Chapter I: DIWATA. A good spirit who is besought for aid against the

machinations of evil beings. The people of Mayo claim that they do not now, nor have they at any time made images of their gods, but in the vicinity of Cateel Maxey has seen wooden images called _manaog_, which were said to represent Diwata on earth. According to his account "the _ballyan_ dances for three consecutive nights before the _manaog_, invoking his aid and also holding conversation with the spirits. This is invariably done while the others are asleep." He further states that with the aid of Diwata the _ballyan_ is able to foretell the future by the reading of palms. "If she should fail to read the future the first time, she dances for one night before the _manaog_ and the following day is able to read it clearly, the Diwata having revealed the hidden meaning to her during the night conference."[114]

[114] In the Mayo district palmistry is practiced by several old people who make no claim of having the aid of the spirits. Bagani Paglambayon read the palms of the writer and one of his assistants, but all his predictions were of an exceedingly general nature and on the safe side.

Spanish writers make frequent mention of these idols,[115] and in his reports[116] Governor Bolton describes the image of a crocodile seen by him in the Mandaya country "which was carved of wood and painted black, was five feet long, and life-like. The people said it was the likeness of their god." Lieutenant J. R. Youngblood, when near the headwaters of the Agusan River, saw in front of a chief's house "a rude wooden image of a man which seemed to be treated with some religious awe and respect." Mr. Robert F. Black, a missionary residing in Davao, writes that "the Mandaya have in their homes wooden dolls which may be idols."

[115] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XII, 269, XLIII, p. 217, etc.

[116] Filed in the office of the Governor of Davao.

From this testimony it appears that in a part of the Mandaya territory the spirit Diwata, at least, is represented by images.

2. Asuang. This name is applied to a class of malevolent spirits who inhabit certain trees, cliffs and streams. They delight to trouble or injure the living, and sickness is usually caused by them. For this reason, when a person falls ill, a _ballyan_ offers a live chicken to these spirits bidding them "to take and kill this chicken in place of this man, so that he need not die." If the patient recovers it is understood that the _asuang_ have agreed to the exchange and the bird is released in the jungle.

There are many spirits who are known as _asuang_ but the five most powerful are here given according to their rank, (a) Tagbanua, (b) Tagamaling, (c) Sigbinan, (d) Lumaman, (e) Bigwa. The first two are of equal importance and are only a little less powerful than Diwata. They sometimes inhabit caves but generally reside in the _bud-bud_ (baliti) trees. The ground beneath these trees is generally free from undergrowth and thus it is known that "a spirit who keeps his yard clean resides there." In clearing ground for a new field it sometimes becomes necessary to cut down one of these trees, but before it is disturbed an offering of betel-nut, food, and a white chicken is carried to the plot. The throat of the fowl is cut and its blood is allowed to fall in the roots of the tree. Meanwhile one of the older men calls the attention of the spirits to the offerings and begs that they be accepted in payment for the dwelling which they are about to destroy. This food is never eaten, as is customary with offerings made to other spirits. After a lapse of two or three days it is thought that the occupant of the tree has had time to move and the plot is cleared.

In former times it was the custom for a victorious war party to place the corpses of their dead, together with their weapons, at the roots of a _baliti_ tree. The reason for this custom seems now to be lost.

3. Busau. Among the Mandaya at the north end of Davao Gulf this spirit is also known as Tuglinsau, Tagbusau, or Mandangum. He looks after the welfare of the _bagani_, or warriors, and is in many respects similar to Mandarangan of the Bagobo.[117] He is described as a gigantic man who always shows his teeth and is otherwise of ferocious aspect. A warrior seeing him is at once filled with a desire to kill. By making occasional offerings of pigs and rice it is usually possible to keep him from doing injury to a settlement, but at times these gifts fail of their purpose and many people are slain by those who serve him.

[117] p. 106.

4. OMAYAN, OR KALALOA NANG OMAY, is the spirit of the rice. He resides in the rice fields, and there offerings are made to him before the time of planting and reaping.

5. MUNTIANAK is the spirit of a child whose mother died while pregnant, and who for this reason was born in the ground. It wanders through the forest frightening people but seldom assailing them.[118]

[118] The belief in a similar spirit known as Mantianak is widespread throughout the southern Philippines.

6. Magbabaya. Some informants stated that this is the name given to the first man and woman, who emerged from the _limokon_ eggs. They are now true spirits who exercise considerable influence over worldly affairs. Other informants, including two _ballyan_ denied any knowledge of such spirits, while still others said _magbabaya_ is a single spirit who was made known to them at the time of the _Tungud_ movement.[119] Among the Bukidnon who inhabit the central portion of the island the _magbabaya_ are the most powerful of all spirits.

[119] p. 179.

7. Kalaloa. Each person has one spirit which is known by this name. If this _kalaloa_ leaves the body it decays, but the spirit goes to Dagkotanan--"a good place, probably in the sky." Such a spirit can return to its former haunts for a time and may aid or injure the living, but it never returns to dwell in any other form.

