Chapter VI: Mandaya

("Inhabitants of the Uplands").

SYNONYMS.

(a) MANSAKA ("Inhabitants of the mountain clearings"). This name is applied to those Mandaya who formerly dwelt far back in the mountains. Many of this division have recently emigrated to the coast and are now found at the north and east part of Davao Gulf.

(b) PAGSUPAN. The appellation by which the members of this tribe, living near the Tagum and Hijo rivers, are known.

(c) MANGWANGA or MANGRANGAN ("Dwellers in the forests"). A name by which are designated those Mandaya who live in the heavily forested mountains skirting the coast.

(d) MANAGOSAN or MAGOSAN. The members of the tribe living on the headwaters of the Agusan river bear this name.

(e) DIVAVAOAN. A division which inhabits a small district to the south and west of Compostela. Very little is known of this people, but from the information now at hand it seems that they should be classed as a branch of the Mandaya.

HABITAT.

This tribe occupies both slopes of the mountain range which borders the Pacific ocean, from about 9 degrees of North latitude south nearly to Cape San Agustin. Its members are also found in considerable numbers from the head of the Agusan drainage nearly to the town of Compostela, and several settlements of this people are to be found along the Hijo and Tagum rivers, while in recent years a number have established themselves on the eastern side of Davao Gulf.

Generally speaking, this whole region is extremely mountainous and at the same time heavily wooded. It is only when the Agusan, Hijo, and Tagum rivers are approached that the country becomes more open. On the Pacific coast there are few harbors, for the mountains extend down almost to the water's edge forming high sheer cliffs. Aside from the three rivers mentioned the water courses are, for the greater part, small and unnavigable and a short distance back from the coast appear as tiny rivulets at the bottom of deep cañons.

There is no organization of the tribe as a whole, since each district has its local ruler who is subject to no other authority. These divisions I are seldom on good terms, and are frequently in open warfare with one another or with neighboring tribes.

Despite this lack of unity and the great area they inhabit, their dialects are mutually intelligible, and in other respects they are so similar that I believe we are justified in regarding them as one group linguistically, physically, and culturally.

DESCRIPTION.

Measurements made on fifteen men and five women gave the following results:

Height--Men: Maximum 161.3 cm., minimum 145.1 cm., average 153.9 cm.

Women: Maximum 152.3 cm., minimum 144.1 cm., average 146.8 cm.

Cephalic index--Men: Maximum 89.1, minimum 76.3, average 84.6.

Women: Maximum 84.8, minimum 75.2, average 81.3.

Length-height index--Men: maximum 78.7, minimum 64.5, average 74.2.

Women: Maximum 81.8, minimum 75.0, average 77.4.

From these figures it appears that there is considerable variation between individuals, but a closer study of the charts shows that the majority of those measured come closer to the averages than do the members of any other group here mentioned (Plates LXIV-LXIX).

Both sexes wear the hair long and comb it to a knot at the back of the head. The women generally bang the hair over the forehead, while the men allow a lock to fall in front of each ear. The hair is brown-black and generally slightly wavy, although four individuals with straight hair were seen.

The forehead is high, and in about half the persons observed somewhat retreating; however, full, vaulted foreheads are by no means uncommon. The distance from the vertex to the tragus is uniformly great.

The cheek bones are quite prominent, while the whole face tapers from above so as to be somewhat angular. In twenty per cent of the men the root of the nose seemed to be continuous with the supra-orbital ridge, which, in such cases, was strongly marked. In general the root of the nose is broad, low, and depressed, and there is a tendency for the ridge to be somewhat concave. The lips are thick and bowed, but there is little or no prognathism.

