Chapter VI: Forms of Hindu Marriage (13)

[Tribal legends.] 3. The tribal legends do not throw much light on their history. Of these a whole cycle centres round Lâl Beg. [313] The common legend, as told by the Chaudhari or headman of the Lâlbegis in Benares, runs as follows:—In the city of Hastinapur lived the five Pândavas, whose mother’s sister had one hundred and one sons. The Pândavas quarrelled with their cousins, who were all killed. In order to celebrate their victory, the Pândavas invited their gods to a banquet, but the gods refused to come, on the ground that the Pândavas had killed so many of their Brâhman kinsmen. The penance imposed upon the Pândavas was that they should be dissolved in the snows of the Himâlaya. They agreed to this, but as they were starting one of their cows died. They did not know how to dispose of the carcase, as it was a sin to touch it. So the other four conspired to induce their brother, Nakula, to perform the hateful duty. They addressed him thus: “Good lad (bâlnîk, whence his name Bâlnîk), remove the carcase, and we promise not to excommunicate you.” He obeyed, and hid the carcase under some leaves by the bank of a stream. But when he returned his brothers refused to admit him until he brought some mango wood to perform the fire sacrifice (hom), and while he was away in search of it they started on their journey to the Himâlaya. When Nakula found himself deserted, he returned to the place where he had buried the dead cow and wept, when lo! by the grace of the Almighty, the cow was restored to life.

4. So Nakula lived on the milk of the cow in the jungle until he grew up, and then the cow died. As he was lamenting her loss, a voice came from heaven, “Do not grieve! You, Bâlnîk, are destined to be the progenitor of those who make fans (sûp) and sieves (chhalni) from the hide of the cow. These you will sell and teach the world the art of grinding and sifting flour for bread.”

5. Thus Nakula or Bâlmîk became an ascetic, and taught the people the art of making bread; so he was called Sûpach Bhagat, from the sûp or winnowing fan, which he invented. Here it may be incidentally remarked that Sûpach appears to represent the Sanskrit Svapâka or “dog-cooker,” who in early Hindu literature is one of the most degraded classes, and is ranked with the Chandâla.

6. When he had accomplished his mission he retired from the world and entered the hole of a snake. When Râma was on his journey to Ceylon in search of Sîta, he halted near the place. The smoke of his fire disturbed the holy man, who came out in a rage, and the followers of the hero worshipped him in the form of Bânbhisûr, “the lord of the ant-hill” (bânbhi, Sanskrit, Vâlmîka, an ant-hill). When Bâlmîk heard of the capture of Sîta he was consumed with rage, and began to kill every Brâhman who came within his reach. He started for Prayâg (Allahâbâd), and halted somewhere near Gopiganj, in the Mirzapur District, and thence he was called Chandâla. Parmeswar took pity upon him, and, in order to save his soul, sent Guru Nânak from heaven, who won his confidence by relating to him all the events of his past life. He then asked Chandâla, “For whose sake dost thou commit these excesses?” “For the sake of my wife and children,” he answered. Guru Nânak then said:—“Go and ask your wife if she is willing to lay down her life for your sake.” She refused, and Chandâla was so disgusted with the world that he turned his thoughts to Parmeswar, and settled down at this place as an ascetic, and from him the place was called Chandâlgarh, the present Chunâr. He was known by the Muhammadans as Gada, or “the mendicant,” and the hillock on which he lived is known as Gada Pahâr to the present day, and is one of the places of pilgrimage of the Bhangis.

7. Remembering the sins of his life, no one would touch Chandâla; so Guru Nânak brought him to the Triveni, or sacred junction of the Ganges and Jamuna, at Prayâg. There he told him to stand in the water and utter the words Râma! Râma! But all he could say was, Mâra! Mâra! “Stricken! Stricken!” So Nânak went to Chandâla’s wife and told her that as long as she lived her husband had no chance of absolution. She consented to die for his sake, and by the mercy of Parmeswar, she and her husband were transported to heaven. She left two sons, Kâlu and Jîwan.

8. In those days Râja Kesava reigned at Kâshi or Benares. A relation of his, who bore a bad character, died, and no one would remove his corpse. The servants of the Râja suggested that this duty might be imposed on the sons of Chandâla. The Râja sent for Kâlu, who consented to perform the task. In return for his services he was given the monopoly of burning all the bodies on the Benares Burning Ghât. He married a poor woman, and, in default of issue, adopted two sons to follow his profession. In time he became very rich, and then he succeeded in making a slave of Râja Hari Chand or Haris Chandra. He was so pious and god-fearing that he used daily to pay the expenses of the marriage of a poor Brâhman’s daughter. One day, as he was hunting, a poor Brâhman asked him to pay for the marriage of his daughter. He replied:—“My treasury is at your service.” “This will not suffice,” answered the Brâhman, “without the wealth of Kâlu as well.” So the Râja said:—“Sell me to Kâlu for all his wealth.” Thus the Râja became Kâlu’s slave, and his Râni wandered over the world. After some time Râotâr, son of Hari Chand, died, and the Râni, his mother, brought his corpse to the Ghât, where her husband was a slave, to be burned. The Râni could not pay the usual fee, and she at last offered to give half her sheet instead. But, before she could perform this last act of piety, Parmeswar was moved to pity, and carried off the Râja, Râni, and Kâlu, to heaven, where they are still. Their adopted sons became the progenitors of the race of the Doms or Chandâlas. The Bhangis are the descendants of Jîwan, the elder brother.