In addition to those just mentioned Governor Bolton gives the following list of spirits known to the Mandaya of the Tagum river valley. None of these were accepted by the people of Mayo district. According to rank they are Mangkokiman, Mongungyahn, Mibucha Andepit, Mibuohn, and Ebu--who made all people from the hairs of his head.

For the neighboring Mangwanga he gives, Likedanum as the creator and chief spirit, Dagpudanum and Macguliput as gods of agriculture, and Manamoan--a female spirit who works the soil and presides over childbirth. All of these are unknown to the Mandaya of the Pacific coast.

While in the Salug river valley Governor Bolton witnessed a most interesting ceremony which, so far as the writer is aware, is quite unknown to the balance of the tribe. His quotation follows: "One religious dance contained a sleight of hand performance, considered by the people as a miracle, but the chiefs were evidently initiated. A man dressed himself as a woman, and with the gongs and drums beaten rapidly he danced, whirling round and round upon a mat until weak and dizzy, so that he had to lean on a post. For a time he appeared to be in a trance. After resting a few minutes he stalked majestically around the edge of the mat, exaggerating the lifting and placing of his feet and putting on an arrogant manner. After walking a minute or two he picked up a red handkerchief, doubled it in his hand so that the middle of the kerchief projected in a bunch above his thumb and forefinger; then he thrust this into the flame of an _almaciga_ torch. The music started anew and he resumed his frantic dance until the flame reached his hand when he slapped it out with his left hand, and stopped dancing; then catching the kerchief by two corners he shook it out showing it untouched by fire. The daughter of Bankiaoan next went into a trance lying down and singing the message of Tagbusau and other gods to the assemblage. The singing was done in a small inclosed room, the singer slipping in and out without my seeing her."

The letters of Pedro Rosell written at Caraga in 1885 contain many references to the duties of the _ballyan_. In one account he records the following song which he says is sung by the priestesses when they invoke their gods Mansilatan and Badla.[120]

[120] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, pp. 217-21, and Vol. XII, p. 270.

"Miminsad, miminsad si Mansilatan

Opod si Badla nga magadayao nang dumia

Bailan, managunsayao,

Bailan, managunliguit."

This means:

"Mansilatan has come down, has come down.

Later (will come) Badla, who will preserve the earth.

Bailanas, dance; bailanas, turn ye round about."

This Rosell takes as "a confirmation of the most transcendental questions of our true religion," for in Mansilatan he finds the principal god and father of Balda, "who descended from the heavens where he dwells, in order to create the world. Afterwards his only son Badla came down also to preserve and protect the world--that is men and things--against the power and trickery of the evil spirits Pudaugnon and Malimbung." The writer made persistent inquiry among the Mandaya to the south of Caraga, but could not find a trace of a belief in any one of the four spirits named; neither are these spirits mentioned in the notes of Governor Bolton, nor in the excellent description of the people about Cateel, furnished by such a careful observer as Mr. Maxey. It seems that this account, together with the song and its translation, must have been gathered from other than Mandayan sources. Long before 1885 the town of Caraga had become one of the strongholds of the church on the east coast of Mindanao, and Christianized settlers from all the southern islands had come to the vicinity.[121] It is probable that Rosell's information was secured from Christianized or Moro emigrants, and the first spirits named refer to Badhala--Bathala, or Batala--"the all powerful," and Dian Mansalanta--"the patron of lovers and generation."[122]

[121] They are often referred to as _Caragas_ in the early writings.

[122] Further information regarding these spirits will be found in the Relations of Loarca, 1582 (BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. V, p. 171), and the Relation of Juan de Plasencia, 1589 (_ibid_, Vol. VII, pp. 189-96, Vol. XII, p. 265). It is worthy of note that the Bagobo spirit Toglat, who is one of the pair responsible for marriages and births, is sometimes addressed as Maniladan.

THE TUNGUD MOVEMENT

In 1908 a religious movement known as _tungud_ started among the Manobo[123] at the source of the Rio Libaganon. Soon it had spread over practically the whole southeastern portion of Mindanao, and finally reached the Mandaya of the Pacific Coast. According to Mr. J. M. Garvan, of the Philippine Bureau of Science, the movement was instigated by a Manobo named Mapakla. This man was taken ill, probably with cholera, and was left for dead by his kinsmen. Three days later he appeared among the terrified people and explained, that a powerful spirit named Magbabaya had entered his body and cured him. He further stated that the world was about to be destroyed and that only those persons who gave heed to his instructions would survive. These instructions bade all to cease planting and to kill their animals for, he said, "if they survive to the end they will eat you." A religious house or shrine was to be built in every settlement, and was to be looked after by divinely appointed ministers. Those persons who were at first inclined to be skeptical as to the truth of the message, were soon convinced by seeing the Magbabaya enter the bodies of the ministers, causing them to perform new, frantic dances, interrupted only by trembling fits during which their eyes protruded and gave them the semblance of dead men.