The skin of the body is not tattooed or mutilated in any other way, but the eyebrows are often shaved to a thin line, and the teeth are filed and blackened. Filing was formerly done with small stones but imported files are now used for this purpose. The coloring is effected by chewing the roots of the _anmon_ vine and applying to the teeth the "sweat" caught on a steel blade, held above burning bark of the _magawan_ tree. This practice seems to have no significance other than that of beautifying the person and saving the youth from the ridicule of his fellows. To keep the teeth black, tobacco treated with lemon juice which has stood on rusty iron is chewed frequently.

Despite constant statements to the effect that the members of this tribe are light-colored and the assertion of one writer[99] that at least one division is white, observations made with the V. Luschan color table on more than fifty individuals showed that while certain persons are somewhat lighter than their fellows, as was also the case in other tribes, there is not an appreciable difference in color between this tribe and the others of the Gulf region.

[99] LANDOR, The Gems of the East. It should be noted that the district from which the white tribe was reported is now fairly well known and there seems to be no reason to believe that the people residing there differ materially in color from the other natives of the island.

CLOTHING.

The ordinary man of the tribe wears a loosely fitting shirt and wide trousers made of white or blue cotton cloth. (Plate LXIX-LXX). These garments are frequently decorated with embroidered designs and are finished at the shoulders and knees with a cotton fringe. The trousers are supported at the waist by means of a belt, and below reach nearly to the ankles.[100] An incised silver disk is attached to the front of the jacket, while ornaments of beads, seeds, and alligators' teeth encircle the neck.

[100] Along the coast this type of garment is now seldom seen, for the men are adopting the close-fitting dress of the Moro.

When on the trail the man covers his head with a little palm bark hat (Fig. 47). This is sometimes conical, but more frequently is narrow and turned up at the front and back. Painted designs, betel wings, and chicken feathers make the hat a striking decoration which compensates for its lack of utility.

FIG. 47. MEN'S HATS.

A class of warriors known as _bagam_[101] dress in red and wear turbans of the same hue, while women mediums, _ballyan_,[102] may also make use of red cloth.

[101] See p. 180. [Transcriber's note: This is page 167.]

[102] See p. 174.

Other women wear blue cotton jackets, in the fronts and back of which are many artistic embroidered designs. Their hemp cloth skirts, like those of the Bagobo, are made tube-like and are held at the waist by means of belts. They are very careless about the hang of these garments and one side may be above the calf of the leg while the other drags on the ground (Plate LXVII). No head coverings are worn, but quite elaborate combs (Fig. 48) are thrust into the knots of hair at the back of the head. Wooden ear plugs (Fig. 49) ornamented with incised silver plates and with bead and silver pendants fit into openings in the lobes of the ears. Like the men they wear necklaces of beads, sweet smelling herbs, and seeds. Many of the latter are considered to have medicinal value and are eaten to cure pains in the stomach. One or more silver disks are worn on the chest or over the breasts, while anklets, such as are used by the women of the other tribes, are frequently seen. Both sexes are fond of bracelets of brass, shell, or vines, as well as of finger rings of tortoise shell and silver (Plate LXXI).

FIG. 48. WOMAN'S COMB.

FIG. 49. FAR PLUGS WITH BELL PENDANTS.

None of the garments contain pockets, and in order to make up for this deficiency the men carry bags (Plate LXX) suspended on their backs by means of bands which pass over the shoulders. In these they carry their betel-nut outfits, tobacco, and the like. Small covered waterproof baskets (Plate LXVIII) serve the same purpose for the women and are carried at the back or at the side.

HISTORY.

Probably no wild tribe in Mindanao has received so much mention in histories, reports, and books of travel as have the Mandaya, but these references have been, in the main, so vague and often so misleading that they are of little value for our purposes. Quite in contrast with this mass of material are the excellent reports of the late Governor Bolton, and Mr. Melbourne A. Maxey,[103] who for a number of years has been closely associated with the members of the tribe residing in the vicinity of Cateel. In the preparation of this paper frequent use has been made of the notes gathered by these two gentlemen.

[103] Published in the Mindanao Herald.