9. Jîwan, in want of a livelihood, began to wander in the jungle. By chance he came across the army of Alexander the Great, and was employed by him to remove the filth and night-soil of his camp. When the Greek army was at Delhi, one day, Lâl Beg, an incarnation of the Almighty, came and begged alms at the door of Jîwan. He treated him so hospitably that Lâl Beg said—“How can I requite your kindness?” “I am childless,” answered Jîwan, “bestow on me a son.” So Lâl Beg kicked Jîwan seven times, and said:—“For every kick thou shalt have a son;” and so it was. Alexander, who was also childless, when he heard of this miracle, called Jîwan, and giving him a horse ordered him to fetch Lâl Beg to his presence. Lâl Beg refused to go, and calling for the Qâzi of Delhi, ordered him to sacrifice the horse of Alexander, and when he had done so gave him a leg for his trouble. Then Lâl Beg disappeared, and when Alexander heard what had happened he threatened to hang Jîwan unless he could produce either Lâl Beg or the horse. Lâl Beg appeared, restored the horse to life, and rode it to the palace. He ordered Jîwan to bring the three-legged horse before Alexander. When the Emperor saw the horse he asked what had become of the fourth leg. “It is with your Majesty’s Qâzi,” answered Jîwan. The Emperor was wroth, and ordered them to drown Jîwan in the Jumna. One of his sons became a Muhammadan like Alexander, and he was the progenitor of the Shaikh or Musalmân Bhangis. Another disappeared on the way (râh) to the river, and his descendants are the Râwat Bhangis. A third hid himself in a paddy (dhân) field, and from him are sprung the Dhânuks. The fourth hid in a grove of bamboos (bâns), and from him came the Bânsphors. The fifth saved his life by swimming (helna), and his descendants are the Helas. The sixth son escaped by holding on to an earthen pot (hânri), and he was the father of the Hâris. Jîwan and his seventh son walked beneath the water till they came to Amritsar, and from them come the Lâlbegi Bhangis.

10. By another equally veritable tale Lâl Beg was the son of the King of Ghazni. Being old and childless, the King devoted himself to the service of the saint Dâdagir Jhonpra, who blessed him with four sons on condition that he should receive the eldest. But Lâl Beg, the eldest, was so lovely that the King tried to pass off his second son on the saint. But he refused the exchange, and threatened that if Lâl Beg were not made over to him, he would strike him with dumbness. So the King was obliged to keep his word, and made over the prince to the saint, giving him kingdoms and palaces. When the prince came to the saint, the latter discovered his desire to rule. He sent him back and presented him with the wonderful cup which gave him all he wished, one of the wonder-working vessels like the sack or cap or jar which appears all through the range of folk-lore. [314] Lâl Beg succeeded his father as King of Ghazni and, with the aid of the cup, worked such miracles that he was deified after his death.

11. According to another legend, in the beginning was chaos; the Almighty created Bâlmîkji, and he was placed on duty to sweep the stairs leading to the heavenly throne. One day God, out of compassion, said to Bâlmîkji:—“Thou art getting old; I will give thee something to reward thee.” Next day Bâlmîkji went as usual to sweep the stairs, and there, through the mercy of Providence, he found a boddice (choli). He brought it to his house, and laying it aside attended to his other work. By the omnipotence of God, from this boddice was born a male child. When Bâlmîkji heard the voice of the child he went to the foot of the heavenly staircase and said—“Almighty God! a son has been born from the boddice given to thy servant.” He was told in reply—“This is a Guru given unto thee.” Bâlmîkji then said that he had no milk for the child. He was directed to go home, and whatever animal crossed his path to get it to nurse the child. God, moreover, said that he had created out of Lâ illâha ill allâho (“there is no God but God”) Lâl Beg, and his name should be Nûri Shâh Bâla. Bâlmîkji descended from heaven and came to this earth and saw a female hare (sassi) suckling her young. He caught and brought her with her young ones, and Lâl Beg drank her milk, and was nourished and grew up. From that time sweepers are forbidden to eat the hare, a prohibition possibly based on totemism. The Almighty declared Lâl Beg to be the Guru, and that in every house a temple of two-and-a-half bricks would be reared to him, and for this reason a temple of two-and-a-half bricks is built in front of the house of every pious sweeper.

12. Another legend tells how the holy prophet (Hazrat Paighambar), saint (Mehtar) Ilias, or the Prophet Elias, attended at the Court of Almighty God, where many prophets were sitting. Mehtar Ilias coughed, and finding no room to spit in, he spat upwards, and his spittle fell upon the prophets. They all felt disgusted and complained to Almighty God, who directed that he should serve throughout the world as a sweeper. Mehtar Ilias begged that some prophet should be created in the world to intercede for him, and it was ordered that such a one should be born. According to the order of the God of Mercy he came into the world and took to sweeping, and passed many days in the hope of forgiveness. One day, the great saint, Barê Pîr Sâhib, Pîr-i-Dastagîr, or Sayyid Abdul Qâdir Jilâni, took his coat (chola) off, and gave it to Mehtar Ilias to wear. Mehtar Ilias put it into an earthen pitcher (matka), and intended to wear it at some auspicious time. One day the great saint asked him why he did not wear the coat. He answered—“My work is to sweep, and it would become dirty. I will wear it on some lucky day.” The great saint said—“Wear it to-day, and come to me.” He agreed, and went to open the pitcher, but it was shut so fast that he could not open it. He came to the saint and said that the pitcher would not open. The saint said—“Take my name and say to the pitcher that the Pîr Sâhib calls you.” Mehtar Ilias went and did as he was bidden, and putting the pitcher on his head brought it to the saint. The saint said, Nikalâo, Lâl Beg, “Come out quickly, my boy” (Lâl is “My dear boy,” beg means “quickly”). Immediately out of the pitcher came a fair man wearing red clothes, and the saint said to Lâl Beg:—“This was the order of Almighty God that you should be the prophet of the sweepers and intercede for them at the day of judgment.” Mehtar Ilias took him home, and placing him under a nîm tree filled his pipe for him (a custom of the sweepers to the present day towards their religious teachers) and worshipped him. Lâl Beg became at once invisible, and Mehtar Ilias went to the great saint and told him the story. The great saint said that Lâl Beg had disappeared because he did not approve of his religion. “However, worship him, and he will intercede for you.” He then ordered Mehtar Ilias to do penance, and said—“In the first age the ghatmat (vessels worshipped to represent Lâl Beg) will be golden; in the second, they will be of silver; in the third, copper; in the fourth, earthen.” This is why the sweepers now worship vessels of earth, and believe in Lâl Beg as their prophet.