[123] Not the Kulaman.

By the time the _tungud_ had reached the Mayo district it had lost most of its striking features, but was still powerful enough to cause many of the Mandaya to kill their animals and hold religious dances. The coast Moro, who at that time were restless, took advantage of the movement to further a plan to drive American planters and Christianized natives from the district. The leading Mandaya were invited to the house of the Moro _pandita_[124] "to see the spirit Diwata." During several nights the son of the _pandita_ impersonated the spirit and appeared in the darkened room. Over his chest and forehead he had stretched thin gauze and beneath this had placed many fire-flies, which to the imaginative people made him appear superhuman. His entrance into the room was attended by a vigorous shaking of the house, caused by a younger brother stationed below. A weird dance followed and then the spirit advised the people to rise and wipe out the whole Christianized population. The Mandaya had become so impressed by the nightly appearance of Diwata that it is more than probable they would have joined the Moro in their project had not an American planter at Mayo learned of the plot. He imprisoned the leaders, thus ending a scheme which, if successful, would have given new attributes to at least one of the spirits.

[124] The religious head of the settlement.

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

The before-mentioned _ballyan_ direct the religious observances of the tribe. Their mysterious powers give them great influence among their fellows but, nevertheless, they are subservient to the local ruler.

The tribe is divided into many small groups, each of which is governed by a _bagani_. To reach this coveted position a man must have distinguished himself as a warrior and have killed at least ten persons with his own hand.[125] The victims need not be killed in warfare and may be of any sex or age so long as they come from a hostile village. When the required number of lives has been taken, the aspirant appeals to the neighboring _bagani_ for the right to be numbered in their select company. They will assemble to partake of a feast prepared by the candidate and then solemnly discuss the merits of his case. The petition may be disregarded entirely, or it may be decided that the exploits related are sufficient only to allow the warrior to be known as a half _bagani_. In this case he may wear trousers of red cloth, but if he is granted the full title he is permitted to don a blood-red suit and to wear a turban of the same hue. This distinction is eagerly sought by the more vigorous men of the tribe and, as a result, many lives are taken each year.

[125] At Mayo it was said that it is necessary to kill only six, but the two _bagani_ living there had each killed more than twice that number. Among the Mansaka the number required is often as high as thirty.

A short time ago a candidate entered the district of Bungalung on the east coast of Davao and killed thirty-two persons. In that same section are now living five _bagani_ who have gained this title by similar exploits.[126] Whole communities become involved in feuds as a result of these individual raids, for it is the duty of a murdered man's family to seek revenge for his death. It is not necessary that they kill the offender, as any member of his family or settlement will suffice. In some districts the unmarried relatives of a murdered person are not allowed to wed until the death is avenged.

[126] These are Maclingtong at Pandisan; Pankard at Tagauanan; Kasicknan, Lewanan, and Malangit, in the mountains between Taguanan and Piso.

Instances are known where the old men have conferred the title of _bagani_ upon the son of some deceased warrior. In such a case the recipient of the honor starts at once to fulfil the requirements of election, for otherwise he brings disgrace to himself and family. In his own settlement the oldest of the _bagani_ becomes supreme ruler, and if powerful enough he may extend his influence to a considerable distance. In a few cases on the East coast the holders of the title have so instilled fear of themselves into the neighboring districts that they have been able to levy blackmail, even on the Christianized natives. War parties are led by these wearers of the red garments, and they also enforce the laws handed down from their forefathers.

The day a warrior is elevated to this order he is in a large measure cut away from his fellows. He no longer associates with them as equals but eats his meals alone, unless it happens that other _bagani_ are present.

Below the _bagani_ in rank come the warriors, a class which includes practically all the able-bodied free men; and still below them are the slaves. Slavery was an ancient institution with this people when the Spaniards first visited their country, and it has continued to flourish up to the present, in all districts a little removed from the influence of the white man. The great majority of slaves are secured by capture, but until recent years the Moro of the coast have carried on a lucrative slave trade with this tribe. Girls and women become members of their master's household, but their children are treated as slaves. Captive boys and men aid their masters in the chase and in the fields, and in most cases it would be hard indeed for a stranger to pick servant from master. Sometimes the people of a neighboring village ransom one of their fellows and in such a case the freed slave may return to his old home or he may become a free member of the community in which he has been serving.

DWELLINGS

The insecurity of life resulting from the conditions described has caused the people to build their homes high in the branches of trees, often so situated on the edge of cliffs that they can be approached only from one direction (Plates LXXIII-LXXIV).

Two sorts of dwellings are commonly seen. Of these, the rudest rest on the limbs of trees, and conform in size and shape to the nature of the supporting branches. Some few houses of this kind have horizontal sides and sloping roofs, but more frequently a roof which slopes directly from a central ridge pole to the edges of the platform does away with the necessity of side walls.

The second and more common type of house is shown in Plate LXXIV. Here the top of the tree has been cut off some fifteen or twenty feet above the ground leaving a stump to serve as a part of the foundation. Many smaller poles help support the floor and then extend upward to form the wall and roof stays. The upper flooring of beaten bark rests on cross-beams which have been lashed to the uprights. Above it are occasional horizontal poles, forming a skeleton to which the walls of _nipa_ palm are fastened. In some houses two or three of the foundation poles extend above the floor to such a height that they are used as the supports for the ridge pole. In others true king posts rest on the beams, which in turn are supported by the corner poles. From the ridge a number of smaller rods extend to or project out over the side walls, and on them rests the roofing of _nipa_ palm. A space of several inches often intervenes between the roof and the side walls. The whole structure is so firmly lashed together with rattan that it is capable of withstanding severe storms, despite the fact that it gives and creaks with every wind. During violent storms the house is further secured by anchoring it with rattan lines to nearby trees.

Entrance to the dwelling is gained by means of bamboo or rattan ladders. These are drawn up at night, and with all means of access thus removed the inhabitants need have little fear of a surprise attack. If enemies do attempt to dislodge them the defenders have the advantage of their elevated position in the use of their weapons.

Generally, each house contains only one room which varies in size according to the number of inhabitants. Frequently two or three families are found living in one house, for it is the custom for the suitors, and often for the husbands of the married daughters, to live with the girls' people.

Near the door, or in one comer of the room, is a small box of earth in which several stones are imbedded. This constitutes the hearth, about which is found a miscellany of pots, jars, and other kitchen vessels. The smoke finds its way out through a small opening at each end of the roof, or through the narrow space under the eaves. There is no recognized arrangement of the room. Utensils[127] are scattered promiscuously about and when the inhabitants are ready to sleep they occupy such parts of the floor as are free or can be most easily cleared.

[127] These consist of baskets, rice mortars, and winnowers, weaving outfits, bark dye vats, as well as traps and weapons, nearly all of which are so similar to those already described for the Bagobo that they do not call for special notice here.

The people of a community build their houses within a short distance of one another, yet seldom so close together as to form a village. However, village life is not entirely unknown, for in the vicinity of Cateel Governor Bolton found six houses, partially surrounded by palisades, perched on the top of a conical hill.

Lieutenant Youngblood gives the following description of the people and dwellings seen by him near the upper waters of the Agusan river:

"The people seemed to be living in an atmosphere of fear as far as intercourse with the world outside their crater-like valley was concerned. They believed it was death to look upon the sea, of which they had heard disjointed tales, but which none of them had ever seen. They feared the coast people with a mortal fear, justified perhaps by the experiences of occasional meetings in times gone by. They fear each other to a certain extent, especially men who live further north of the headwaters of the Agusan. This ever-present state of fear gives coloring to their whole life. They take to the brush at the least unwonted sound. They make their clearings on the steep mountainsides and in these build two or three of their houses in strategic positions. In the very construction of their dwellings the idea of security in case of attack is predominant.

"The houses in this section are generally built in clearings on the sawn-off trunk of some giant tree and placed from the ground some forty or fifty feet. Numerous posts help support the structure, entrance to which is gained by a notched pole firmly set in the ground and held in place by tightly wound bejuca. Oftentimes this stair pole is bowed outwards slightly, which gives it a peculiar appearance and requires a considerable amount of skill in climbing. The front and only door to these houses consists of a section of the floor composed of hewn plank, hinged at one end. One end of this is raised by a bejuca rope during the day, while at night it is let down forming a solid floor throughout the house.

"The roof is of shingles made from mountain cane; the floor and sides of hand-hewn logs and planks; the roof is at no place more than seven feet from the floor and is blackened on the inside from smoke. The largest house visited in this locality was that of Chief Leuanan, and this was some twenty feet square. These houses consist of one room and are inhabited by two or more families."

AGRICULTURE

About the settlements are the fields in which rice, corn, camotes, sugar-cane, and a small amount of tobacco, cotton and hemp are raised. However, the crops are usually so small that even with the addition of game and forest products there is, each year, a period closely bordering on starvation. New clearings are frequently made near to the old, for the primitive tools[128] with which the people work are ill-fitted to combat the incursion into the open land of the rank cogon grass. Only the exhaustion of suitable timber land for a new clearing, the prevalence of an epidemic, or the near approach of a powerful enemy will cause the people to move their homes from one district to another.

[128] These consist of a mall axe, working knife, and planting stick.

We have already referred to the important part the _limokon_ plays in the selection and clearing of a new plot of ground,[129] and to the offerings made to the spirits when it becomes necessary to cut down certain trees.[130] The crops, aside from the rice, are planted and harvested without further reference to the spirit world, but the cultivation and care of this cereal can only be carried on according to certain fixed conditions.

[129] See pages 173 and 177.

[130] Near Cateel the wishes of the spirits are learned by means of cords. A number of strings are tied together in the center and the knot is buried. The loose ends are then joined and if it happens that the two ends of a cord have been tied together it is taken as a sign that the spirits give their consent to the proposed clearing.

About November first, when a group of seven stars called _poyo poyo_ appears in the west, it is a signal for all who expect to clear new land to begin their labors. By December first this constellation rises straight above and it is then time to plant. This is further confirmed by the appearance of a star known as _sabak_. If any have delayed their planting until the middle of December they are given a last warning when the stars forming _Bayatik_[131] appear.

[131] This is the same as _balatik_, page 62.

As soon as the land has been cleared a pole is placed in the center of the field and is surrounded by a fence. This is known as _tagbinian_ and seems to be erected in honor of the spirit Omayan, although by some it is insisted that it is intended for his residence. The seed rice is deposited inside the enclosure[132] and the men begin to prepare the soil about it. This they do by thrusting sharpened sticks into the ground, thus making holes an inch or two in depth. Taking rice from the _tagbinian_ the women follow, dropping seeds into the holes.

[132] Maxey relates that at planting and harvest tune the Mandaya of Cateel carry offerings to the _baliti_ trees and there offer it to Diwata, in supplication or thanks for an abundant crop.

When the harvest time is near at hand the men repair the old granaries or build new and then, when all is ready for the crop, an old man or woman goes alone, in the middle of the night, to the fields and there cuts a few stalks of the rice. Should this be neglected the crop is sure to be small and will vanish quickly. This grain is not used as an offering, nor are any gifts made to the spirits until the crop has been harvested and the people are ready to eat of the new rice. At that time a little of the recently harvested grain is placed on a dish, together with other food and betel-nut, and is carried to the granary, where it is presented to the spirit "in order that the granary may always be full." When the grain is needed for use it is removed from the straw by pounding it with wooden pestles, it is then placed in a wooden mortar and is again pounded until the husks are loosened. This accomplished, the grain is freed from chaff by tossing it in a winnower. If a greater amount has been cleared than is needed it is stored in gourds or water-proof baskets (Fig. 50). A month or two after the harvest a great celebration is held, the principal features of which are a feast and dance but no offerings are then made to the spirits.

FIG. 50. GOURD RICE HOLDER.

The small crop of sugar-cane is made into an alcoholic drink, which is sometimes indulged in at meal time but is generally reserved for festive occasions. The juice is boiled with a plant called _palba_, similar to ginger, and is stored away in bamboo tubes until it has reached a suitable stage of fermentation. Another drink is made by boiling strained honey with the _palba_ and allowing it to ferment.

HUNTING AND FISHING

A considerable portion of the food supply is secured by hunting and fishing. Small birds are captured by placing a sticky substance on bare limbs of fruit-bearing trees, or by fastening gummed sticks in places frequented by birds. When a victim alights on this it is held securely until captured by the hunter. Fig. 51 shows another method of securing such small game. A cord with a noose at one end is attached to a bent limb. In the center of this cord is tied a short stick which acts as a trigger. This trigger is placed with the top end pressing against an arched twig _a_, while the other end draws _b_ against the sides of the arch. Other sticks rest on _b_ and on them is a covering of leaves on which is placed bait and the open noose. The weight of a bird or small animal on the cross-piece is sufficient to release the trigger and then the bent limb draws the noose taut.

FIG. 51. BIRD SNARE.

The series of slip nooses attached to a central cord which surrounds a tame decoy is also found in use here, and boys frequently secure birds by means of blow-guns. The latter do not differ from those already described on p. 73, but with this tribe they are regarded only as a boy's plaything.

Deer and pig are sometimes hunted by large parties with the aid of dogs. In such cases an attempt is made to drive the animals past concealed hunters, or to dispatch them with spears when brought to bay by the dogs. The more successful method, however, is by means of traps several types of which were seen by the writer. The first and most common is a dead fall consisting of a heavy log so arranged in the runway of the game that a passing animal will cause it to fall. Next in favor with the hunters is the _bayatik_. One end of a sapling is tied horizontally to a tree and is then bent back like a spring. It is held in place by means of a trigger which is released when an animal disturbs a vine stretched across the runway. Against the free end of the spring a long bamboo spear or arrow is placed in such a manner that it is thrown with great force against the animal which has released the trigger. This trap is frequently used in warfare to protect the retreat of a war party, or to surprise an enemy.

Sharpened bamboo sticks, two or three feet long, planted at points where animals are accustomed to jump or run down steep inclines, are wonderfully efficient in securing game. Sticks and leaves cover pits in which sharpened poles are planted and into these unsuspecting animals or members of a hostile party often fall. All these last named devices are exceedingly dangerous and it is unadvisable for a traveler in the jungle to try to penetrate a strange region unless accompanied by a native who knows the position of the traps and pits.

Fish are secured by means of bamboo traps through which a part of the water of a stream is diverted. These traps do not differ in any respect from those shown in Fig. 19. Along the coast metal fishhooks and dip and throw nets are in common use, but these are at present largely obtained from the Moro. The easiest and hence the most popular method of securing fish is to mash together the poisonous roots of the _tobli_ tree and the fruit of the _oliskEb_. The pulp is then sunk into still pools of water and in a short time, the stupified[sic] fish begin to float to the surface, where they are quickly seized by the fishermen.

WARFARE

Mention has already been made of the use of pits and traps in warfare. In addition to these it is customary for a returning war party to conceal in the trail many _saoñag_, small stiletto-shaped bamboo sticks, which pierce the feet of those in pursuit. A night camp is effectively protected in the same manner against barefooted enemies.

The arms used are spears, fighting knives with wide bellied blades, daggers, narrow shields with which weapons are defected (Fig. 52), and in some sections bows and arrows. The fighting knives and daggers (Plates LXXV-LXXVI) deserve more than casual notice. The heavy bellied blades of the knives are highly tempered, and not infrequently are bored through and inlaid with silver, in which instances they are known as _binuta_,--blind (Plate LXXVa). The sheaths, with their sharply upturned ends, are made of light wood on which are carved decorations, attached or inlaid bands of silver, or stained designs. The handles of the weapons are also decorated with incised silver bands.

FIG. 52. WOODEN SHIELDS.

Much as the fighting knives are prized, the dagger, _bayadau_ or _badau_, is in even greater favor. It is worn on the front left-hand part of the body in ready reach of the right hand, and is never removed unless the owner is in the company of trusted relatives. A light thread, easily broken, holds the dagger in its sheath and the slightest disturbance is enough to cause the owner to draw his weapon.

The older warriors claim that it formerly was their custom to protect themselves with strips of hemp cloth, _limbotung_, which they wound many times around their bodies in order to ward off knife thrusts, but this method of protection seems to have fallen into disuse.[133]

[133] This type of protective armor is still used by the Bukidnon of Central Mindanao.

Individual warriors lie in ambush for their foes, but when a great raid is planned the party is under the command of a _bagani_. These attacks are arranged to take place during the full moon and the warriors usually assault a settlement which they think can be taken by surprise, and hence unprepared. It is very seldom that these people fight in the open, and invaders do not attempt a combat unless they feel sure of the outcome. If they find a house well protected they may attempt to fire it by attaching a torch to an arrow and shooting it into the grass roof, the occupants being slaughtered as they rush out. If one of the enemy puts up an especially good fight his body is opened and the warriors eat a portion of his heart and liver, thinking thus to gain in valor.

Mr. Maxey mentions the use of poisoned weapons in the neighborhood of Cateel, but the Mandaya of the south seem to be entirely ignorant of this custom, Maxey's account of the preparation of the poison is as follows:

"The poison is, according to the writer's informant, prepared as follows: A long bamboo is cut and carried to a tree called _camandag_.[134] The bamboo must be long enough to reach to the limit of the shadow cast by the tree to the trunk of the same, as the tree is so poisonous that it even affects those who stand beneath it. The bamboo has a sharp point which is stuck into the tree and receives the milk which exudes from the cut. After several days the bamboo is removed and the contents emptied into another bamboo which serves for a sheath or quiver for the arrows, these being placed in it point down. The slightest scratch will cause death. A peculiar thing about the tree from which the poison is extracted, is that the person extracting must not only not get under the tree, but must approach it from the windward, as the effects of even the odor are unpleasant and dangerous."

[134] _Croton tiglium L_.

INDUSTRIES

In the description of the tribe up to this point we have touched upon those pursuits which engross the greater part of the time. In addition to these, it falls to the lot of the women to manufacture and decorate all the clothing worn by members of the tribe. Some cotton is grown and is used in the manufacture of jackets, but the bulk of the garments are of hemp. In the description of the Decorative Art we shall deal with the decoration of the hemp cloth skirts worn by the women. Here it is only necessary for us to observe that this cloth is produced and colored by exactly the same process as is employed by the Bagobo women.[135]

[135] See p. 79.

A very little brass casting is done by the Mandaya of one district, but it is evidently a crude copy of Moro work. By far the greater part of the brass betel boxes, and ornaments of that metal, as well as spear heads, are purchased from the coast Mohammedans.

Iron working is an ancient art with this people and the beauty and temper of their knives and daggers is not excelled by the output of any other Philippine tribe. In the manufacture of these weapons they employ the same methods as their neighbors to the south and west.

No wild tribe in the archipelago has made so much use of silver in the production of ornaments as has the Mandaya. Thin silver plates are rolled into small tubes and are attached to the woman's ear plugs (Fig. 49), finger rings of the same metal are produced in great numbers, but the finest work appears in the large silver ornaments worn on the breasts by both sexes (Fig. 53). Silver coins are beaten into thin disks, in the center of which a hole is cut. About this opening appear beautiful intricate designs, some engraved, others stamped with metal dies.

FIG. 53. SILVER BREAST ORNAMENTS.

All work in metal is limited to a few skilled men, but many lesser industries, such as shaping tortoise shell rings and shell bracelets, carving of spoons, and making baskets, are carried on by other members of the tribe during their leisure hours.

BIRTH

In each district there are one or two mid wives, known as _managamon_. They are women past middle life who are versed in the medicines and rites which should be employed at the time of birth. They are not considered as _ballyan_, yet they talk to the spirits upon certain occasions.

When a pregnant woman is about to be delivered the midwife crushes the bark of the _dap-dap_ tree and makes a medicine called _tagaumo_, which she gives to the patient. It is claimed that this causes the muscles to relax so that they allow an easy delivery. The umbilical cord is cut with a bamboo knife and as soon as the child has been bathed it is given to the mother. The afterbirth is placed in a specially prepared basket and is either hung against the side of the house or in a nearby tree. For a few days the midwife assists about the house and then, if all is well with the child, she takes her payment of rice, chicken, and fish, and returns to her home. Should the child be ailing she will return, and having placed rice and betel-nut on banana leaves she carries these to the top of the house and there offers them to the _asuang_,[136] meanwhile asking those spirits to accept the offering and to cease troubling the child. No ceremony takes place at the time of naming or at the age of puberty, but at the latter period the teeth are filed and blackened so that the young person may be more beautiful and, therefore, able to contract a suitable marriage.

[136] See p. 176. [Transcriber's note: This is page 192.]

MARRIAGE

Frequently parents arrange matches for their children while they are still very young, but in the majority of cases the matter is left until after the age of puberty when the wishes of the young people are taken into consideration. The youth or his father having chosen a suitable girl takes or sends a spear, knife, or other acceptable present to her father. If this offering is accepted it indicates approval of the match, and soon thereafter a feast is prepared to which friends of both families are invited. At this feast the price to be paid for the girl and the time of marriage are agreed upon, and at least partial payment is made. As is the case with the neighboring tribes, a part of the value of this gift is returned. Following the agreement the boy enters the service of his fiancee's father and for a year or more lives as a member of the family. Even after the marriage a considerable amount of service is expected from him at the time of planting, harvesting, or building.

The marriage ceremony proper follows a feast, and consists of the young couple feeding each other with rice and drinking from a common cup.

Should anything occur to prevent the marriage, after the payment for the girl has been made, the gifts must be returned or service equal to their value must be rendered.

Unfaithfulness on the part of the woman seems to be the one cause for a separation and this is uncommon, for unless her admirer purchases her for a sum equal to the amount her husband spent in obtaining her, the divorced woman remains as a slave in the home of her former husband.

Polygamy is permitted and is quite common, but a man may not take a second wife until a child has been born to the first. In addition to his wives a man may have as many concubines as he can afford to purchase.

It is said to be a grave offense for a man to embrace a married woman, or even to touch the breasts, elbows, or heels of any woman he does not intend to marry. An unmarried woman who permits such familiarities is considered as good as married. Despite this assertion, the writer knows of several cases where young people openly lived together without being considered married, and later the parents arranged marriages between these girls and other suitors.

According to several informants, incest is punished by the sacrifice of the guilty parties. They are tied to a tree with their hands drawn backward around the trunks and are then speared to death. This seems to be the one and only occasion when human sacrifice is practiced by members of this tribe.

SICKNESS AND DEATH.

When a person is seriously ill a _ballyan_ is summoned and she, after securing prepared rice, betel-nuts, and a live chicken, enters into communication with the spirits. First she converses with the dead father or other deceased relative of the sick person and requests his aid in effecting a cure, next she presents food to Diwata and implores his aid, and finally calls upon the _asuang_ to whom she offers the live fowl on the condition that they will cease trying to injure the patient. Having thus done all in her power to influence the spirits she may administer some simple remedy, after which she begins to dance contra-clockwise, around a bamboo pole on which leaves and betel-nut have been hung.[137]

[137] This ceremony usually takes place in the house, but if the man was taken ill in the forest or in his field it may be conducted there.

If this treatment proves to be of no avail and the patient dies his body is placed in the center of the house and for two days and nights is guarded by relatives and friends. During the time that the body remains in the dwelling the family is required to fast and all the people of the settlement are prohibited from playing on agongs, from singing or indulging in other signs of merriment. Finally, the body is wrapped in a mat and is buried in the forest.[138]

[138] Maxey gives the following account of burial near Cateel: "The dead person is dressed in his best clothes, wrapped in a piece of _abaca_ cloth, and placed in a coffin of bamboo poles, or one hewn from a solid log, if the person was one of means, and buried. If of the poorer class he is merely wrapped in a piece of matting-, and either buried or covered over with stones, sticks, and the like. If of high rank, the body is not buried, but after preparation is taken into the forest and placed in a small hut under a _balete_ tree. Food, spears, bolos, hats, shields, and some articles of furniture are placed on the graves to placate the spirits who might otherwise bring harm to the surviving members of the clan or family. There is no fixed period of mourning, but the members of the family must wear black for some time after the death. The sick are never abandoned prior to death, but slaves nearing death are sometimes killed to stop their sufferings. The owner, however, must first consult with others of the clan."

Returning from the burial all the people partake of a feast and then set fire to the dwelling "because we do not like the _asuang_ which killed the man in that house." During the ensuing nine days the spouse of the dead dresses in black and for a month following, or until they can purchase a slave, the whole family is barred from merry-making. Two reasons for the purchase of this slave were advanced by members of the tribe. One was that the family could be happy if they were still rich enough to purchase a slave. The second, that they thus replaced the dead man with another, "for the slaves are like members of our own family."

DECORATIVE ART.

The decorative art of the Mandaya is similar in many respects to that of the Bagobo and Bila-an, yet in part it differs greatly from both. As is true with the other tribes, the weavers make use of many figures which they do not associate with any living forms, but which, nevertheless, strongly suggest that they may have been derived from realistic designs. In addition to such patterns they frequently employ figures which are intentional copies of human or animal forms. Of these the most common are those representing a man and a crocodile; these sometimes appear together, sometimes alone. The requirements of the space to be filled, as well as readiness of the worker to alter any part in order to give a more pleasing effect to the design have resulted in many distorted and conventionalized figures which can only be explained by the artist. The accompanying drawings are taken from articles collected by the writer and now in the Field Museum of Natural History.

Patterns _A_ to _H_ in Fig. 54 appear in hemp cloth skirts. These show the steps in the conventionalization of the human figure,[139] as explained by the weavers. In the first four the forms are so realistic that they need no explanation, but _E_ is more complicated. Here two greatly conventionalized figures have been used, one erect, the other with head down. The size of the head has been increased while the body is represented by a small diamond-shaped pattern with outstretched arms attached. The legs and feet of both figures help to form a pattern similar to a head, except that it lacks the "hair" shown in the end designs. _F_ resembles the preceding quite closely. In it the central head-like pattern does not appear and the legs and feet of one figure help to form the head of the other. This design has been doubled, thus necessitating some alteration of the figures at the points of union. In _G_ and _H_ nearly all the realistic elements have vanished, yet certain resemblance to _D_ and _E_ can be discerned.

[139] One weaver insisted that this figure represents a frog, because of its webbed feet, but none of the others agreed with her.

FIG. 54A TO H. DESIGNS REPRESENTING THE HUMAN FORM.

We have already learned that the crocodile is held in great regard and in some sections there is evidence of its more or less sacred character. Its importance in the minds of the people is well shown by the frequency with which it appears in their decorative designs. Fig. 55_A_ shows one of these animals which has just eaten a man. Both figures are so realistic that the intention of the weaver is apparent. In _B_, _D_, _E_, and _F_, the animal is still realistic, but the man disappears, and in his place is a formless object or straight lines which are identified as "something eaten."

FIG. 55A TO H. CROCODILE DESIGNS.

The pattern _G_ is given as the next step in the conventionalization. Here the legs, feet, and "something eaten" have assumed undue proportions, while nearly every trace of likeness has vanished. This figure is multiplied five times to obtain the highly conventionalized form shown in _H_.

By referring to _G_ it is possible to see how the complicated designs in _I_ and _J_ have been derived, although they bear little resemblance to the original crocodile form.

Fig. 56 was identified as a crocodile but was not regarded as a step in the conventionalization shown. Many other figures such as 57 appear so closely related to the designs just described that it seems certain they must have had a common origin, yet this was denied by all the weavers, who insisted that such decorations were added only to make the garments pretty.

FIG. 56. CROCODILE DESIGN.

FIG. 57. DESIGN USED IN WEAVING.

Going from weaving to designs cut in wood, something of the same state of affairs is encountered. Pattern _a_ on the bamboo comb (Fig. 48) is identified as the crocodile, yet the very similar figures shown on a bamboo lime holder (Fig. 58) and on a wooden clothes-hanger (Fig. 59) are not so recognized.

FIG. 58. INCISED DESIGNS ON A BAMBOO LIME HOLDER.

FIG. 59. CLOTHES HANGER.

Figs. 60 and 61 show characteristic designs which are embroidered on jackets or carrying bags. All these are added with the one idea of beautifying the garment, without any thought of copying some living form. This is true also of the incised zigzag lines, scrolls, and meander patterns seen on the silver breast disks (Fig. 53), and those stained on palm bark hats (Fig. 47).

FIGS. 60 AND 61. EMBROIDERED DESIGNS ON JACKTES[sic] AND CARRYING BAGS.

Tobacco pouches (Fig. 62) are often completely covered with bright colored geometrical designs embroidered in trade yarn. This work, which is quite unlike the other decoration used by this people, was probably introduced along with trade yarn and analine[sic] dyes.

FIG. 62. TOBACCO POUCHES.