When the first white men visited the tribe they found that the neighboring Moro were making frequent raids on their villages and were carrying away women and children whom they sold to the Bagobo and other tribes of the Gulf.[104] At the same time it was learned that they, in turn, were slave holders and were eager to purchase captives from the Mohammedan raiders. The great distances traveled by the Moro in their raids make it possible that slaves from distant islands may thus have been introduced into the tribe. Later we shall see that it was difficult for a slave or a descendant of a slave to become a freeman, yet it was by no means impossible, and it is likely that a considerable part of the tribe are descendants of people brought to the district through purchase and capture. Another possible source of outside blood is suggested by well verified stories of castaways on the east coast of Mindanao and adjacent islands.[105] While working with the Mandaya in the region of Mayo bay the writer was frequently told that three times, in the memory of the present inhabitants, strange boats filled with strange people had been driven to their coasts by storms. The informants insisted that these newcomers were not put to death but that such of them as survived were taken into the tribe. These stories are given strong substantiation by the fact that only a few months prior to my visit a boat load of people from the Carolines was driven to the shores of Mayo bay and that their boat, as well as one survivor, was then at the village of Mali. (Plate LXXII). I am indebted to Mr. Henry Hubbel for the following explicit account of these castaways: "One native banca of castaways arrived at Lucatan, N. E. corner of Mayo Bay, Mindanao, on January 2nd, 1909. The banca left the Island of Uluthi for the Island of Yap, two days' journey, on December 10th, 1908. They were blown out of their course and never sighted land until January 2nd, twenty-two days after setting sail. There were nine persons aboard, six men, two boys, and one woman, all natives of Yap except one man who was a Visayan from Capiz, Panay, P. I., who settled on the Island of Yap in 1889. These people were nineteen days without food or water except what water could be caught during rain storms. The Visayan, Victor Valenamo, died soon after his arrival, as a result of starvation. The natives recovered at once and all traces of their starvation disappeared within two weeks. The men were powerfully built, nearly six feet high. Their bodies were all covered with tattoo work. The woman was decorated even more than the men. Fever soon took hold of these castaways and in a year's time all died except one small boy who seems to have become acclimated and will become identified with the natives in Mati. I took care of these people until they died.

[104] BLAIR and ROBERTSON. The Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII, p. 203.

[105] FOREMAN. The Philippine Islands, pp. 257-9. JAGOR. Travels in the Philippines, Ch. XX.

"The clothing worn by the men and woman was nothing but the 'lavalava,' a scarf of sea-grass fiber about 18 inches wide and five feet long. This was worn around the loins.

"The banca, which was of very curious construction, was taken to Zamboanga last year by General Pershing, to be placed in Moro Province Museum."

After the advent of the Spaniards into their territory a considerable number of this people were converted to the Christian faith and were induced to settle in villages. There they met and intermarried with Visayan and other emigrants who had followed the Spaniards to the South. During the time of the Spanish rule these settlements were partially destroyed by Moro raiders, and following the Spanish-American war these attacks became so frequent that many of the inhabitants deserted their homes and returning to their mountain kinsmen again took up the old life. The effect of this return is especially noticeable in the vicinity of Caraga where as late as 1885 there were 596 Mandaya converts.

Several attempts were also made to colonize the Mandaya near the mouths of the Tagum and Hijo rivers, but the restlessness of the natives or the hostility of the Moro was always sufficient to cause the early break up of the new settlements.

The last great influence on this tribe has come through American planters who have prevailed upon the more venturesome members to come down to the coast plantations and there adopt the life of the Christianized natives. Many of these adventurers have returned to their mountain homes, carrying with them new ideas and artifacts and, in some cases, wives from other tribes. With all these influences at work there has been considerable modification of the life in many districts, particularly along the Pacific coast. This description will attempt to give the old life of the tribe as it still exists in the more isolated districts, or as it was related by older people of the coast settlements.

MYTHOLOGY AND RELIGION.