13. Another form of the legend connecting Lâl Beg with Benares and Chunâr is thus told:—In the beginning Bâlmîk went to Ghazni Fort and did penance there. A barren Mughal woman came to visit him and ask for a son, and promised that if one were given her, she would dedicate him to his service. In short, by the intercession of Bâlmîk, she gave birth in due time to a son, and called him Lâl Beg. When he grew up she took him and dedicated him to Bâlmîk, according to her promise. Bâlmîk afterwards took him to Benares. The ninety-six millions of godlings that inhabit Benares had turned the Chandâlas out of the home of the gods, and placed them at Chandâlgarh or Chunâr. When Bâlmîk was in Benares he saw that in the mornings when the sweepers came from Chandâlgarh to sweep the city, they used to sound drums before entering it, and that the inhabitants, who were really godlings, used to hide themselves in their houses to avoid seeing them. When they had finished sweeping they again sounded drums, and then the people came out of their houses and went on with their business. When Bâlmîk saw this, he could not hide himself, and asked the people why they avoided seeing sweepers. The people answered—“Because they are sweepers it is unlawful for us to look upon them.” Bâlmîk out of pity gave up his life for them. When he died, blood and matter oozed from his body, so that no Hindu could touch it. So one of the inhabitants of Benares went to Chandâlgarh to call a sweeper, and saw them all there. The sweepers came into Benares and threw the body of Bâlmîk into the Ganges. But the Hindus found the body lying in the same condition in another house, and called the sweepers again. Again the sweepers threw the body into the Ganges and went home. A third time the body was found in a house in Benares, and the people were astonished, and calling the sweepers saw all their faces. Afterwards Bâlmîk appeared in a dream to an inhabitant of Benares, and told him that as long as the people refused to see the sweepers his body would not leave the city. Ever since then the people have not hidden themselves from the sweepers. The sweepers took the body from the city, for the last time, and Bâlmîk told them to take it to Chandâlgarh. And it is said that when the body reached Chandâlgarh all the mat huts of the sweepers turned into houses of gold; but this was in the age of gold.

14. Still another Panjâb legend of Lâl Beg tells that he was the son of Shaikh Sarna, a resident of Multân, who left that place in the train of his spiritual master for Sadhaura, in the Ambâla District, where he devoted himself to the worship of the saint Pîran Pîr, Abdul Qâdir Jilâni, who lived from 1078 to 1166 A.D. Shaikh Sarna had no child, and some one referred him to Bâlmîk, who then resided at Ghazni. Whereupon the Shaikh set out for Ghazni, taking his wife with him. As he approached the place he came across a girl, named Pundri, feeding swine, and when he asked her where Bâlmîk was, she said that she was his daughter. On this the Shaikh offered to watch her swine if she would take his wife to her father, to which she agreed. When she returned she saw that two young pigs had been born during her absence, and asked the Shaikh Sarna to carry them home for her, which he did. Meanwhile his wife had so won over Bâlmîk by her devotion, that he asked her what she wanted, and she answered, “a son.” So Bâlmîk promised her a son, whom she was to call Lâl Beg. After nine months she gave birth to a son, and called him Lâl Beg. When Lâl Beg was twelve years old his mother dedicated him to Bâlmîk, and sent him to the saint on an elephant. He served Bâlmîk with heart and soul, and the saint was so pleased with him that he made him chief of all his disciples. Lâl Beg then proceeded to Kâbul and Kashmîr, accompanied by Bâlmîk and all his followers. On arrival at Kâbul and Kashmîr, Lâl Beg told his followers to go and beg in the cities, but the people would not allow it. So they complained to Lâl Beg, who told them, after consulting Bâlmîk, to fight the people, and with the help of the saints and all the gods Lâl Beg gained the victory and took possession of Kâbul and Kashmîr.

15. After establishing his authority Lâl Beg placed one of his followers, named Sultâni, a native of the place, on the throne, and then went to Thanesar, where Bâlmîk died. His tomb is still worshipped as a shrine. Lâl Beg subsequently went with all his followers to Delhi and founded the Lâl Begi religion, dividing his followers into five sects—Lâl Begi, Shaikhri, Dumri, Heli, and Râwat.

16. Another legend shows more decided traces of Hindu influence. One day Siva became very drunk, and the procreating principle (madan) escaped from him. Parameswar took it in his hand and assumed the form of a man, put some of it in the ears of Anjana, and so Hanumân was born. He then rubbed some of it on a red stone, and Lâl Beg sprung forth. Then he rubbed it on a sarkanda reed (saccharum procerum), whence came Sarkandnâth. Then on some cow-dung (gobar), whence came Gobarnâth. And lastly he washed his hands in a river, where a fish swallowed some of the principle, and brought forth Machhandranâth, the preceptor of Guru Gorakhnâth.

17. To close this long account of sweeper hagiology, Lâl Beg’s father was a Mughal, and had no children. He heard that Bâlmîk, who could help him, was living in a jungle not far from him; so he prayed to him and had in due time a son, whom he named Lâl Beg. About this time the Pândavas were making a great sacrifice (jag) which they could not complete, and a saint (Mahâtma) had told them that the sacrifice would be useless unless Bâlmîk came to complete it. So one of them mounted a heavenly chariot and found Bâlmîk in the jungle covered with leprosy; but he took him in his chariot, and brought him to the sacrifice. Draupadi had prepared all the food necessary for the sacrifice, and had distributed it to all present. Everybody but Bâlmîk had a taste of the thirty dishes in turn; but Bâlmîk collected all his share together and gobbled it down in two-and-a-half mouthfuls. Now, properly, the sound of a shell (sankha) from heaven ought to have been heard for every grain of food eaten before the sacrifice was properly completed. But now only two-and-a-half sounds were heard, when Bâlmîk consumed his share. The reason for this was that Draupadi was angry because Bâlmîk would not eat. However, as a sound had been heard, the sacrifice was considered complete. After this Bâlmîk gave power to Lâl Beg over all Hindustân, and ordered all the sweepers and scavengers to worship him for the accomplishment of their prayers.

18. Out of this mass of legend, which might be easily increased, very little can be gathered as to the actual personality of Lâl Beg. According to Sir H. M. Elliot, Lâl Guru is the name of the Râkshasa Aronakarat; but it is very doubtful who this personage was. Aruna is the title of the dawn, and Lâl or “red” may be a translation of this word. Major Temple hazards the speculation that Lâl Beg may represent Lâl Bhikshu, or the “red mendicant,” which would bring the origin of the cultus to the era of Buddhism. The connection, again, of the worship with Bâlmîki, the author of the Râmâyana, who is said to have received the banished Sîta into his hermitage on the Chitrakûta hill, in the Bânda District, where he educated her twin sons, Kusa and Lava, is at present inexplicable. But it serves as an additional example of the extraordinary mixture of all the mythologies out of which so much of modern Hinduism is made up.

[Tribal organization.] 19. As might have been expected from what has been already said, the ethnological classification of the Bhangis is not very easily fixed. The last Census classifies them under five main sub-castes: Bâlmîki, derived from the tribal saint whose legends have been already given; Dhânuk, which, though allied to the Bhangis, has been treated as a distinct tribe; Hela, Lâl Begi, and Patharphor, or “stone-breaker.” Of the word Hela more than one explanation has been given, of which none can be regarded as certain. We have given already the folk etymology, which makes it out to mean a person who saved his life by swimming (helna). Others say that hela means a “cry,” and that they were so called because they were town criers, a function which the Bhangi usually still discharges in Northern India. According to another theory, again, it is derived from hilna, in the sense of “to be domesticated”; others again derive it from hel, “a basket load,” or hel or hil, “filth, mud.” One list from Benares divides the caste into nine endogamous sub-castes,—Shaikh, Hela, Lâl Begi, Ghâzipuri Râwat, who trace their origin from Ghâzipur, and take their name from the Sanskrit râja-dûta, or “royal messengers,” Hânri or Hâri, who appear to be so called because they pick up bones (Sanskrit, hadda) and other rubbish, Dhânuk, Bânsphor, and Dhê. Of these, according to the Benares account, the Lâl Begis have their head-quarters at Amritsar and Delhi; the Râwats at Agra, Mainpuri, Meerut, Ghâzipur, and Dînapur; the Shaikhs at Mirzapur and Delhi, and the Helas at Calcutta.

20. The detailed Census lists supply no less than thirteen hundred and fifty-nine sub-castes of Hindu and forty-seven of Muhammadan Bhangis. It is impossible with our existing knowledge to attempt anything approaching a complete analysis of this mass of names. Many, however, fall into two groups: first those connected by name at least with some tribe or occupational and well-known caste. Such are the Bâgri, Bais, Baiswâr, Bâlakchamariya, Bargûjar, Barwâr, Bhadauriya, Bisensob, Bundeliya, Chamariya, Chandela, Chauhân, Chhîpi, Dhelphor, Gadariya, Jâdon, Jâdubansi, Jaiswâr, Jogiya, Kachhwâha, Kâyasthbansi, Kinwâr, Sakarwâr, Tânk, Thâkur Bais and Turkiya. Others, again, clearly take their names from their places of origin, such as the Antarbedi, “those of the Duâb,” Bilkhariya, Banaudh, Baranwâr, Bhojpuri Râwat, Ghâzipuri Râwat, Jamâlpuriya, Jamunapâri, Janakpuri, Jaunpuri, Kânhpuriya, Katheriya, Manglauri, Mânikpuri, Mainpuri, Mathuriya, Mehtarânpuri, Mukundpuri, Multâni, Nânakpuri, Sayyidpuri, Sarwariya, and Ujjainwâl or Ujjainpuriya.

21. Of the more important local sub-castes, we find in Dehra Dûn, the Badlân and Nânakshâhi; in Sahâranpur, the Barlang, Chanahiya, Machal, and Tânk; in Muzaffarnagar, the Bhilaur, Deswâl, Gahlot, and Soda; in Bulandshahr, the Bachanwâr, Baiswâr, Bhadauriya, Bhagwatiya, Bhokar, Chandâliya, Chauhân, Chauhela, Chunâr, Dhakauliya, Garauthiya, Janghârê, Jasnubali, Nauratan, Nirbâni, Panwâri, Phûlpanwâr, Râthi, Rolapâl, Shaikhâwat, Tarkhariya, Turkiya, Ujjainpuriya, and Ujjainwâl; in Aligarh, the Chutelê, Kalawata, Kharautiya, Kothiya, Kausikiya, and Mathuriya; in Mathura, the Soda; in Mainpuri, the Pattharwâr; in Etah, the Churelê, Katheriya, Mathuriya, and Patthargoti; in Bareilly, the Bargûjar, Dankmardan, Janghârê, Katheriya, and Rajauriya; in Bijnor, the Gangwati; in Morâdâbâd, the Barchi, Bargûjar, Bhumiyân, Deswâli, Multâni, and Rajauriya; in Shâhjahânpur, the Katheriya; in Cawnpur, the Basor and Domar; in Fatehpur, the Sûpa Bhagat; in Allahâbâd, the Bilkhariya; in Jhânsi, the Domar; in Ghâzipur, the Râwat; in Basti, the Audhiyâr, Desi, and Dom; in Lucknow, the Bânsphor; in Unâo, the Turaiha; and in Sultânpur, the Dom.

22. Of the Benares sweepers, Mr. Greeven writes:—“In Benares, only the Lâl Begi, Shaikh Mehtar, and Hela, with a few Râwats, are found. All sub-castes, including Lâl Begis, who acknowledge a Musalmân hero, claim to be Hindus, with the exception of the Shaikh Mehtars, who call themselves Muhammadans. These pretensions are, however, equally rejected by Hindus, who exclude them from temples, and by Musalmâns, who exclude them from mosques. The distinction between Lâl Begis and Shaikh Mehtars is purely religious, and an elaborate legend admitting the common origin has been invented to explain why Mazhabis, who are Lâl Begis converted to Nânakshâhi doctrines, do not object to eating with Shaikh Mehtars. Only Lâl Begis and Râwats eat food left by Europeans, but all eat food left either by Hindus or Musalmâns. The Shaikh Mehtars alone, as Musalmâns, circumcise, and reject pig’s flesh. Each sub-caste eats uncooked food with all the others, but cooked food alone (kachchi, pakki). Only Helas refuse to touch dogs. Shaikh Mehtars and Lâl Begis alone admit proselytes. No sweeper touches the corpse of any other caste, nor, within his caste, of any sub-caste, except his own. While to the west of Delhi they are willing and regard it as their function to sweep streets and burn corpses, in Benares they profess, on the authority of a legend, to abandon streets to Chamârs, corpses to Doms. In fact, sweepers by no means endorse the humble opinion entertained with respect to them; for they allude to castes, such as Kunbis and Chamârs, as petty (chhota); while a common anecdote is related to the effect that a Lâl Begi when asked whether Musalmâns could obtain salvation, replied—“I never heard of it, but perhaps they might slip in behind Lâl Beg.”

23. Further he goes on to say:—“Each sub-caste of sweepers is endogamous, but within each sub-caste are certain exogamous stirpes (gotra). Thus the Lâl Begis admit three exogamous stirpes—Kharaha, ‘hare’; Pattharâha, ‘stone’; and Chauhân.” These sections, it may be noted, are almost certainly totemistic. Thus the Kharaha section will not eat the hare; the Pattharâha will not eat out of stone vessels. We shall notice later on another explanation of this; in fact, as in the case of the Dhângars, each of these minor castes is constantly working out fresh explanations of their totemistic sections, and this is probably the explanation why it is now so difficult to trace this form of tribal organisation among the castes of Upper India. Mr. Greeven adds that besides these sections a special section has been created by spiritual ministers (bâba), who proudly declare that, just as kingship is not confined to any special classes, so they have abandoned their section, but not their sub-caste. This special section, though recruited from three exogamous sub-divisions, is endogamous.

24. Another account of these Benares sections may be given. These are said to be Chauhân, who connect themselves with the Râjput sept of the same name; Chuhân, who are named from chûha, “a rat”; Kharaha, “a hare”; Patthara, “a stone”; Pathrauta, who profess to derive their name from a kind of vegetable known as pathri-kâ-sâg.

25. This, however, does not exhaust the tribal organisation of the sweepers of these provinces. Thus, in Kheri, they are reported to be divided into two endogamous groups, with various exogamous sections. In the first group are the Mehtar, Bhangi, Lâl Begi, Chaudhari, and Rangreta. The second group consists of the Hathîlê, Râwat, Domra, Dhabâê, and Bânsphor. Most of these names have been already discussed. But in connection with the Rangreta section Mr. Ibbetson’s remarks [315] may be quoted:—“The terms Mazhabi and Rangreta denote Chûhras who have become Sikhs. The Mazhabis take the pahul or formula of initiation, wear their hair long, and abstain from tobacco, and they apparently refuse to touch night-soil, though performing all the other offices hereditary to the Chûhra caste. Their great Guru is Tegh Bahâdur, whose mutilated body was brought back from Delhi by Chûhras, who were then and there admitted to the faith as a reward for their devotion. But though good Sikhs as far as religious observance is concerned, the taint of hereditary pollution is upon them; and Sikhs of other castes refuse to associate with them even in religious ceremonies. They often intermarry with the Lâl Begi or Hindu Chûhra. They make capital soldiers, and some of our regiments are wholly composed of Mazhabis. The Rangreta are a class of Mazhabi apparently found only in Ambâla, Ludhiâna, and the neighbourhood, who consider themselves socially superior to the rest. The origin of their superiority, I am informed, lies in the fact that they were once notorious as highway robbers. But it appears that the Rangretas have very generally abandoned scavengering for leather work, and this would at once account for their rise in the social scale. In the hills Rangreta is often used as synonymous with Rangrez to denote the cotton dyer and stamper; and in Sirsa the Sikhs will often call any Chûhra whom they wish to please, Rangreta, and a rhyme is current, Rangreta, Guru ka beta, or “the Rangreta is the son of the Guru.”

26. Again, in Mirzapur, the Bhangis name seven endogamous sub-castes: Halâlkhora, who are said to be so called because they support themselves by honest labour and do not eat the leavings of others; Lâl Begi, Râwat, Domar, who are like Doms; Hinduaiya, who are supposed to be so called because they are Hindus and more precise in the observances of the faith than other Hindu sweepers; Kirtiya, who are said to have been originally Hindus and to have been converted (kirtiya) to Islâm.

27. In Lucknow, again, their endogamous sub-castes are given as Bânsphor, Hela, Râwat, Hâri, Dhânuk, Lâl Begi, Shaikh or Shaikhra, Chûhra, and Dom.

28. In Bareilly, the Bhangis are reported to have four exogamous sections,—Khariya, who are perhaps the same as the Kharaha of the Benares list, Dalwariya, Tânk Mardân, Singha.

29. In Mirzapur another name for the Hela sub-caste is said to be Mâlwar, which the members say is derived from their profession of keeping hogs. They may possibly be akin to the Mâl of Bengal.

30. Lastly, Sir H. M. Elliot names the Bhangi sections (gotra) as Baniwâl, Bilpurwâr, Tânk, Gahlot, Kholi, Gagra, Sarohi, Chandâliya, Sirsawâl, and Siriyâr. Some of these are the names of Râjput septs; others are apparently taken from the place of their origin. It has as yet been found impossible to identify the exact part of the country in which these sections prevail.

[Traditions of origin.] 31. Beyond the legends already given in connection with Lâl Beg, the Bhangis do not appear to have any very distinct traditions of their history. The Lâl Begis of Benares undertake occasional pilgrimages to Amritsar, which they consider to be their home. The Bhangis of Mirzapur refer their origin to Jaunpur. They make occasional visits to the village of Surhurpur, where they worship at the tomb of a Muhammadan Faqîr named Makhdûm Shâh. On the other hand, the Hindu Helas make pilgrimages to the temple of Kâlika Mâi, in the village of Lokhari, in the Bânda District. They attend a special fair held in honour of the goddess on the thirtieth day of Chait, at which, as at the shrine of the goddess Vindhyabâsini Devi at Bindhâchal, they have the ceremonial shaving of their sons performed, and offer pigs, goats, rams, and a libation of spirits. They have also a preference for arranging marriages, and taking their barbers from this place, which they regard as their original home. The Benares Lâl Begis all collect at what is called the Panchâyat Akhâra sacred to Guru Nânak, near the Sivâla Ghât, in the city, for the decision of all social matters. There is, lastly, the Gada Pahâri at Chunâr, to which reference has been already made, which is a well-known resort for the Bhangis of the eastern part of the Province.

[Tribal council and caste discipline.] 32. The Bhangis have a most elaborately organised tribal council. Thus, the Lâl Begis of Benares, to follow Mr. Greeven’s account again, have a semi-military organisation modelled on that of the British Cantonment in which they are employed. Their headman is known as Brigadier Jamadâr, whose office, though in theory elective, is in practice hereditary, so long as the requirements are fulfilled. These are chiefly: on election to provide two dinners for the whole sub-caste, sweetmeats, to the value of fourteen rupees, to be distributed among them, and two turbans to each president as below described. Within the sub-caste the administrative unit is the “company” (bera), of which in Benares there are eight, viz., the Sadar, or those employed by private residents in Cantonments; the Kâlê Paltan, who serve the Bengal Infantry; the Lâl Kurti, or “Red Coats,” who are employed by the British Infantry; the Teshan, or those employed at the three Railway Stations of Cantonment, Râjghât, and Mughal Sarâi; the Shahr, or those employed in the City; the Râmnagar, who take their name from the residence of the Mahârâja of Benares, whom they serve; the Kothiwâl or “Bungalow men,” who serve residents in the Civil Lines; and lastly, the Genereli, who are the survivors of the sweepers who were employed at headquarters when Benares was commanded by a General of Division. Under the Brigadier each “company” has four officers (sardâr) as follows:—The Jamadâr or President, the Munsif or Spokesman, the Treasurer or Chaudhari, and the Nâib or Summoner. As with the Brigadier, these offices, though supposed to be elective, are practically hereditary, provided that the candidate can afford to present one dinner to the whole sub-caste, and one turban to each of the Presidents. Under these officers every member of the company is designated a private soldier (sipâhi); and out of these a ministerial officer is appointed under the title of the messenger (piyâda).

33. At a meeting of the council a private may, with much respect, interrupt proceedings to direct attention to anything irregular. On the conclusion of the evidence, the three inferior officers in each company confer together until they arrive at a unanimous decision, which, through their spokesman, they submit to their President. When each President is unanimous with his assistants, he confers with the Presidents of the other companies, and when all eight Presidents are unanimous they confer with the Brigadier, who, if he agrees with them, delivers the final decision. In case of disagreement, the disputed question must be argued out, or further evidence adduced, until the disagreement is removed. Mr. Greeven adds:—“As there is no record or evidence of judgment, it may well be inquired how it is possible, except by accident, ever to obtain a unanimous decision amongst thirty-three human beings. In point of fact, however, the issues are of so simple a character and, therefore, so fully within the compass of the private soldiers, that public opinion is very powerful, and, as in cases of dead-lock, oaths are administered to the dissentient officers, the practical result follows that where an officer, in spite of an oath, persists in blocking the decision of a dispute by a corrupt, or perverse, or even unpopular verdict, he is liable to be dismissed from his office, or even expelled from the brotherhood. The subordinate officers decide according to the verdict of the private soldiers, and a President rarely persists in opposition to his subordinate officers, while the Brigadier accepts the opinion of the Presidents almost as a formality.”

34. When any dispute arises, the aggrieved party, depositing a process-fee (talabâna) of a rupee-and-a-quarter, addresses his summoner, who, in company with the Treasurer, and through the medium of the spokesman, refers the matter to the President. Unless the question is so trivial that it can be settled without caste punishments, the President fixes a time and place, of which notice is given through the messenger, to the summoners of the other seven companies. Within each company the messenger, who is remunerated with one-and-a-quarter annas out of the process-fee, carries round the notice to each private soldier.

35. Only worthy members of the caste are allowed to sit on the tribal matting and smoke the tribal pipe (huqqa). The proceedings begin with the spreading of the matting, and the pipe is passed round. The members sit in three lines, and in the following order of precedence:—The Brigadier Jamadâr, each batch of four officers of the eight companies arranged as follows,—the President to the right, next the spokesman, treasurer, and summoner, and behind them all private soldiers. Each party to the dispute, in charge of the messenger of his company, is cross-questioned individually by the eight spokesmen, who then proceed to examine the witnesses adduced by the litigants, and any persons acquainted with the facts of the case.

36. The punishments inflicted by the council are of three kinds,—fines (dând); compulsory dinners (bhog, khâna); and outcasting (kujât karna). Non-compliance with an order of fine or entertainment is followed by expulsion. Fines are always multiples of one-and-a-quarter, which is a lucky number. The formal method of outcasting consists in seating the culprit on the ground and drawing the tribal mat over his head, from which the turban is removed. The messengers of the eight companies inflict a few taps with slippers and birch brooms from above. It is alleged that unfaithful women were formerly tied naked to trees and flogged with birch brooms, but that, owing to the fatal results that occasionally followed such punishment, as in the case of the five kicks among Chamârs, and a scourging with a clothes line, which used to prevail among Dhobis, the caste has now found it expedient to abandon such practices.

37. When an outcast is re-admitted on submission, whether by paying a fine or giving a dinner, he is seated apart from the tribal mat, and does penance (tauba, tobah) by holding his ears and confessing his offence. A new huqqa, which he supplies, is carried round by the messenger, and a few whiffs are taken by the clansmen in the following order.—The Bather, the Brigadier, the eight Presidents, the eight spokesmen, the eight summoners, and the private soldiers. The messenger repeats to the culprit the order of the council, and informs him that should he again offend his punishment will be doubled. With this warning he hands him the huqqa, after smoking which the culprit is admitted to the carpet, and all is forgotten in a banquet at his expense.

38. The officials and procedure of the councils of the other sub-castes are very similar. Thus in Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats have a President (Chaudhari), a messenger or Chharibardâr, who announces the dates and purposes of the council meetings, and receives two annas for his trouble. The Shaikhs have a Chaudhari or President, a Sardâr or his assistant, a Qâzimdâr, whose functions are similar to those of the Chharibardâr. The Helas have two officials, the Chaudhari and the Piyâda or Chharibardâr. In the Shaikh council all the officials at the time of their appointment have to give a dinner to the members of their council. The Chaudhari and Sardâr are invested with turbans as a sign of office. The Qâzimbardâr receives a whip (kora), a mat (tât), and a jug and bowl (lota, katora) when he is invested with office. In the Hela council the Chaudhari receives a turban, but is not obliged to give a dinner. The rule among the Ghâzipuri Râwats is the same.

[Marriage rules.] 39. Among the Lâl Begis of Benares a man must marry within his own sub-caste, but not in the section (tar) to which he belongs. Thus he cannot marry in the house of his paternal or maternal grandfather. But he may marry a woman of any other sub-caste or caste, provided she be initiated duly into the Lâl Begi fraternity. The Lâl Begis are noted for their laxity in enforcing the rules of marriage. Thus they may marry even a Dom or Chamâr woman. He cannot marry two sisters at the same time without the consent of the first wife, or unless she has no hope of issue. But in no case can a man marry the elder sister of his wife, and he cannot marry the sisters of his phûpha or husband of his father’s sister, or of the husband of his mother’s sister. Among the Shaikhs the Muhammadan prohibited degrees are enforced, except that a man cannot marry outside his sub-caste; he can marry two sisters at the same time, but during the life-time of his wife he cannot marry her elder sister, and he cannot marry in the family of his paternal grandfather or of the husband of his father’s sister. But he may marry the daughter of his maternal uncle or of his mother’s sister. When a man has married into a certain family all his male relations will, as far as possible, avoid marrying in the same family. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats a man must marry in his sub-caste, but not in the family of his paternal or maternal grandfather. In fact, all relations whose fathers or mothers can be traced back to any common ancestor are barred. A man can marry two sisters, but not the elder sister of the wife while she is alive. The same rules apply to the Helas. The Bânsphors, like the Shaikhs, will not marry in the family of the paternal grandfather, but that of the maternal grandfather is not excluded. The Helas, as a rule, marry very near relatives. There is no exclusion as regards marriage, and they use the proverb,—Dâm sê barh jawê, châm sê nahîn barhta—that is to say, one who is higher in social status is not necessarily elevated as regards caste.

40. The following rules regulate the marriage of outsiders. In Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats and Helas can marry any woman provided she does not belong to another Bhangi sub-caste, is not drawn from the lower castes, such as Doms, Dhobis, Dusâdhs, Dharkârs, Khatîks, and Chamârs, and that prior to marriage she has been properly initiated into the sub-caste of her future husband. When a man marries such a woman he has to give a dinner to his brethren, and pay a fine of twenty or thirty rupees, when the woman is being initiated. Such a marriage is not treated as the regular marriage (shâdi), but as the lower form (sagâi), and in spite of her initiation, the wife, but not her children, will always be considered as an out-caste (parjât). The Shaikhs will marry a woman of any caste, provided she embrace Islâm, but her original caste must have been respectable, and they will not marry a woman who was originally a Kunbi, Ahîr, Koeri, or the like. The husband in such a marriage is not obliged to pay any fine to the council, but he has to distribute sharbat to them. Such a woman will be admitted to full tribal rights. The Lâl Begis can marry a woman of any caste, provided that she is willing to be initiated as a Lâl Begi. Even the present Guru of the Benares Lâl Begis is reported to have a very low-caste woman as his wife. Such a marriage is not called shâdi but nikâh, but the wife is not treated as an out-caste.

[Initiation.] 41. The following is said to be the form of initiation among the Lâl Begis of Benares. The candidate has to prepare between one-and-a-quarter maund and five sers of malîda, or bread made of flour, milk, butter, sugar, and other condiments. This food, with sweetmeats to the value of seven-and-a-quarter rupees, is placed on a platform (chauki, chabûtra), in the presence of the assembled brethren, and the tribal genealogy or kursinâma is repeated over it. The man who recites the genealogy receives a fee of one-and-a-quarter rupees. Some sharbat is also prepared, and the members present dip their finger into it. This sharbat is drunk by the candidate, and the food and sweetmeats distributed among those present. This ceremony is known as the chauki. Similarly, among the Shaikh Mehtars, an outsider is admitted on feeding the fraternity and giving alms to the poor. At the initiation of Sikh sweepers, the headman reads out to the initiate what is known as Nânak kî bâni, or the songs of Nânak, and he is made to drink the charnamrit, or water in which the feet of the headman have been washed, and he eats the prasâd, or halwa, which is prepared on such occasions and offered before the holy volume. The present head of the community at Farrukhâbâd is known as Vasudeva Mahârâj, who is a follower of Nânak, and he freely mixes with the Bhangis and eats and drinks with them. One of these incantations used at initiation by the Panjâb Bhangis runs—

Sonê kâ ghât; sonê kâ mât;
Sonê kâ ghorâ; sonê kâ jorâ;
Sonê kî kunjî; sonê kâ tâlâ;
Sonê kâ kiwâr; lâo kunjî; kholo kiwâr;
Dekho dâdâ Pîr kâ dîdar.

“Golden pitcher; golden pot; golden horse; golden dress; golden key; golden lock; golden door; put in the key; open the door; see the figure of the Holy Saint.” [316]

This is known as Sat jug ki kursi, and similar verses are used for the Dwâpar Jug, Treta Jug, and Kali Jug. But the words “silver,” “copper,” and “earthen” are used for each age respectively in place of “golden.” The usual ritual appears to be that the candidate brings with him mince pies (chûra) to the amount of five sers in weight, and the articles for the worship (pûja) of Lâl Beg, viz., ghi, betel, cloves, large cardamoms, incense, and frankincense. A kursi or genealogy is then recited over him, and finally he is patted on the back, and a little of the mince pies, some water, and a huqqa are given to him. A quantity of the pies are offered to Lâl Beg, and the rest distributed among the Lâl Begis present. A rupee-and-a-quarter is paid to the Guru, who is always a Mehtar, who performs the ceremony, and as much clothes as the initiate can afford. [317] The ceremony, such as it is, is always done in secret, and it is very difficult to induce Bhangis to give anything like a full account of it. Among some of the sweeper sub-castes it is commonly reported that a more disgusting form of initiation prevails, part of which is that the initiate stands in a pit, and each member of the fraternity drops ordure on his head; but it is very doubtful how far this is true.

[Marriage ceremonies.] 42. The following account of the ritual in force in Bhangi marriages is mainly based on Mr. Greeven’s notes. The marriage customs of the Shaikh Mehtars are attempts to follow as closely as possible the Musalmân course (shâdi) of nuptial contract (nikâh) and dower (mahar bândhna). Among the Hindu sub-castes a match-maker (agua), spoken of by Lâl Begis as the “go-between” (bichauliya), is selected by either party. A marriage fee, settled by the match-makers, may be given for a bride, but not for a bridegroom, except by way of marriage portion (dahej). Where the bride’s father is wealthy, a form of Beena marriage prevails, and it is common for him to require or permit his son-in-law to reside with him (ghar damâdu).

The period between the conclusion of arrangements by the match-makers and the actual wedding is known as the lagan. It is inaugurated on the first evening by a dinner of raw sugar (gur) given by the parents of both parties jointly at the bride’s dwelling to all the clansmen. The next essential is to erect a marriage pole (mâcha) consisting of a plough shaft (haris) enwreathed in dûb grass and mango leaves on the first evening in the bridegroom’s, and on the second in the bride’s court-yard. A night wake (ratjaga) precedes each of these ceremonies, in which the women are feasted at the household concerned with pulse and rice, and occupy themselves in preparing comfits (gulgula) of raw sugar, flour, and oil, which on the following morning are distributed among all the clansmen at their houses. When the marriage pole is erected in the bridegroom’s court-yard, merely an earthen water-pot (gâghar), surmounted with a pot with a spout (badhana), is deposited beside it, and on the same evening all the members of the tribe, male and female, are feasted with rice and sugar and clarified butter. When, however, a second marriage pole is erected, after a second night wake, in the bride’s court-yard, it has a thatched canopy (chhappar) attached to it, and on this occasion, and under this canopy, the actual wedding is celebrated on the lucky date (sâit) given by the Brâhman astrologer.

43. Towards evening all the clansmen, both male and female, in procession escort the bridegroom, usually on horseback and with music, to the bride’s dwelling. There is no hard-and-fast usage with respect to the shape and colour of the wedding garments, except that both bride and bridegroom must carry a head-dress (maur) made of flowers and palm leaves.

44. On arrival the bride’s father assigns the procession “a field” for sitting (janwânsa, khet dena), and placing an earthen jar (kunda) of boiled rice before the bridegroom, bestows a present on his father, usually consisting of a turban, which he has on his head, and a rupee which he places in his hand. Four or five of the bridegroom’s comrades taste the boiled rice, and into the remainder the bridegroom’s father drops some money, which should not be less than five copper coins.

45. Then comes the duâr bâr, when two sheets, one of the bride’s and the other of the bridegroom’s father, are held up before the doorway. From within the bride, and from without the bridegroom, approach each other, separated by the curtain. The bride’s mother waves seven times round the head of the bridegroom a winnowing fan or tray containing a lamp, some rice, turmeric, betel-nut, betel-leaf, and dûb grass. Next she waves again seven times round his head a pot of water, a wooden rice-pounder, and a pestle. Lastly, she applies a coin bedaubed with rice and turmeric in the manner of a caste mark (tilak) to the forehead of the youth, who receives the coin as his perquisite. The bridegroom’s father also drops a coin into the water-pot beside the marriage pole. On this the boy salutes his clansmen and returns to them, while the bride retires to array herself in wedding garments, and the sheets are lowered.

46. When the bride is ready, she is seated with the bridegroom under the marriage canopy. Four pegs of mango wood are driven into the ground before them, and a thread fastened around them. In the centre a fire is kindled by the father of the bridegroom, who, after raising a flare with a libation of ghi, reverses an earthen vessel over it, with the object, as is alleged, of conciliating the household deities. The bride’s father deposits at the feet of the couple the tray or fan which in an earlier ceremony the mother was seen waving over the head of the bridegroom. All the bride’s relatives, after taking some of the contents and touching the feet of the couple, apply it to their foreheads, and deposit as much money as they can afford by way of a present.

47. Next the gown (jâma) of the boy is knotted to the mantle (châdar) of the bride by the religious mendicant, who is by caste also a sweeper and is known as Bâbaji. This is the gath bandhan rite. In the absence of the Bâbaji the husband of the sister of the bridegroom, known as Mân, does this office.