridegroom rejoins his clansmen who, male and female, are feasted with raw sugar and rice with ghi, and then retire in a body, with the exception of the bridegroom and his father.

49. On the following morning comes the parting (bida), when the four headmen (sardâr) attend to witness the giving and receiving of the marriage portion (dahej). The bridegroom’s father for this service pays over a fee of two rupees, which is, perhaps, the most important of all the rites, because it signifies that the marriage is complete.

50. Before the bridegroom removes the bride to her new home, her mother offers him pulse and rice (khichari), which he refuses to touch until he receives a present. At the moment of departure the bridegroom salutes the bride’s relatives and receives presents from them, while he bestows largess on female menials, such as the wife of the barber, washerman, and the village midwife. It is usual to remove the bride in a litter carried by Kahârs or Musahars. At the entrance of the bridegroom’s house, his sister, or, in her absence, her daughter, or else any other female relative, bars the way against the new wife, until appeased by a present.

51. For four days the bride remains with the women of her husband’s family. On the fourth day the womenfolk are collected, and the couple in their wedding garments are seated facing one another on a blanket, with a basket of fruit and flowers between them. To overcome their modesty the women incite them to pelt one another with flowers. The bridegroom removes his ring from his finger and places it once on the parting of his wife’s hair, thereby sealing the moment when the bride (dulhin) becomes a matron (suhâgan). The bridegroom’s gown and the bride’s mantle are knotted together by the women, who tearing down the marriage pole, consign the materials with the marriage head-dress (maur) to the nearest water. On their return the newly-married couple assume their usual dress, and the wedding is ended.

[Divorce.] 52. Among the Lâl Begis impotency, leprosy, or lunacy in the husband warrants the wife in claiming a separation. Among the Shaikhs and Helas only impotency is a recognised ground. But the woman claiming a separation has to pay a fine of five or ten rupees, and give a dinner to the council. Among the Lâl Begis no marriage can be annulled without the sanction of the council, and among the Shaikhs without the joint consent of husband and wife. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats no physical defect, however serious, is recognised as valid cause for a separation. Unfaithfulness or loss of caste in the wife is a ground for her husband to repudiate her. Among the Lâl Begis when a man wishes to get rid of his wife he assembles the brethren, and in their presence says to her—“You are as my sister”; she answers—“You are as my father and brother.” When the divorce is sanctioned, the husband has to pay one-and-a-quarter rupees to the council and two-and-a-half rupees to the Sardâr. Among Shaikh Mehtars the Qâzi is called in, and in his presence the husband says the word talâq three times. If the wife be found in fault she cannot claim dowry. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats intertribal infidelity is not regarded as a ground for divorce; but it will be so if her paramour be an outsider. The Lâl Begis do not recognise any distinction between children the result of illicit connections and those of regular marriage, provided they are Lâl Begis. The same rule applies among the Shaikh Mehtars; the Ghâzipuri Râwats call such children dogla or dunasla, and though they have full tribal rights as regards marriage and social intercourse, they receive a smaller share of the inheritance than legitimate children. Naturally illegitimate children find it less easy to marry than those of legitimate birth. If a woman of the Ghâzipuri sub-caste intrigues with a stranger to the sub-caste she is permanently expelled; if her paramour be a fellow caste-man she can be restored on payment of the penalty imposed by order of the council. Among the Lâl Begis of Benares it is not necessary that the widow of the elder should marry the younger brother; but among the Shaikhs and Ghâzipuri Râwats the widow must marry her younger brother-in-law if he be of suitable age and willing to take her. Among the Helas the matter is optional. If a Lâl Begi widow marry an outsider she continues to maintain her right over the property of her first husband, provided her second marriage was contracted with the consent of the council. Among the Shaikhs and Ghâzipuri Râwats the rule is different, and if the widow marry an outsider she loses all right to her first husband’s estate.

[Birth ceremonies.] 53. During pregnancy the woman wears a thread round her neck and a rupee tied round her head to scare evil spirits. In Lucknow the pregnant Lâl Begi woman counts seven stars as a spell to procure an easy delivery. She also has her lap filled with sweetmeats and fresh vegetables as an omen of fertility. This is known as godbhari. In the Western Districts the expectant mother worships Sati in the fifth or seventh month of her pregnancy. When delivery is tedious, it is a common practice to give her some water to drink over which a Faqîr has blown. When the delivery takes place the Chamârin is called in, who cuts the cord, buries it in the delivery room, and lights a fire over it. The phrase used is kheri jalâi jâti hai—“the after-birth is being burnt.” At the head of the bedstead she places some iron article, usually a penknife, and hands over to the mother an iron ring, which she reclaims on her dismissal, six days after. During that period a fire is kept smouldering at the door to repel the demon Jamhua, who takes his name apparently from Yama, the god of death. The most fatal disease from which Indian infants suffer is infantile lock-jaw, which is the result of the cutting of the umbilical cord with a blunt and perhaps foul instrument, like the common sickle used for this purpose. This disease, as is well known, generally appears on the sixth or twelfth day after birth, and this is the reason why these days have been, among most of the Indian castes, selected as the time for the rites of purification. This demon, like all his kin, detests foul smells, so they burn bran, leather, horns, and anything else which gives a fetid smoke in the neighbourhood of the mother, and all the foul clothes, etc., are carefully taken away by the midwife and buried in the ground, as, like all the lower tribes, the Bhangis have an intense dread of menstrual and parturition blood. Among the Lâl Begis the rite of purification is complete on the sixth day, and after the mother has been bathed and dressed in clean clothes, she is taken outside at night to see the stars, while her husband stands close to her with a bludgeon to ward evil spirits from her. Then a tray full of food is brought, and all her women friends join in eating with the mother. In return, the friends send a coat and cap for the child. Among the Helas the rite of purification ends on the twelfth day. After the Chamârin is dismissed Bhangis do not, as other low castes do, call in the wife of the barber to attend the mother. A Brâhman is usually called in to select a name for the child, and then the birth hair is shaven. Some of the more advanced Bhangis are more careful in performing the rites of purification common to the superior castes. At the age of five or six many of them have their children’s ears bored at shrines like that of Kâlika Mâi and the Vindhyabâsini Devi of Bindhâchal. On this occasion they offer a goat or ram, or cakes, and pour some spirits on the ground. Among the Helas of Mirzapur, when the mother first leaves her room, she offers a burnt sacrifice (hom), and makes an offering to Ganga Mâi.

[Death rites.] 54. The Bhangis appear to be in the intermediate stage between burial and cremation. In Benares, according to Mr. Greeven, most of them are buried. The Lâl Begis and Shaikh Mehtars burn nothing; while the others scorch the face or hand and then bury. The funeral rites are the same for men and women. The body is bathed, according to sex, by the barber or his wife, but in perhaps most cases this is done by one of the relations. The two thumbs and the two great toes are fastened together with strips of cloth. It is then deposited, attired in a loin cloth, on a new mat, and sprinkled with camphor and water, or rose water. The Shaikh Mehtars use the ordinary Muhammadan cerecloths. The clansmen carry the body to the grave-yard on a bedstead, which each takes a turn in raising. With Musalmâns every member of the procession repeats the creed (Kalima), while with Nânakshâhis the Bâba advances in front reading the sacred volume (granth). Each sub-caste has its separate grave-yard; but the custodian is always a Musalmân. The Takyadâr or custodian receives four annas for reading the funeral prayers (janâza ki namâz); the grave-digger (beldâr) six annas for digging the grave; and the carpenter four annas for supplying a plank for the grave. Two clansmen descend into the grave to receive the corpse as it is lowered. Either method of interment, lateral (baghli), or vertical (sandûqchi), is adopted. The sheet is withdrawn for a moment from the face of the corpse to allow it one last glimpse of the heavens, while with Musalmâns the face is turned towards Mecca. The sheet is replaced and the plank deposited, on which each clansman flings a handful of dust. A sheet is extended over the grave, and a viaticum, consisting of bread, sweetmeats, and some water, is laid upon it; each clansman sprinkles a little water and crumbles a little sweetmeats and bread on the mound. An earthen vessel is reversed over the grave; but sweepers do not observe the ceremony of withdrawing ten paces, nor, of course, is the Fâtiha recited, except for Musalmâns. At the moment of leaving the grave-yard it is not unusual for each mourner to fling a pebble over his shoulder to bar the ghost. The custodian pounces on the sheet as his perquisite, except in the case of sweepers who come from the Nawâbi Mulk (Delhi, Râmpur, and Lucknow), in which case he retains it, shut up in the pot which was reversed over the mound, until forty days after the funeral.

55. The more respectable Hindu sweepers sometimes burn the dead, and, if possible, induce some of the meaner class of Brâhmans to mutter a few spells while they burn the corpse themselves.

56. The subsequent ceremonies are more or less elaborate according to the means of the family. Thus, among the Shaikh Mehtars of Benares, according to Mr. Greeven, in the morning of the third day after the funeral, the clansmen, male and female, are collected at the house of the deceased, and a vessel is handed round containing sweetmeats, rose-water, and betel. In Musalmân households the children recite the Kalima, and count grains of the chick pea, like the beads of a rosary, to the name of the Almighty. On the same evening the clansmen with their women are feasted on boiled rice. No ceremonies are observed on the tenth (daswîn) or twentieth (bîswîn) day after death. On the fortieth day (chehlam, châliswân) the spirit of the departed, which has hitherto haunted the death chamber, is expelled in the following way:—The relatives, male and female, are feasted till about 11 P.M. An earthen vessel, half filled with water, is deposited, with bread, a few sweetmeats, and some boiled pulse, under a bedstead. Over this bedstead the sweepers from the Nawâb’s territory, as defined above, require the custodian of the grave to extend the sheet, which he has retained as described already. Over this, with Musalmâns, some low-class mendicant, usually the custodian of the cemetery, repeats the Kalima or creed, while with Nânakpanthis the Bâbaji recites from the sacred volume (granth). At 4 A.M., as the mendicant ceases, the male relations should proceed to the cemetery, fling the earthen vessel upon the grave, and depart, leaving the provisions with the sheet, in the case of Nawâbi sweepers, to the custodian as his perquisite. The terror of ghosts usually prevents this rite being duly performed, and in most cases they content themselves with breaking the vessel at the cross roads, and when it has once been broken the ghost is released.

57. In Benares the Helas and the Shaikhs do the tîja and barsi rites, for the propitiation of the dead, like Musalmâns. The Lâl Begis and Ghâzipuri Râwats offer water for ten days. The vessel (hânri) containing water with a hole in the bottom is hung on a pîpal tree. They observe the pitrapaksha or fortnight of the dead. The worshipper stands in running water and offers some to his deceased ancestors. Some offer a kind of pinda or sacred ball of rice. No Brâhman takes part in this kind of srâddha. In fact, though Bhangis assert the fact, it does not appear certain that Brâhmans superintend any of their ceremonies. In the absence of a Brâhman, the son, grandson, or brother of the deceased officiates. Though it is said not to be so among the Benares Bhangis, it seems to be usual to give the preference to the son-in-law or sister’s son in performing the death ceremonies.

[Religion.] 58. The religion of the sweepers is a curious mixture of various faiths. Some, as we have seen, profess to be Hindus, others Musalmâns, and others Sikhs. But though these two latter religions avowedly preach the equality of all men, they refuse to recognise sweepers as brethren in the faith. In Benares the Râwats are said to be as bad Hindus as the Shaikhs are indifferent Muhammadans, and the Chaudhari of Helas could say only that he professed the Hela religion. But the experience of the last Panjâb Census has shown the impossibility of classing their beliefs under any one definite creed. Some ninety-five per cent of the Chûhras of the Province did, it is true, record themselves as professing some religion which might be assumed to be peculiar to them, such as Lâl Begi, Bâlmîki, or Bâlashâhi; but, as Mr. Maclagan observes [318]:—“While there is no doubt that we should be complying with Hindu feeling in excluding the Chûhra from the list of Hindus, should we also exclude the Chamâr? And, if the Chamâr, why not the Sânsi? And should the Gâgra, the Megh, and the Khatîk follow? And, in fact, where is the line to be drawn? In the absence of any clear decision on this point, it will be best to adhere to the present system and include all as Hindus.” At the last Census of these provinces 2,65,967 persons recorded themselves as votaries of Lâl Beg. To the east of the province many are worshippers of the Pânchonpîr. To the west Shaikh Saddu and Guru Nânak are worshipped. We have already given some of the legends connected with the tribal saint Lâl Beg. Gûga or Zâhir Pîr is again held in high respect by the sweepers of the Western Districts. They consider that he cures the blind, lunatics, and lepers, and has the power of bestowing offspring on barren wives. His shrine is a small, round building, with a courtyard and flags hung from a neighbouring tree. On the shrine is laid a leaf platter containing a chip of the wood of the pîlu tree (Careya arborea), a flower of the karîl or caper bush, and some bâjra millet. The tomb is then rubbed with sandalwood, and this substance is considered a cure for various diseases. A goat is sometimes offered at a neighbouring shrine known as Gorakhnâth kâ qila; and every Lâlbegi erects in his house a standard (nishân) in the form of a trident (trisûl) in honor of Zâhir Pîr. In the eastern parts of these provinces, where distance overcomes the zeal for pilgrimage, it is usual for the Bhangis to carry round the sacred symbol of the Pîr in the month of Bhâdon, and raise contributions.

59. Ghâzi Miyân, again, is a favourite object of worship by Bhangis. They have corrupted the standard legend of the saint into a mass of extraordinary hagiology. According to one version Mâmal and her father Sarsa fled from Delhi to Ghazni on account of the tyranny of Prithivi Râja. There Salâr Sâhu married Mâmal, and Sarsa managed to persuade Sultân Mahmûd to attack Prithivi Râja. His tomb at Bahrâich is a favourite place of Bhangi pilgrimage. The Dafâli priests of the tomb perform all the rites. One of them wears the figure of a horse on his waist; others follow him in a wild dance, singing the praises of Shâh Madâr. All this is in commemoration of the marriage of Ghâzi Miyân, which is said to have taken place the day before his martyrdom.

60. Bhangis, again, have an army of local deities, such as in Lucknow, Kâle Gora, Baram Gusâîn, Narsinha, and Buddhi Prasâdi. They believe largely in various evil spirits, the Bhût, the Deo, the Bîr, the Râkshasa, and the Churel. They observe, if Hindus, the festivals of the faith, such as the Diwâli, Ghâzi Miyân kâ byâh, the Basant, ’Id, and Muharram, which are all observed by the Lâl Begis of Benares; while the Ghâzipuri Râwats celebrate the Pachainyân, the Diwâli, the Dithwan, the Khichari, the Holi, and Ghâzi Miyân kâ byâh. The Helas observe the Holi, the Muharram, and the marriage of Ghâzi Miyân, and the Shaikh Mehtars, the last, with the ordinary feasts of Islâm. The common oaths in use are Parameswar qasm and Khuda qasm. The Lâl Begis also swear by their patron saint. They plaster a place with cow-dung, place a vessel of water inside it with a copy of the genealogy (kursi), and the person swearing faces the Ka’ba and swears with the book in his hand.

[Social rules.] 61. Among the Hindu Bhangis of Lucknow, the women cannot wear the boddice (angiya), chemisette (kurti), or gold ornaments, and do not bore the nose for a ring. Muhammadan Bhangi women do not wear gold ornaments or sky-blue (asmâni) or lac bangles (chûri). The use of brass ornaments is considered unlucky, but those of alloy are allowed. They prefer earthen to metal cooking vessels, and no Bhangi will plant the ber tree (zizyphus jujuba) or the bamboo before his door. The elder brother cannot touch the wife of his younger brother, and he can eat with no woman but his own sister. If he touch a Dom he must purify himself before doing any other work. He will not eat food touched by a Dom or Dhobi, and the husband and wife will not mention each other by their names. Of all tribes the Dom, though he is admitted to be akin to the Bhangi, is held in particular abhorrence. Their rules of food vary with the religion they profess. Thus, Shaikh Mehtars will not eat pork, and some of the Hindu Bhangis will not eat beef. The Helas profess to eat the leavings of only high caste Hindus. No Bhangi, it appears, will eat monkeys, uncloven footed animals, scaleless fish, crocodiles, lizards, snakes, jackals, rats, or other vermin. The Lâl Begis salute in the form Râm! Râm! Yâdallâh! and Hardam Allâh! To elders, they say Salâm! or Satnâmko! Brâhmans they salute with Mahârâj! or Pâlagan! The Ghâzipuri Râwats and Helas salute everybody with Râm! Râm! with the exception of Musalmâns, to whom they say salâm or bandagi; and pâlagan to Brâhmans. Shaikhs use the word salâm only.

[Occupation.] 62. The occupations of the Bhangi are manifold. Speaking of the scavenger tribes of the Panjâb, Mr. Ibbetson says:—“Socially they are the lowest of the low, even lower perhaps than the vagrant Sânsi, and the gypsy Nat, and, as a rule, they can hardly be said to stand even at the foot of the social ladder, though some sections of the tribe have mounted the first one or two steps. Their hereditary profession is scavengering, sweeping the houses and streets, working up, carrying to the fields and distributing manure, and in cities and village houses, where the women are strictly secluded, removing night soil. They keep those impure animals, pigs, and fowls; they and the leather-workers alone eat the flesh of animals who have died of disease or by a natural death. Together with the vagrants and gypsies they are the hereditary workers in grass and reeds, from which they make winnowing fans and other articles used in agriculture.” In these Provinces their occupation is to remove filth, to sweep the houses and roads, to play on the flute or tambourine (shahnai daf) at marriages and other social occasions. They also conduct what is called the roshanchauki at marriages, or when solemn vows (mannat) are made. Some of them are noted for their musical ability. The Hela makes winnowing fans and sieves (sûp, chhalni), and some of the Shaikhs are collectors and appliers of leeches. The Bânsphor makes baskets, mats, etc. The Dhânuks are fowlers and watchmen. They serve in the bands of native princes, and their women are midwives. To the west of the Province the Dhês, a class of Lâl Begis, act as hangmen and killers of pariah dogs. The Dhânuks and Bânsphors will not remove night-soil, and the Shaikhs will not do this work at public latrines. Their implements are the broom (jhâru) and the rib bone of an ox (panja), with which they scrape up filth. Many of them are the hereditary priests of Sîtala, and arrange the offerings of pigs released at her shrine; others serve Bhûmiya and similar local godlings. As a rule Bhangi women bear an indifferent character.

63. In some places Bhangis are true village menials and receive a patch of rent-free land or some allowances at harvest in return for their services. In our cities, particularly in places like Mirzapur, where they are not numerous, they are much given to combination among themselves. They resent the settlement of new members of the tribe and allot the houses of the residents into certain beats (halqa, ilâqa) each of which is served by a Bhangi and his wife. They call the occupants of such houses their “parishioners” (jajmân), and fiercely resent the intrusion of any strange Bhangi within the beat; in fact most of the cases which come before the council relate to disputes of this kind. There is also a distinct local organisation among them. Thus in the Districts about Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats are divided into four great local sections, each of which has its own subordinate council. These four are the jurisdiction of the Chaudhari of the city of Benares; the Ghâzipur Chaudhari of the Kaswâr mat or chatâi, which is the technical term for the jurisdiction; the Karsara Chaudhari of the Kariyâr chatâi, who lives at Karsara near Chunâr in the Mirzapur District; and fourthly, the Sanapur Chaudhari of the Chauâlîs chatâi in Azamgarh. The last is by far the most influential of the four. It appears that the chatâi never meets as a body except to discuss some very important question affecting the sub-caste as a whole.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE BHANGIS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

==============+========+=======+=====+=========+============+=======+============+======== District. |Bâlmîki.|Dhânuk.|Hela.|Lâl Begi.|Pattharphor.|Others.|Muhammadans.|Total. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~ Dehra Dûn | 59| ... | ... | 746| ... | 2,662| ... | 3,467 Sahâranpur | 95| ... | 72| 6,057| ... | 23,890| 5| 30,119 Muzaffarnagar | 378| 258| ... | 16,128| ... | 13,093| ... | 29,857 Meerut | 4,770| ... | ... | 30,297| ... | 23,402| 91| 58,560 Bulandshahr | ... | ... | ... | 2,859| ... | 27,939| ... | 30,798 Aligarh | ... | ... | 64| 8,228| 766| 20,186| ... | 29,244 Mathura | ... | 14| 57| 1,231| ... | 11,953| 31| 13,286 Agra | ... | ... | ... | 10,707| 47| 5,031| 663| 16,430 Farrukhâbâd | ... | ... | ... | 5,840| 53| 1,259| 3| 7,155 Mainpuri | ... | ... | ... | 8,870| 484| 682| ... | 10,036 Etâwah | ... | ... |1,069| 4,042| 127| 913| 45| 6,196 Etah | 27| ... | 8| 4,612| 4,662| 4,042| ... | 13,351 Bareilly | ... | ... | ... | 8,925| ... | 5,807| ... | 14,732 Bijnor | 43| | ... | 11,399| ... | 1,286| ... | 13,148 Budâun | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 17,337| ... | 17,337 Morâdâbâd | 32| 210| ... | 11,199| ... | 13,187| 14| 24,642 Shâhjahânpur | ... | ... | ... | 5,146| 53| 2,409| 225| 7,833 Pilibhît | ... | 1| ... | 3,200| ... | 1,170| 8| 4,379 Cawnpur | ... | 65| 392| 3,698| ... | 2,356| 63| 6,574 Fatehpur | ... | 222| 556| 33| 2| 3,016| 46| 3,875 Bânda | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 11| 11 Hamîrpur | ... | ... | 139| ... | ... | 183| 41| 363 Allahâbâd | ... | ... |1,790| 556| ... | 6,359| 644| 9,349 Jhânsi | ... | ... | 36| 1,444| 72| 826| 180| 2,558 Jâlaun | ... | ... | ... | 951| ... | 1,326| 531| 2,808 Lalitpur | ... | ... | ... | 123| ... | 455| 133| 711 Benares | ... | ... | ... | 144| ... | 1,126| 812| 2,082 Mirzapur | ... | ... | 144| 13| ... | 378| 930| 1,465 Jaunpur | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 15| 1,751| 1,766 Ghâzipur | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,360| 477| 1,837 Ballia | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,348| 120| 1,468 Gorakhpur | ... | ... | 300| 38| ... | 1,466| 2,025| 3,829 Basti | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 2,315| 1,095| 3,410 Azamgarh | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 13| 1,772| 1,785 Kumâun | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 692| ... | 692 Garhwâl | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 126| ... | 126 Tarâi | 275| ... | ... | 2,116| ... | 390| ... | 2,781 Lucknow | ... | 675| 313| 766| ... | 2,867| 1,424| 6,045 Unâo | ... | 798| 457| 8| ... | 390| 20| 1,673 Râê Bareli | ... | ... | 480| ... | ... | 693| 14| 1,187 Sîtapur | 6| 39| ... | 2,747| ... | 1,186| 305| 4,283 Hardoi | ... | ... | ... | 4,496| ... | 1,027| ... | 5,523 Kheri | ... | ... | ... | 3,522| 18| 557| 84| 4,181 Faizâbâd | ... | 5| 654| 417| ... | 426| 1,212| 2,714 Gonda | ... | ... | 685| 932| ... | 246| 130| 1,993 Bahrâich | ... | 1| ... | 809| ... | 687| 586| 2,083 Sultânpur | ... | ... | 761| ... | ... | 1,145| 593| 2,499 Partâbgarh | ... | ... | ... | 4| ... | 1,553| 433| 1,990 Bârabanki | ... | ... | ... | 1,446| ... | 35| 818| 2,301 +~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~ Total | 6,105| 2,288|7,977| 1,63,751| 6,284|210,792| 17,335|4,14,532 ==============+========+=======+=====+=========+============+=======+============+========

Bhântu, Bhâtu.—A criminal tribe found chiefly in Rohilkhand and Oudh. They are merely one branch of the Sânsiya tribe, known elsewhere as Beriya, Hâbûra, or Kanjar. The derivation of the word is uncertain. Some connect it with Bhât, as some Sânsiyas act as bards or genealogists to some Râjputs and Jâts: others say it comes from bhânti (Sanskrit, bhinna, “broken”), with reference to the miscellaneous elements of which they are composed. There is a tribe of the same name in Central India who are also known as Dumar or Kolhâti, who are wandering athletes and worship Nârâyan and the bamboo, with which all their feats are accomplished. When they bury their dead they place rice and oil at the head of the grave, and draw the happiest omens of the state of the departed from crows visiting the spot. [319]

2. The Bhântus of these Provinces follow exactly the customs of the kindred tribes of Beriya, Hâbûra and Sânsiya.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE BHÂNTUS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

===========+=======
District. |Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Agra | 3
Bareilly | 17
Budâun | 98
Morâdâbâd | 2
Ghâzipur | 12
Kheri | 9
Sultânpur | 231
+~~~~~~~
Total | 372
===========+=======

NOTES

[1] Rig Veda, X., 90; 6, 7.

[2] Chips from a German Workshop, II., 312.

[3] Ibid, 211, Monier Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, 17 sq.

[4] Wilson, Rig Veda, Introduction, XLIII., I., 20.

[5] The translation is from the North British Review, L., 521, note.

[6] Monier Williams, loc. cit., 51 sq.

[7] Loc. cit., 345 sq.

[8] Institutes, III., 12–15; 44: IX., 22, 24; 85–87: III., 16–19: X., 5, 6; 10–15: with Duncker’s comments, History of Antiquity, IV., 245 sq.

[9] Erato, 60.

[10] Institutes V., 22 sqq.

[11] Wilson, Rig Veda, II., 319.

[12] III., 8026.

[13] See Vishnu Purâna, Book IV., Cap. I., p. 359: Cap. XIX., p. 451: Muir, Ancient Sanskrit Texts, I., 222 sqq.; 227; 238; 426 sqq. Wilson, Rig Veda, I., 42 note: Essays, II., 309: Max Müller, Chips from a German Workshop, II., 339 sq. Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 58 sq., and compare Rajendra Lâla Mitra, Indo-Aryans, II., 266.

[14] Grant, Introduction, Central Provinces Gazetteer, CX., sq.

[15] Highlands of Central India, 8.

[16] Brief View, 79.

[17] Oudh Gazetteer, I., 305.

[18] Ibid., III., 229: I., 365.

[19] Gazetteer, North-Western Provinces, VI., 351, 2.

[20] Ibid., VIII., Part III., 49.

[21] Bühler, Sacred Laws of the Aryans, I., 209; 211: II., 12.

[22] Journey through Oudh, I., 213.

[23] The derivation from the root such “to be afflicted” hardly deserves consideration.

[24] The stars indicate intervals with figures ranging between.

[25] Brief view of the caste system of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh. The same theory was, however, advocated before Mr. Nesfield by Mr. Ibbetson in the Panjab Census Report of 1881, page 173, sq.

[26] Loc. cit., 3.

[27] Loc. cit., 115.

[28] Kinship, 239.

[29] Some of Mr. Nesfield’s identifications and derivation of tribal names must be received with caution e.g., the connection of the Musahar and Bâri; of the Koli and Koiri with the Kol; the Kalwâr with the Kharwâr or Khairwâr; the Bâdi with the Bhât.

[30] Panjâb Ethnography, 176.

[31] Loc. cit. 178.

[32] Quoted by Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., Introduction, XLIII.

[33] Manu, Institutes, III., 5, and other authorities quoted by Mayne, Hindu Law, 73.

[34] For further details see Haug, Aitareya Brâhmanam, II., 479 sq.

[35] Panjâb Ethnography, 182.

[36] The formula of Musalmân exogamy is thus given in the Qurân, Surah IV., 27:—“Ye are forbidden to marry your mothers, your daughters, your sisters and your aunts both on the father’s and on the mother’s side; your brother’s daughters and your sister’s daughters; your mothers who have given you suck and your foster sisters; your wives’ mothers and your daughters-in-law born of your wives with whom ye have cohabited. Ye are also prohibited to take to wife two sisters (except what is already past) nor to marry women who are already married.”

[37] Studies in Ancient History, 75 sqq.

[38] Principles of Sociology, I., 614, sqq.; History of Human Marriage, 311, sqq.

[39] Loc. cit. I., 619, sqq.

[40] Primitive Family, 216, sqq.

[41] History of Human Marriage, 316, sq.

[42] Origin of Civilisation, 135, sq.

[43] Primitive Family, 230, sq.

[44] Journal Anthropological Institute, XVIII., 267, sqq.

[45] Loc. cit., 317.

[46] Ancient Society, 424.

[47] Loc. cit. Chapter XV.

[48] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Introduction, LXII.

[49] Spencer Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, 136, 293, 318.

[50] Introduction to Popular Religion and Folklore, 278, sqq.

[51] Frazer, Totemism, 58, sqq.

[52] II. Page 85.

[53] e.g., by Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 89.

[54] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, II., 328, sqq.

[55] Origin of Civilization, 126.

[56] History of Human Marriage, 73.

[57] For a discussion on these early cases of supposed polyandry see Dr. J. Muir, Indian Antiquary, VI., 260, sqq.: E. Thomas, ibid., VI., 275: Rig Veda, I., 119, 5: Wilson, Essays, II., 340: Max Müller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 44, sqq.: Westminster Review, 1868, page 412: Lang, Custom and Myth, II., 155.

[58] Jummoo, 250.

[59] Abode of Snow., 231. For Tibetan Polyandry generally see C. Horne, Indian Antiquary, V., 164: C. R. Stulpnagel, ibid., VII., 132, sqq.: Yule, Marco Polo, II., 33, 38, 40: Williams, Memo of Dehra Dûn, 175.

[60] Lassen, Ind. Alterthumsk., 2nd Edition, II., 454.

[61] Briggs, Translation, I., 183, sq.

[62] Ghulâm Bâsit: Dowson’s Elliot, History, VIII., 202.

[63] Kirkpatrick, Indian Antiquary, VII., 86, sq.

[64] Studies, 112, sqq.

[65] Rig Veda, X., 40, 2; and Muir’s remarks, Ancient Sanskrit Texts, V., 459.

[66] Institutes, IX., 59, 62; with Muir’s comment, Indian Antiquary, VI., 315.

[67] Bühler, Sacred Laws of the Aryans, Part I., 267, sq.

[68] Hindu Law, 61; and see Starcke, Primitive Family, 141, sqq.: Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, 510, sqq.

[69] Census Report, North-Western Provinces, 1891, 249.

[70] The Panjâb returns show 145 widows to 1,000 women, 23 per cent. of women over 15 years of age are widows. This rises to 25 for Hindus and falls to 21 for Muhammadans. (Maclagan, Census Report, 226). Mr. O’Donnell (Bengal Census Report, 186) attributes much of the relative increase of Muhammadans in that Province to their toleration of widow marriage.

[71] The exact figures are:—

Not permitting widow marriage 9,713,087, or 24·05 per cent.
Permitting widow marriage 30,667,081, or 75·95 per cent.
---------- ------
Total Hindus 40,380,168, or 100 per cent.

These figures are, however, subject to the correction that some even of the lower castes partially prohibit widow marriage, and this is represented by the Byâhut section, which appears in many of them. In the whole of the Behâr Provinces (Census Report, 200) the Musahars of the north-eastern area, with only 5·5 per cent. of widows amongst women between 15 and 40 years, are most addicted to widow marriage. The Thârus of Champâran, and the Dhobis, Lohârs and Dusâdhs of North-West Behâr, follow them very closely in this respect.

[72] Page 246.

[73] Of the Panjâb Mr. Maclagan remarks (Report, 255) that “the practice of child marriage among girls prevails mainly in the east of the Province. It is primarily a Hindu practice, and is found most strongly developed in the districts where Hinduism is the prevailing religion; and in the Province generally it is much more common among Hindus than among Musalmâns. But the early marriage of girls has now become a matter more of custom than of religion, and the Musalmâns in Hindu districts are nearly as much addicted to it as the Hindus, while among Hindus in Musalmân districts it is almost as rare as among the Musalmâns. In fact, the Muklâwa is very little in vogue among Hindus anywhere in the extreme south and west of the Province.” The Bihâr returns (Census Report, 199) show that “the age of Kâyasth and Brâhman girls before they find husbands to be much higher than that assigned by popular opinion. The Râjput girl marries, like the Bâbhan and the aboriginal Thâru, a little later than the Dusâdh. So do the Nuniya, Lohâr, Kurmi and Kahâr, but only on an average a month or two later. The Dhânuk girl marries earlier than females in any other large caste in this area, though a year later than girls of low caste in North-East Bihâr.”

[74] Mr. Ibbetson shows that the difficulty of marrying among the Khatris of the Panjab is due to the strong law of hypergamy or necessity of marrying a girl in a higher grade than her husband, which prevails among them as well as among Brâhmans and hill Râjputs (Report, 356). This probably explains the fact in these Provinces.

[75] Census Report, 255.

[76] Hindu Law, 77.

[77] Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, 462, sqq.

[78] Primitive Marriage, 138. Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, 102, sq.

[79] Institutes, III., 33.

[80] On this see Lang, Custom and Myth, 65, sqq.

[81] Weber, Indische Studien, 325, quoted by McLennan, Primitive Marriage, 34, sq.

[82] Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology, 223, sq.

[83] Ibid., 278, and see Forsyth, Highlands of Central India, 158: Rowney, Wild Tribes, 37, sq.

[84] Henderson, Folklore of the Northern Countries, 38: Introduction to Popular Religion and Folklore, 151.

[85] Dalton, loc. cit., 248, 319.

[86] History of Human Marriage, 321, sq.

[87] Ibid., 330, sqq.

[88] Totemism, 68.

[89] Researches into Early History, 285: and compare Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, 13: Wake, Serpent Worship, 169: Development of Marriage, 330.

[90] Manu, Institutes, III., 32.

[91] Dalton, loc. cit., 142.

[92] Westermarck, loc. cit., 390.

[93] Panjab Census Report, 355.

[94] Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, 78.

[95] Institutes, III., 15.

[96] Bühler, Sacred Laws of the Aryas, Part I., Intro. L.

[97] Mayne, Hindu Law, 117.

[98] Kinship in Arabia, 143, 154, 155, 159, 165.

[99] Based on enquiries in Parganas Dudhi and Agori of Mirzâpur.

[100] Ethnology, 322. Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I., 5.

[101] Central Provinces Gazetteer, 273 sq.

[102] Ethnology, 221. Tribes and Castes, I., 4.

[103] These are perhaps analogous to the Barar sub-division of the Urâons, which have the same totemistic respect for the bar tree. Dalton, Ethnology, 254.

[104] Dalton, loc. cit.

[105] For the position of the maternal uncle among the allied Gond tribes see Mânjhi, para. 14.

[106] Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., 4.

[107] “In Efate two kinds of people were allowed to pass unharmed into Hades: those belonging to a certain tribe call Namtaku (a sort of yam) and those who had printed or graven or branded on their bodies certain marks or figures tattooed.”

Somerville.—Notes on the Islands of the New Hebrides, Journal Anthropological Institute, XXIII., 10.

[108] Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., 4.

[109] Jungle life, 668.—For a more detailed account see Watt’s Dictionary of Economic Products, IV., 502., sqq.

[110] Panjab Ethnography, 330.

[111] Based on notes by the Deputy Inspector, Schools, Pilibhît, M. Mahâdeva Prasâd, Head Master, Zilâ School, Pilibhît.

[112] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I., 5 sq.

[113] Risley, loc. cit. 6.

[114] Sheo Singh Rai versus Dakho, Indian Law Reports, Allahabad, I., 688.

[115] Settlement Report, 61.

[116] Loc. cit. 7.

[117] Risley, loc. cit. 8.

[118] Eastern India, II., 465.

[119] Based mainly on a note by Pandit Râmgharib Chaube.

[120] Tribes and Castes, I., 10.

[121] Panjab Census Report, 115.

[122] The Census in Bengal shows their numbers to be 3,877. The Jogi Aughars of the Panjab number only 436.

[123] Based on notes by Pandit Râmgharîb Chaube and Pandit Janardan Dat Joshi, Deputy Collector, Bareilly.

[124] Tribes and Castes, I., 11.

[125] Supplemental Glossary, s.v.

[126] Morâdâbâd Settlement Report, 8.

[127] Annals, I., 109.

[128] Oudh Gazetteer, II., 218.

[129] Journey through Oudh, II., 98.

[130] Largely based on notes collected through Mr. J. H. Monks, Deputy Collector, Aligarh.

[131] Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, II., 565, 589, and 645.

[132] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 572; Gorakhpur Gazetteer, 624.

[133] Ibbetson, Panjab Ethnography, Section 576.

[134] Papers on Mîna Dacoits and other Criminal Classes of India, I., sqq.

[135] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur, and notes by Pandit Baldeo Prasâda, Deputy Collector, Cawnpur, and the Deputy Inspector of Schools, Agra.

[136] Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplementary Glossary, s.v.

[137] Tribes and Castes, I., 282.

[138] Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, II., 364.

[139] Wheeler, History of India, Vol. III., 283, sqq.

[140] Elliot, Chronicles of Unâo, 20; Râê Bareli Settlement Report, 15.

[141] Archæological Reports, II., 81.

[142] Brief View, 106.

[143] Census Report, 1865, Appendix 21.

[144] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 467.

[145] Gazetteer, North-Western Provinces, I., 160.

[146] Settlement Report, 33.

[147] Growse, Mathura., 252.

[148] Introduction to the Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, 290, sqq.

[149] Dalîp versus Ganpat, Indian Law Reports Alláhábád, VIII., 387.

[150] Papers 15, sq.

[151] Bihar Proverbs, 52.

[152] Principally based on notes by Munshi Atma Râm, Head Master, High School, Mathura.

[153] Dowson, Classical Dictionary, s.v., Saubhari.

[154] Mathura, 11.

[155] Ibid., 10, note.

[156] Mathura, 272.

[157] Page 32.

[158] Panjab Census Report, 166.

[159] Clans of Râê Bareli, 14, sq.

[160] Settlement Report, 9.

[161] Notes, 20, sq.

[162] Report, Census, North-West Provinces, 1891, page 237.

[163] Based almost entirely on notes by Bâbu Sânwal Dâs, Deputy Collector, Hardoi.

[164] Settlement Report, XXIV.

[165] Oudh Gazetteer, III., 301.

[166] Mainly based on a note by Pandit Râmgharîb Chaubê.

[167] Based on notes by Munshi Niyâz Ahmad, Head Master, High School, Fatehpur; also, see Report, Inspector-General, Police, N.-W. P., 1868, pp. 42, 46, 111; idem, 1869, p. 128; Gazetteer, N.-W. P., VIII, Part III., page 44; note of Mr. D. T. Roberts, Police Commission Report, 1890.

[168] Qânûn-i-Islâm, 197.

[169] Institutes, VIII, 161.

[170] Sultânpur Settlement Report, 137, sqq.

[171] Chronicles of Unâo, 69.

[172] Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplementary Glossary, s.v.

[173] Archæological Survey, I., 352, sq.

[174] II., 239, sq.

[175] Settlement Report, App. I., 2 A.

[176] Settlement Report, 59.

[177] Growse, Mathura, 12, 356.

[178] Asiatic Researches, XIII., 282.

[179] Report, Inspector-General, Police, N. W. P., 1869, page 121, sqq.

[180] People of India, III., 113.

[181] 3rd S. I., 467, sqq.; III., 186, sqq.

[182] Journey through Oudh, I., 112.

[183] Annals, I., 105, sqq.

[184] Archæological Reports, XXI., 103, sqq.

[185] Settlement Report, page 12.

[186] Highlands of Central India, page 278.

[187] Census Report, N.-W. P., 1865, I., App. B., 129.

[188] Principally based on enquiries made at Mirzapur: a few notes on the Oudh branch of the tribe have been contributed by Bâbu Sânwal Dâs, Deputy Collector, Hardoi.

[189] Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 353.

[190] Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 353.

[191] There is a tradition at Chunâr that Akbar garrisoned the fort with a body of Baheliyas under a Commander known as Hazâri. The descendant of the last Hazâri of Chunâr is now a runner in the Government Tahsîl.

[192] Panjâb Census Report, 122, sqq.

[193] Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 188.

[194] Mathura, 179, sq.

[195] These terms are Kanarese and mean “Southerners” and “Northerners,”—Oppert, Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsha, 613.

[196] Loc. cit., 181, sq.

[197] Chronicles of Unâo, 66, sq.

[198] Settlement Report, 213, 276, sq.

[199] Settlement Report, 20.

[200] Archæological Reports, V., 20.

[201] III., 221.

[202] Sleeman, Journey through Oudh, I., 264.

[203] Settlement Report, 12.

[204] Eastern India, II., 380, 460.

[205] Oldham, Memo., 65.

[206] Oudh Gazetteer, III., 227.

[207] Râê Bareli Settlement Report, 8.

[208] Supplementary Glossary, s.v.

[209] See Bais Râjput.

[210] See Bhuiya, para. 14.

[211] This account is based on a set of notes prepared by the Deputy Inspector of Schools, Dehra Dûn.

[212] Mainly from notes from Pandit Baldeo Prasâd, Deputy Collector, Cawnpur.

[213] Prepared from notes by Munshi Atma Râm, Head Master, High School, Mathura.

[214] Brahmanism and Hinduism, 185.

[215] For this campaign see Cunningham, Archæological Reports, II., 455, Gazetteer, N. W. P., I., 160.

[216] The connection between the Banâphars and Ahîrs is one of many instances which illustrate the mixed origin of many of the Râjput septs.

[217] Sultânpur Settlement Report, 154, sqq.

[218] Notes, 40.

[219] Supplemental Glossary, s.v.

[220] Loc. cit., 171, sq.

[221] Tribes and Castes, I., 144, sgq.

[222] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur and notes by Pandit Baldeo Prasâd, Deputy Collector, Cawnpur; Pandit Badri Nâth, Deputy Collector, Kheri; Mr. W. H. O’N. Segrave, District Superintendent, Police, Basti; and the Deputy Inspectors of Schools, Bareilly and Bijnor.

[223] Academy, 14th May, 1870.

[224] Quoted in the Berâr Gazetteer, 195, sqq.

[225] Dowson’s Elliot, V., 100. Brigg’s Ferishta, I., 579.

[226] Rambles, I., 129, Indian Antiquary, VIII., 219, sqq.

[227] Asiatic Studies, 89.

[228] Migratory Tribes of Central India, by E. Balfour: Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, N. S., Vol. XIII.

[229] Settlement Report, 19.

[230] Settlement Report, 10.

[231] Settlement Report, 41.

[232] Oudh Gazetteer, III., 6.

[233] Williams, Memo., 77, sqq.

[234] Settlement Report, 130.

[235] Mullaly, Notes, 28.

[236] Asiatic Studies, 165.

[237] Panjâb Ethnography, 299.

[238] Central India, II., 152, sqq.

[239] Bombay Gazetteer, XX., 203; XIX., 138.

[240] Panjâb Census Report, 311.

[241] But see Baidguâr.

[242] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 353, 415; Report Inspector-General, Police, North-Western Provinces, 1868, page 34; 1871, page 47 (a); 1870, page 99 (b).

[243] Jungle Life, 516.

[244] Notes, 31, sq.

[245] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur, and notes received through Mr. W. Hoey, C.S., Gorakhpur, and Bâbu Sânwal Dâs, Deputy Collector, Hardoi.

[246] Tribes and Castes, I., 60.

[247] Travels, 166, sqq.

[248] Hindu Tribes, I., 296.

[249] Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 330; and see Hoey, Monograph on Trades and Manufactures, 188.

[250] Sherring, Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 330. Buchanan says that the Chaurâsis take their name from Tappa Chaurâs in Mirzapur, Eastern India, II., 470.

[251] Yule and Burnell, Hobson Jobson, 67.

[252] Ibid., 25.

[253] Quoted by Yule, Marco Polo, II., 311.

[254] Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, p. 75.

[255] For a good account of the system of cultivating the plant, see Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 864.

[256] Eastern India, II., 467.

[257] Tribes and Castes, I., 65.

[258] Oldham, Memo., I., 65.

[259] Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 165.

[260] Supplementary Glossary, s.v.; Aligarh Settlement Report, 22; Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 155, sqq.

[261] Settlement Report, 34, sqq.

[262] Morâdâbâd Settlement Report, 14.

[263] Based on enquiries made at Mirzapur, and notes by the Deputy Inspectors of Schools at Bareilly, Basti, Bijnor.

[264] Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplemental Glossary, s.v.

[265] Sherring, Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 316.

[266] Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, III., 279.

[267] Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 186.

[268] Prof. H. H. Wilson, Rig Veda, Intro., DLI.

[269] Hoey, Monograph on Trade and Manufactures, 68.

[270] Settlement Report, 79.

[271] Supplementary Glossary, s.v.

[272] Eastern India, II., 463.

[273] Elliot, Supplemental Glossary, s.v.

[274] Principally based on enquiries made at Mirzapur, and notes by Munshi Chhuttan Lâl, Deputy Collector, Unâo, and Munshi Âtma Râm, Head Master, High School, Mathura.

[275] Based chiefly on Notes by Mirza Ihfân Ali Beg, Deputy Collector, in charge of the tribe, and a report (date and author not given) entitled “Etymology (sic) of the Barwârs of Gonda and the Sanaurhiyas of Nâgpur.”

[276] Faizâbâd Settlement Report, 280, sq.

[277] Oldham, Memo., I., 61, sq.

[278] Settlement Report, 30.

[279] Based on enquiries made at Mirzapur, and a note by M. Karam Ahmad, Deputy Collector, Jhânsi.

[280] On this idea of hell see Bhuiyâr, 16.

[281] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur and a note by the Deputy Inspector of Schools, Bijnor.

[282] Sirsa Settlement Report, 123.

[283] Selections from the Records of Government, North-Western Provinces, I., 386; North Indian Notes and Queries, I., 66.

[284] North Indian Notes and Queries, I., 51.

[285] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I., 78.

[286] Report, Inspector General of Police, N.-W. P., 1868, p. 13.

[287] Mullaly, Notes on Criminal Tribes, 10.

[288] Balfour, Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal, Vol. XIII.

[289] From a note by Pandit Râm Bakhsh Chaube of Gorakhpur.

[290] Tribes and Castes, I., 86.

[291] Panjâb Census Report, 196.

[292] Based on notes by M. Gopâl Prasâd, Naib Tahsildar, Phaphund, Etâwah District, and the Deputy Inspector of Schools, Farrukhâbâd.

[293] Memoirs, Anthropological Society of London, III., 122, sqq.

[294] Origin of Civilization, 126; Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, 72, sqq.

[295] Oldham, Memo, 61, sq.

[296] Settlement Report, 30.

[297] Settlement Report, 4.

[298] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 463.

[299] Supplementary Glossary, s.v.

[300] Maclagan, Punjab Census Report, 110.

[301] Settlement Report, 179, sqq.

[302] Census Report, 1865, I., Appendix 19; Râja Lachhman Singh, Memo., 158.

[303] Settlement Report, 305.

[304] Chiefly based on enquiries at Mirzapur and short notes from Munshi Bhagwati Dayâl Sinh, Tahsîldâr, Chhibramau, Farrukhâbâd, and Bâbu Chhote Lâl, Archæological Survey, Lucknow.

[305] Eastern India, II., 248.

[306] Based to a large extent on the account of the tribe in Benares by Mr. R. Greeven, C. S., contributed to the second volume of North Indian Notes and Queries, and subsequently reprinted under the title of “Knights of the Broom,” and a note by Munshi Fasih-ud-din Ahmad, Deputy Collector, Benares; enquiries at Mirzapur and notes by Bâbu Badrinâth, Deputy Collector, Kheri; Munshi Bâsdeo Sahây, Head Master, Zila School, Farrukhâbâd; Munshi Râdharaman, Deputy Collector, Jhânsi; Munshi Chhotê Lâl, Archæological Survey, Lucknow; and the Deputy Inspectors of Schools, Bareilly, Budâun, Pilibhît, Morâdâbâd.

[307] Rajendra Lâla Mitra, Memoirs, Anthropological Society of London, III., 125.

[308] Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, I., 417.

[309] Ibid., I., 139.

[310] Institutes, X., 12–29–30.

[311] Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., 183.

[312] The Chandâla is probably the Kandaloi of Ptolemy whom Dr. J. Wilson would identify with the Gonds or Gondhalis, still a wandering tribe of Maharashtra. Indian Caste, I., 57; and see Muir, Ancient Sanskrit Texts, I., 481.

[313] For some of these legends I am indebted to the 2nd Volume, Panjâb Notes and Queries.

[314] Clouston, Popular Tales and Fictions, I., 72.

[315] Panjâb Ethnography, paragraph 598.

[316] The most complete and authoritative version of the Kursi of Lâl Beg is that given by Mr. Greeven in “Knights of the Broom,” 41, sqq.

[317] Panjâb Notes and Queries, II., 1; Knights of the Broom, 50, sqq.

[318] Punjâb Census Report, 90.

[319] Balfour; Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, N. S. XIII.; Gunthorpe, Notes on Criminal Tribes, 46, sqq.; Rowney, Wild Tribes, 21.