In order to enter into a full understanding of the social, economic, and aesthetic life we must have some knowledge of the mythology and religious beliefs, for these pervade every activity.

Several stories accounting for natural phenomena and the origin of the tribe were heard. One of these relates that the sun and moon were married and lived happily together until many children had been born to them. At last they quarreled and the moon ran away from her husband who has since been pursuing her through the heavens. After the separation of their parents the children died, and the moon gathering up their bodies cut them into small pieces and threw them into space. Those fragments which fell into water became fish, those which fell on land were converted into snakes and animals, while "those which fell upward" remained in the sky as stars.

A somewhat different version of this tale agrees that the quarrel and subsequent chase occurred, but denies that the children died and were cut up. It states that it is true that the offspring were animals, but they were so from the time of their birth. One of these children is a giant crab named _tambanokaua_ who lives in the sea. When he moves about he causes the tides and high waves; when he opens his eyes lightning appears. For some unknown reason this animal frequently seeks to devour his mother, the moon, and when he nearly succeeds an eclipse occurs. At such a time the people shout, beat on gongs, and in other ways try to frighten the monster so that he can not accomplish his purpose.[106] The phases of the moon are caused by her putting on or taking off her garments. When the moon is full she is thought to be entirely naked.

[106] The writer found almost identical beliefs and practices among the Batak and Tagbanua of Palawan.

According to this tale the stars had quite a different origin than that just related, "In the beginning of things there was only one great star, who was like a man in appearance. He sought to usurp the place of of the sun and the result was a conflict in which the latter was victorious. He cut his rival into small bits and scattered him over the whole sky as a woman sows rice."

The earth was once entirely flat but was pressed up into mountains by a mythical woman, Agusanan. It has always rested on the back of a great eel whose movements cause earthquakes. Sometimes crabs or other small animals annoy him until, in his rage, he attempts to reach them, then the earth is shaken so violently that whole mountains are thrown into the sea.

A great lake exists in the sky and it is the spray from its waves which fall to the earth as rain. When angered the spirits sometimes break the banks of this lake and allow torrents of water to fall on the earth below.

According to Mr. Maxey, the Mandaya of Cateel believe that many generations ago a great flood occurred which caused the death of all the inhabitants of the world except one pregnant woman. She prayed that her child might be a boy. Her prayer was answered and she gave birth to a son whose name was Uacatan. He, when he had grown up, took his mother for his wife and from this union have sprung all the Mandaya.

Quite a different account is current among the people of Mayo. From them we learn that formerly the _limokon_,[107] although a bird, could talk like a man. At one time it laid two eggs, one at the mouth and one at the source of the Mayo river. These hatched and from the one at the headwaters of the river came a woman named Mag,[108] while a man named BEgenday[109] emerged from the one near the sea. For many years the man dwelt alone on the bank of the river, but one day, being lonely and dissatisfied with his location, he started to cross the stream. While he was in deep water a long hair was swept against his legs and held him so tightly that he narrowly escaped drowning. When he succeeded in reaching the shore he examined the hair and at once determined to find its owner. After wandering many days he met the woman and induced her to be his wife. From this union came all the Mandaya.

[107] See p. 63 note.

[108] Also known as Manway.

[109] Also known as Samay.

A variant of this tale says that both eggs were laid up stream and that one hatched a woman, the other a snake. The snake went down the current until it arrived at the place where the sea and the river meet. There it blew up and a man emerged from its carcass. The balance of the tale is as just related. This close relationship of the _limokon_ to the Mandaya is given as the reason why its calls are given such heed. A traveler on the trail hearing the cooing of this bird at once doubles his fist and points it in the direction from whence the sound came. If this causes the hand to point to the right side it is a sign that success will attend the journey.[110] If, however, it points to the left, in front, or in back, the Mandaya knows that the omen bird is warning him of danger or failure, and he delays or gives up his mission. The writer was once watching some Mandaya as they were clearing a piece of land, preparatory to the planting. They had labored about two hours when the call of the _limokon_ was heard to the left of the owner. Without hesitation the men gathered up their tools and left the plot, explaining that it was useless for them to plant there for the _limokon_ had warned them that rats would eat any crop they might try to grow in that spot.

[110] Maxey states exactly the opposite, for the Mandaya of Cateel, _i. e._, the right side is bad, the left good.

The people do not make offerings to this bird, neither do they regard it as a spirit, but rather as a messenger from the spirit world. The old men were certain that anyone who molested one of these birds would die.

Another bird known as _wak-wak_ "which looks like a crow but is larger and only calls at night" foretells ill-fortune. Sneezing is also a bad omen, particularly if it occurs at the beginning of an undertaking. Certain words, accompanied by small offerings, may be sufficient to overcome the dangers foretold by these warnings. It is also possible to thwart the designs of ill-disposed spirits or human enemies by wearing a sash or charm which contains bits of fungus growth, peculiarly shaped stones, or the root of a plant called _gam_. These charms not only ward off ill-fortune and sickness, but give positive aid in battle and keep the dogs on the trail of the game.[111]

[111] The use of these magic sashes, known as _anting-anting_, is widespread throughout the southern Philippines both with the pagan and Mohammedan tribes.

There is in each community one or more persons, generally women, who are known as _ballyan_. These priestesses, or mediums, are versed in all the ceremonies and dances which the ancestors have found effectual in overcoming evil influences, and in retaining the favor of the spirits. They, better than all others, understand the omens, and often through them the higher beings make known their desires. So far as could be learned the _ballyan_ is not at any time possessed, but when in a trance sees and converses with the most powerful spirits as well as with the shades of the departed. This power to communicate with supernatural beings and to control the forces of nature, is not voluntarily sought by the future _ballyan_, but comes to the candidate either through one already occupying such a position or by her being unexpectedly seized with a fainting or trembling fit, in which condition she finds that she is able to communicate with the inhabitants of the spirit world. Having been thus chosen she at once becomes the pupil of some experienced _ballyan_ from whom she learns all the secrets of the profession and the details of ceremonies to be made.

At the time of planting or reaping, at a birth or death, when a great celebration is held, or when the spirits are to be invoked for the cure of the sick, one or more of these women take charge of the ceremonies and for the time being are the religious heads of the community. At such a time the _ballyan_ wears a blood-red waist,[112] but on other occasions her dress is the same as that of the other women, and her life does not differ from their's in any respect.

[112] PEDRO ROSELL, writing in 1885, says that the _ballyan_ then dressed entirely in red. BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 217.

When about to converse with the spirits the _ballyan_ places an offering before her and begins to chant and wail. A distant stare comes into her eyes, her body begins to twitch convulsively until she is shivering and trembling as if seized with the ague. In this condition she receives the messages of the spirits and under their direction conducts the ceremony.

Rosell gives the following description of the possession of a _ballyan_.[113] Nothing of this nature was seen by the writer.

[113] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 218.

"They erect a sort of small altar on which they place the _manaugs_ or images of the said gods which are made of the special wood of the _bayog_ tree, which they destine exclusively for this use. When the unfortunate hog which is to serve as a sacrifice is placed above the said altar, the chief _bailana_ approaches with _balarao_ or dagger in hand which she brandishes and drives into the poor animal, which will surely be grunting in spite of the gods and the religious solemnity, as it is fearful of what is going to happen to it; and leaves the victim weltering in its blood. Then immediately all the _bailanas_ drink of the blood in order to attract the prophetic spirit to themselves and to give their auguries or the supposed inspirations of their gods. Scarcely have they drunk the blood, when they become as though possessed by an infernal spirit which agitates them and makes them tremble as does the body of a person with the ague or like one who shivers with the cold."

SPIRITS.

The following spirits are known to the _ballyan_ of the Mayo district: