Chapter I: The Bagobo (2)

As a rule the women of this tribe are not good potters and take little pride in their work. In some districts the art has been entirely lost, and the people depend on the coast natives for their cooking utensils. At the village of Bansalan the women were found still to be proficient in their work. After the dampened clay had been carefully kneaded in order to remove lumps and gravel, the bottom of the jar was moulded with the fingers and placed on a dish which was turned on a bit of cloth or a board and answered the purpose of a potter's wheel. As the dish was turned with the right hand the operator shaped the clay with the fingers of the left adding fresh strips of material from time to time until the desired size was obtained. The final shaping was done with a wooden paddle and the jar was allowed to dry, after which it was smoothed off with a stone. When ready for firing it was placed in the midst of a pile of rubbish, over which green leaves were placed to cause a slow fire.

Other dishes are made by splitting a cocoanut in half and removing the "meat." This is readily accomplished by the use of a scraper fitted with a rough iron blade (Fig. 25), over which the concave side or the half nut is drawn. The cocoanut meat is used for food and oil.

FIG. 25. COCOANUT SCRAPER.

A little later we shall describe the active part woman takes in the planting and care of the fields, but now we shall take up in some detail the industry in which she stands pre-eminent, the preparation and weaving of hemp.

The hemp ordinarily stripped by the men is considered too fine to be used in the manufacture of clothing, so a smaller stripping device is employed by the woman (Plate XX). On this she cleans the outer layers of the hemp stalk, from which a stronger and coarser thread can be obtained. The fiber is tied in a continuous thread and is wound onto a reel. The warp threads are measured on sharpened sticks driven into a hemp or banana stalk, and are then transferred to a rectangular frame (Plate XXI). The operator, with the final pattern in mind, overties or wraps with waxed threads, such portions of the warp as she desires to remain white in the completed garment. So carefully does she wrap these sections, that, when the thread is removed from the frame and placed in the liquid dye, no portion of the coloring matter penetrates to the portions thus protected. If a red color is desired the root of the _sikarig_[17] palm is scraped and the scrapings placed in bark vats filled with cold water. The thread is first washed in, and is later boiled with the dye for a half hour, after which it is placed in a basket to drain and dry. The process is repeated daily for about two weeks, or until the thread assumes a brick red color. If a purple hue is desired a little lime is added to the dye. Black is obtained by a slightly different method. The leaves, root, and bark of the _pinarrEm_ tree are crushed in water. This yields a black liquor which is poured into a jar containing the thread and the whole is placed over a slow fire where it remains until the liquid is near the boiling point. When this is reached the thread is removed and placed in a gourd, the open end of which fits over the jar so as to catch the steam coming from the dye. After a time the thread is removed and dried, and the process is repeated until at last a permanent black is obtained. After the coloring is complete the thread is again placed on the rectangular frame, the over-tying is removed and the warp is ready for the loom (Plate XXII.) In the loom (Plate XXIII) the threads encircle a bamboo pole attached to the wall, and are held tense by a strap which passes around the waist of the operator. The weft threads are forced up against the fabric by means of the comber board and are beaten in with a baton. The warp threads are held in their relative positions, first by the comber board, second by loops which pass under the lower threads and over a small stick or lease rod, and lastly by passing over and under, or around, other lease rods. These are rolled away as the work progresses.

[17] _Morinda Bracteata Roxb_.

[18] Woof threads are generally of one color. A somewhat similar process used in Java is described by SIR THOS. RAFFLES in The History of Java, Vol. I, p. 189.

[Transcriber's note: Although footnote 2 appears on the same page as the above paragraph, it is not clear to what particular part of that paragraph it refers.]

After the cloth is removed from the loom it is polished. A long pole of _palma brava_ is fitted into a notch in the roof. The operator seats herself on the floor with a smooth board before her, or in her lap, and on it places the dampened cloth. A shell is fitted over the lower end of the pole, which is bent and made bowlike, until the shell rests on the cloth. It is then ironed rapidly to and fro until the fabric has received a high polish (Plate XXIV).

The woman's duties do not end with the manufacture of cloth, for all the garments worn by the members of the tribe are the result of her handiwork. She sews the strips of hemp cloth into skirts, men's trousers, carrying bags, and sometimes into jackets. The women devote hours of labor to these jackets, covering arms, necks, and waist bands with colored embroidery or designs in applique, while on the better garments they place elaborate designs in beads or shell disks.

After the evening meal is over the women of the household gather around the flickering lights, and until far into the night work on these garments, bead necklaces, or other ornaments.

Only a few of the weavers attempt to make the peculiar chocolate-colored head covering worn by the _magani_. For these kerchiefs the woman weaves a square cotton cloth of the desired size, and at one corner attaches a small brass hook. Joined to the hook, by means of a chain, is a loop which fits over the toes of the operator, thus enabling her to keep the fabric taut while her hands are left free for work. Small sections of this cloth are raised and are wrapped with waxed thread, so that when the fabric is dyed these portions will not receive the coloring matter (Plate XXV). Later the overtying is removed, leaving small white rings or squares on a chocolate-colored background. These cloths are meant primarily for the warriors, but expert weavers, who are under the protection of a certain powerful spirit, are also permitted to wear an upper garment of this material.

A considerable part of the man's time is consumed in preparation for, or actual participation in, hunting or warfare, but in addition to this he does a goodly portion of the work in the fields, and is the house builder. When a man is about to erect a dwelling he notifies his friends to come and aid him. This they will do without pay, but when in need of similar services they will expect and will receive similar help. All sorts of house-furnishings, such as spoons, meat blocks, or rice mortars are made by the man, and not infrequently, he assists in the making or waterproofing of baskets. A few of the old men of Cibolan still engage in the manufacture of small shell disks with which valuable suits are decorated, but the greater part of those now in use have been inherited, or are purchased from neighboring peoples. The men carve beads out of "Job's tears"[19] and make them into necklaces. For this purpose a peculiarly carved and decorated stick is employed (Plate XXVI). This is placed in the palm of the left hand so that the thumb and forefinger can hold the seed which fits into a depression in the top. A knife in the right hand of the artist is worked over the seed thus cutting a line into which dirt is rubbed. Women's combs are made by shaping a half circle out of light wood and then cutting teeth into it with a saw-like blade of tin or iron.

[19] _Coix lachryma Johi L_.

Among the men, as with the women, certain industries are monopolized by a few individuals. In this community no men stand higher in the estimation of their fellows than do the smiths and the casters of copper. The writer spent many hours watching I-o, the brass and copper worker of Cibolan, while he shaped bells, bracelets, and betel boxes at his forge on the outskirts of the village (Plate XXVII). Feathered plungers, which worked up and down in two bamboo cylinders, forced air through a small clay-tipped tube into a charcoal fire. This served as a bellows, while a small cup made of straw ashes formed an excellent crucible. The first day I watched I-o, he was making bells. Taking a ball of wax the size of a bucket shot, he put it on the end of a stick (Fig. 26a), and over this moulded the form of a bell in damp ashes obtained from rice straw (b). When several bells were thus fashioned they were dipped in melted wax and were turned on a leaf until smooth, after which an opening was cut through the wax at the bottom of each form (c). Strips of wax were rolled out and laid in shallow grooves which had been cut in the sides of the bells and were pressed in, at intervals, with a small bamboo knife (d). The top stick was then withdrawn, leaving an opening down to the wax ball inside. Into this hole a thin strip of wax was inserted and was doubled back on itself so as to form a hanger (e). For three days the forms were allowed to harden and were covered with several coats of damp straw ashes. Finally they were laid in a bed of the same material with a thin strip of wax leading from each bell to a central core (f). [FIG. 26] The whole, with the exception of the top of the central wax strip, was covered with a thick coating of damp ashes, and when this had hardened pieces of copper, secured from broken gongs, were placed in the crucible, melted and poured into the open end of the clay form. The molten metal took the place of the wax as it was dissolved and flowed to all parts where it had been. After being dropped in water the form was broken open, revealing six nearly perfect little bells which were ready for use as soon as the ashes were removed from them. The same method was used for all other casting. Clay forms were made as desired, were covered with wax, and the final coating of ashes applied before the casting. The workers in copper and brass are under the care and guidance of a spirit, Tolus ka towangan, for whom they make a yearly ceremony, _Gomek towangan_.

FIG. 26. STAGES IN THE MANUFACTURE OF METAL BELLS.

FIG. 26. STAGE IN THE MANUFACTURE OF METAL BELLS.

[Transcriber's note: Two different figures on different pages are both labeled FIG. 26.]

Of even greater importance are the smiths who are also under the care of a powerful spirit for whom the _Gomek-gomanan_ ceremony is celebrated each year, just prior to the planting time. Their forges are hidden away in the hemp fields, and I was repeatedly informed that no woman might see the smith at work. Whether or no such a rule is rigidly enforced at all times I cannot say, but at no time did I see a woman about the forge while the fire was burning, and although I was allowed to see and photograph the process, my wife was at all times prevented from doing so. The forge differs in no material respects from that used by the brass casters, except that hollowed out logs replace the bamboo tubes, and that a metal anvil and iron hammers are used. After an iron knife or spear head has been roughly shaped, the smith splits the edge to a slight depth and inserts a band of steel. The iron is pounded down on the harder metal and the whole is brought to a white heat in the charcoal fire. Removing it to the anvil the smith gives the blade one or two light blows and returns it to the fire. This is repeated many times before he begins to add the heavy strokes which finally weld the iron and steel together. The blade having been given its final shape is again heated and is held above a tube of water until the glowing metal begins to turn a yellowish green, when it is plunged into the cold water. This process, repeated many times, gives a fair temper to the whole weapon. Charcoal for the fire is secured by burning logs and chilling them suddenly with cold water.

Brass wire, secured in trade, is made into bracelets in the following manner. In order to soften it and make it more easily worked the roll of wire is heated until it begins to turn grey, when it is allowed to cool and is scraped, so as to restore the yellow color. One end is laid on an anvil made of an iron strip on a wooden block (Plate XXVII), and is cut into various designs by means of metal dies. A wooden cone is used as a form, about which the wire is placed in order to shape and measure it.

Hemp[20] grows wild in the Davao District and the Bagobo have, for generations, used it in the manufacture of their clothing. In recent years the demand for fiber has shown the people an easy way to secure the trade articles which they desire and, as a result, rather extensive plantings are found even in the more remote districts. The women strip a large part of the fiber in local use, but all that prepared for trade is produced by the men. When the ever-present cogon grass begins to invade a clearing, the young hemp is planted. In about eighteen months it has grown to a height of some sixteen feet and is ready to be cut. The man goes to the fields, cuts down some stalks and, having removed the leaves, splits off the outer fiber layers from the cellular matter of the interior, using a bone knife for this purpose. When he has accumulated a sufficient number of strips he carries them to the hemp machine (Fig. 27). This consists of a knife which rests on a wooden block. The handle turns on a pivot and the end is drawn upwards by means of a bent twig, or sapling, which acts as a spring. This spring is lowered and the knife blade raised by means of a foot treadle; a strip of hemp is laid on the block; the foot pressure is removed, and the knife descends. Taking a firm hold of one end of the strip, the operator draws it toward him under the blade, thus removing the pulp and leaving the free hemp threads. These are hung in the sun until dry, when they are tied in bundles ready to be carried to the coast. The work is hard and, unless necessity forces him to greater effort, a man seldom engages in it for more than three or four days in a month. He thinks his duty ceases with this expenditure of energy and, unless he is fortunate enough to possess animals or slaves, is quite content to allow his wife, or wives, to carry the product to the coast trader.

[20] _Musa textilis_.

FIG. 27. HEMP MACHINE.

During ceremonies and at festivals a fermented drink made of sugar cane is served, and in anticipation of its pleasurable effects the Bagobo is willing to expend a considerable amount of effort. The juice of the cane is extracted by means of a press made of two logs arranged in parallel horizontal positions, so that the end of a wooden lever can slip under one and rest in a groove cut in the other (Fig. 28). The cane is placed in the groove and the operator bears his weight on the lever, thus squeezing out the juice. After being boiled with the bark of certain trees and lime juice, the liquor is sealed in jars or bamboo tubes and is stored away until needed.

FIG. 28. SUGAR CANE PRESS.

The sago palm is found in parts of the Bagobo territory, and in times of need, the people make temporary camps near to the sago districts, where they prepare the flour. This is done in the same manner as is fully described on page 140.

The most important thing in the life of the Bagobo is the care of the rice, for on this crop he depends for the greater part of his food supply, and by its condition he can ascertain with what favor he is looked upon by the spirits. So closely is the cultivation of this cereal coupled with the religious beliefs that it is necessary, in this relation, to describe the ceremonies connected with it.

We have previously stated that the incursion of the cogon grass into the fields makes necessary some new clearings each year. In the month of December a constellation known as _Balatik_ appears in the sky. This has a double significance; first, it is the reminder for the yearly sacrifice; and secondly, it notifies all workers that the tools, which are to be used in making new clearings, shall be placed in readiness. All those who expect to prepare new fields for themselves, or are to assist others in such work, gather at the forge of the local smith and there take part in a ceremony held in honor of his patron spirit. They carry with them offerings of rice and chickens which they cook in bamboo tubes, for food taken from a pot is not acceptable to this spirit. When all is ready the food is placed on a rice winnower, near to the forge, and on it the men lay their weapons and working knives (Plate XXIX). Standing before the offering the smith, in a droning voice, calls on the spirit, beseeching him to come and eat of the food, to accept the weapons and tools, and having done so to be watchful over the workers during the clearing time, so that they may not be injured in the work or be molested by enemies. The prayer finished, the smith eats a little of the food, and all the men follow his example, but no woman may so much as touch this offering. Meanwhile other food which can be eaten by all has been prepared. After the meal the weapons and tools which are to be used during the clearing time are removed, but, as they now belong to the spirit, they can never be disposed of without first recompensing him. During this day there is a strict prohibition against music and dancing. For three days the men abstain from work and the forge stands idle. When the fire is again lighted the first knife made is the property of the spirit.

With the ending of the period of taboo the workers go to the fields and, in the center of each, place a _tambara_[21] fitted with a white dish containing betel nut. This is an offering to Eugpamolak Manobo, who is besought to drive from the field any _tigbanawa_ or _tagamaling_[22] who may live there, to keep the workers in good health, to allow an abundant crop, and, finally, to make the owner rich and happy. The weeds, brush, and trees, after being cut and allowed to dry are fired, while the logs remaining after this initial burning are piled together and again set on fire, and the field is ready for the planting. No soil is broken and not a seed goes into the ground until the spirits again designate the time, by placing the constellation _Marara_ in the sky. This appears early in April, and is followed by a period of great activity in the fields. If, for any reason, the owner of the land cannot plant at this time, he has two or more opportunities given him when the constellations _Mamari_ and _Bwaya_ appear, the latter toward the end of June.

[21] See p. 66, Fig. 12.

[22] Evil spirits which are classed with the _buso_. See p. 107.

When the workers go to the field on the day set for the planting they enter at one corner and proceed directly across it to the far left hand corner where they erect a small house or place a _tambara_ which is known as _pEmEg'ge_. As soon as it is complete, the _mabalian_ begin to call on the spirits. Manama[23] is called first and after him other spirits, according to their rank and power. They are informed that the planting is about to begin and that the people are showing them this mark of respect so that they will not allow anything to interfere with the crop. This done, they go to the center of the field and place a second _tambara_, called _parobanian_, for the spirit Taragomi, who owns all food. Leaves pleasing to him and presents of food or bracelets are placed in it, as well as in his _tambara_ found in the house.[24] The owner of the field takes the _malayag_, a large variety of rice, and plants it around the _parobanian_,[25] and as the last grain is planted the _mabalian_ again starts her prayer, this time beginning with Taragomi. She asks for good crops, and protection for the field from all animals, blight and drought. Finally, she begs Eugpamolak Manobo to control the sun and winds so that they will always be favorable to the growing grain. Having thus done all in their power to secure the cooperation of the superior beings the men take their rice planters and real work begins.[26] The planter (Fig. 29) consists of a long shaft at one end of which is a metal blade while at the other is a bamboo clapper decorated with feathers. When this instrument is struck on the ground it digs a shallow hole an inch or more in depth, the clapper meanwhile keeping up an incessant noise. It is said by some that the rattle is intended to please the guardian spirit of the fields, but this does not seem to be the prevalent idea. The women follow the men, dropping seeds into the holes and pushing the soil over them with their feet.

[23] Eugpamolak Manobo.

[24] At Cibolan only brass objects are placed in this _tambara_.

[25] At Digos the _mabalian_ does the planting and harvesting about the _tambara_, and the rice grown there is reserved as seed, for the next season.

[26] FATHER GISBERT relates that it is the custom to sacrifice a slave at this time, but this is denied by the _datu_ consulted by the writer. See letters of FATHER GISBERT in BLAIR and ROBERTSON, The Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII; pp. 233-4.

FIG. 29. RICE PLANTER WITH BAMBOO CLAPPER ATTACHED TO TOP.

At nightfall of the day in which the planting has been completed a _mabalian_ cooks fish and rice, which she carries to the _parobanian_. Early next morning the family goes to the field and eats this offering which "belongs to Taragomi, so should be eaten at his house." From this time until harvest the fields must be guarded against birds and animals, but no further offerings take place unless unusual conditions should satisfy the owner that the spirits are demanding more gifts. When harvest time comes the owner and a few of his friends will go to the field and pull a few of the fresh stalks, which they place in the _pEmEg'ge_ and _parobanian_, meanwhile addressing the spirits, and the cutting of the rice begins. This is done by women who, for this purpose, employ a small knife called _gElat_ (Plate XXIXd). The last grain to be cut is that about the _parobanian_. The _mabalian_ cooks a little of the new rice in the house and places a part of it in the various _tambara_ and shrines; then, having placed a number of rice stalks on the floor, she offers them one by one to the spirits. Not until she has finished can any of the prepared food be eaten. The balance of the crop lies in the sun until dry, when it is tied in bundles and placed in the granary.

When all the harvesting is finished the people will make a festival known as _Gatokbia-an_, or _pakakaro_. Ordinarily each family will have its own celebration, but at times all the inhabitants of a village will join in one great celebration. The period of toil and doubt is past, the food supply is assured, and the people gather to give thanks. No New England Thanksgiving dinner is prepared with greater thought, or less regard for expense, than that which is made ready at this time. The finest of the rice, cocoanuts[sic], eggs, chickens, fish, shrimps, and many other edibles are prepared and placed in certain dishes which are dedicated to the spirits and are used only at this time. These plates are arranged in a row in the center of the room and the _mabalian_ gather around them. Taking a wand of sandal wood in her hand one of the number waves it over the offerings, while she chants long prayers. Beginning with the most powerful, she addresses the spirits one by one, thanking them for the care they have given to the growing grain and to the laborers, and for the bounteous harvest. Frequently individuals will interrupt the proceedings to place near to the _mabalian_ a fine knife or some other prized object which they desire to have presented to the spirits as evidence of their gratitude. At first, it is a little hard to understand this lavishness, but it transpires that the former owners still have possession of these objects, and that the spirits offer no objections to their use, so long as their ownership is not disputed, truly a case of eating the pie but still having it.

The knives and other implements which have been used in the fields are laid on a large basket filled with rice, "in order that they may eat, and, therefore, have no cause to injure their owners." Another large dish of rice is set aside as a special offering. In some cases this is taken out to the fields, where it is eaten by the wife, or wives of the host; but in Cibolan it is kept in the house until the next morning, when it is eaten by all the members of the family. The ceremonial eating of this rice causes the supply to last longer and assures abundant rains for the succeeding crop. Part of the food from the dishes is placed in the _tambara_ and shrines, and then all the guests are permitted to feast and make merry. Unlike most Bagobo ceremonies this one lacks the music of the _agongs_,[27] for only bamboo guitars, flutes, and the _bolang-bolang_ are permitted at this time. The last named instrument is made by placing a board on a rice mortar; the women gather around it with their wooden pestles and beat a rythmical[sic] tattoo. This concludes the festival proper, but many guests will remain for two or three days to enjoy the hospitality of their host.

[27] Copper gongs.

On the third morning after the festival the family and some friends will celebrate _BagkEs_ "the tying together." The dishes in which food was offered are tied together and are carried to the rice field where, with great solemnity, the little dish in the _parobanian_ is removed and placed among the others, while the people tell it that the other plates have come to take it away, but that it will be returned to its home the following year. The family goes back to the village in silence and after tying all the dishes together place them in the rice granary.

In the Bagobo settlement at Digos, the women hold still another festival following the cutting of the rice. This is known as _Gomeng ka taragomi_, or _bitinbagaybe_. In the main it resembles the ceremony of similar name, which the women of Malilla hold on the second day of _GinEm_ (See page 111). A bamboo pole decked with leaves and green fruit of the _areca_ palm is placed in the center of a room and is surrounded with cooked food. After this has been offered to the spirits, it is eaten by the guests who then indulge in dancing about the decorated pole. This generally lasts eight days, but in one instance the festivities continued for sixteen days and nights. The explanation given is that "the women wish to show Taragomi and the _Nitos_ (anitos) how happy they are because of the good harvest, for when they see this they will be pleased and will help again next year."

TRANSPORTATION AND TRADE.

The Bagobo makes no use of boats or rafts, for until recent times he has lived at a considerable distance from the sea; and the rivers, which flow in deep cañons, may be changed in a day from tiny streams to rushing torrents in which no craft could keep afloat. Left to his own devices, he pays little attention to trails, but cuts his way through the underbrush directly to his destination. The government has forced him to clear and maintain several fairly good roads between the larger settlements and the coast, and these are now the highways over which he transports his hemp and other trade articles. Quite a number of carabao and horses are to be found in the territory, where they are used as pack and riding animals. Both men and women are excellent riders and take great pride in the decoration of their mounts. The saddle used is carved from wood, in exact duplication of those used by the Spaniards. The copper bits are also copies, but are of native casting. Strings of bells surround the neck of a prized animal, and it is further beautified by an artificial forelock. Rattan whips, wound with braid, and decorated with beads, are also a part of his trappings. According to Bagobo tradition, they have had horses from the most remote times, and Professor BLUMENTRITT is inclined to believe that they possessed these animals prior to the arrival of the Spaniards. In support of this contention, he points to the fact that, unlike most Philippine tribes, they use the Malayan name.[28]

[28] The terms used are, _bait koda_--stallion, and _mamat koda_--mare.

[Transcriber's note: The uncontracted forms of these phrases are _bayi ta koda'_ and _mama ta koda'_. Because _bayi_ means "female" and _mama_ means "male," the definitions of "stallion" and "mare" appear to have been interchanged in error.]

Heavy loads of field products are transported on animals, or are carried in cylindrical bark or rattan boxes or carrying frames (Fig. 30). Such a receptacle is supported on the back by means of a band which passes around the forehead, or by other bands which slip over the shoulders. Both sexes carry loads in this way, although it must be confessed that consideration for the members of the gentler sex has not reached such a stage that they are relieved of any great part of such labor. When gathering grain and forest products, or when searching for snails, the woman attaches a small basket to her belt so that it hangs at a convenient height against her thigh. We have previously noticed the decorated bags and baskets which serve as pockets, and also contain the betel nut outfits.

FIG. 30. CARRYING FRAME.

A small child is supported at the mother's hip by means of a broad sash, which passes over the right shoulder and under the left arm. When it is able to walk the scarf is discarded, and it sits astride the mother's hip, where it is held in place by her left arm. Older children and the men devote considerable time to the newcomers, but at a very early age the youngsters begin to run about as wild and carefree as only little savages can.

The Bagobo is a keen trader and many small articles of all kinds reach, and pass from him through trade; and to make this barter possible he intentionally produces an excess of certain things. Chief of these is hemp, which he now carries to the coast traders, and for which he receives trade cloth, iron pots, copper gongs, bells, and the beads which he prizes so highly. In exchange for the betel boxes, bells, and knife guards, which come from his forge, he receives shell disks, certain articles of dress, cooking pots, and various other household articles as well as salt and some animals. The knives made by him are in great demand and often travel far inland. While among the Bukidnon of the North-Central part of the Island the writer secured one blade and guard of undoubted Bagobo workmanship. In early days, Chinese and Moro traders brought gongs, jars, plates, and other crockery, as well as many other articles now among the prized heirlooms of wealthy men or occupying an important place in the ceremonial life of the tribe. Through these same channels came the Borneo ivory of which the ear plugs are made, while other objects from more distant regions were occasionally brought in. Two examples of this trade are now in the collections of the Field Museum of Natural History. One is a jacket made from Javanese cloth; the second a belt buckle which apparently originated in Perak.

Local feuds, as well as the desire of individuals to be known as _magani_, have always made it unsafe for small numbers of traders to venture to any great distance from home, and this has been a great hindrance to trade. However, large parties, even from other tribes, sometimes go to a village for purposes of trade, having previously notified the inhabitants of their intentions. While in Malilla the writer met with a party of thirty Bila-an traders who lived three days' march to the east. The influence of capture, intermarriage, and looting, in carrying the artifacts of one tribe into the territory of another has previously been mentioned.

WARFARE.

The offensive weapons used by the Bagobo are spears, knives (Fig. 15 and Plate XXXII), and at times bows and arrows (Fig. 17). For defense they carry shields, either round or oblong (Figs. 31-32), and cover the body with so many strips of hemp cloth that a knife thrust is warded off. Turning his body sideways to the enemy, the warrior crouches behind his shield, keeping up a continuous capering, rushing forward or dancing backward, seeking for an opening but seldom coming to close quarters. Arrows and spears are glanced off with the shield. An attack is usually initiated by the throwing of spears, then, if the enemy is at a disadvantage or confused, the warriors rush in to close combat. For this purpose they rely entirely on their knives, and as fencers they are unexcelled. They are but indifferent shots with the bow and arrow, and that weapon is but little used in actual combat. It has been frequently stated that these arrows are poisoned but I was unable to discover a single specimen so prepared. When hard-pressed, or when a camp must be made in dangerous territory, sharpened bamboo sticks--_sogiang_--are stuck into the ground with their points directed toward the enemy. These must be carefully gathered up by the pursuers, who otherwise run the risk of having the knife-like blades driven into their feet. Old warriors state that in former years they not only covered the upper part of the body with hemp cloth but wound over this long decorated strips called _gindua_; they also tell of coats of mail made of carabao horn or rattan. None of these outfits exist in the territory today, but it is not at all improbable that they were formerly in use, for the long decorated bands are still found among the Bukidnon of the North, with whom some trade is carried on; and a few coats of mail are to be seen among the neighboring Moro.

FIG. 31A AND B. FRONT AND BACK OF AN OBLONG SHIELD.

FIG. 32A AND B. A.--FRONT OF A DECORATED SHIELD. B.--BACK OF SHIELD A.

Hostile raids against the neighboring Bila-an, Tagakaolo, and Ata seem to have been common from the most ancient times. After the arrival of the Spaniards there were many minor conflicts with the Moro, and the tribal history takes note of several serious feuds between Bagobo villages. Single warriors, usually those desiring to become _magani_, sometimes enter hostile territory and there lie in wait for an opportunity to spear a passing foe. The fact that these attacks are frequently from ambush, or that whole families are slain while asleep on the floors of their houses, does not seem to detract in the least from the honor due for the deed. Generally, parties of sixty or more, under the direction of a _magani_, are made up to avenge the death of their townspeople, to secure loot and slaves, or to win glory and distinction. An ambush is formed near to a hostile village and just at dawn an attack is made on the early risers who are scattered and unprepared. The invaders are usually satisfied with a few victims and then make their escape. Women and children are either killed or are carried away as slaves. It is customary for all the warriors to make at least one cut in the bodies, and to eat a portion of the livers of enemies who have shown great bravery, for in this way it is thought they gain in that quality. This seems to be the only occasion when human flesh is tasted, despite the fact that the members of this tribe have been frequently referred to as cannibals.

The warriors of Cibolan and Malilla formerly carried heads of enemies to their towns and made use of them during the _GinEm_ ceremony, while at Bansalan and Digos a lock of hair, cut from the head of the slain, answered the same purpose. Individual raiders sometimes carry home a head or a hand as evidence of a successful fight, and at such times festivals may be held to celebrate the event. However, the trophy soon loses its value and is hung or buried at a distance from the village. Head-hunting for the sake of the trophy itself, does not exist here.

Peace can be effected by means of a blood compact known as _dayandi_. Each principal cuts his own wrist until the blood flows freely; this he catches in his free hand and offers to the other participant to drink. Sometimes the blood of both is caught and mixed in a dish from which they drink, meanwhile addressing the _tigyama_,[29] saying, "We are now like brothers, like children of the same parents, and now we cannot fight any more. We ask you to be the witnesses."

[29] See p. 107. [Transcriber's note: 12 pages later in this document.]

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION.

There seems to be no trace of clan or totemic grouping among the Bagobo. Blood relationship is traced as far as the second cousin and is a bar to marriage. The suggestion that a man might marry his mother-in-law was received with horror, but whether this was due to local mother-in-law stories or to an idea of relationship could not be ascertained. However, a man may marry the sister of his wife.

Each district has its head man, or petty _datu_ who is supposed to be subject to the _datu_ of Cibolan. This seems actually to have been the case until a few years ago, when some of the local rulers withdrew their allegiance. The office is hereditary and usually passes from the father to his eldest son. Should the _datu_ be without an heir, or the son be considered inefficient, the under chiefs and wise old men may choose a leader from among their number.

In his own district the power of the _datu_ is very great, but even he is obliged to respect the laws and customs handed down by the ancestors. He is supreme judge in all matters, though he may, if he desires, call in the old men to help him decide difficult cases. The usual method of punishment is by means of a fine. Should the culprit be unwilling or unable to pay he is placed in servitude until such a time as the debt is considered canceled, but should he refuse to serve he is killed without further ado. The _datu_ appoints a man for this purpose, and he usually gets his victim by stealth, either by waylaying him in the road or by driving a spear through him as he lies asleep on the floor of his house. When a fine is levied the _datu_ retains a portion as pay for his services; if the more drastic punishment follows it serves to emphasize his power and is more valuable to him than the payment. When his house needs repairing, his hemp requires stripping, or his fields need attention, his followers give him assistance. In return for these services he helps support a number of fighting men who can always be called upon for the defence of the people. His house is considered the property of all to the extent that anyone goes there at any time and stays as long as he pleases, partaking meanwhile of the _datu's_ food. In times of danger, or during festivals, all the people assemble there and assist, in the defense or the merry-making.

Datu Tongkaling is the most industrious man in the tribe. He does not hesitate to work in the rice fields, to aid in the house-building or to take his turn at the forge, neither will he tolerate any loafing on the part of his followers. While in most instances he mingles freely with his people he never eats with them. His wives, children, and guests eat from a long row of dishes set on the floor, but the _datu_ takes his food alone at a considerable distance from the others.

The balance of the people can be roughly divided between freeman and slaves, but slavery here is of such a mild type, and the members of that class become so quickly merged into the tribe that the lines cannot be closely drawn. Women and children secured in raids become the slaves of their captors, and may be bought and sold, or pass by inheritance, like other property. It is considered proper for a man to live with his slave without marrying her, but should she become pregnant she is usually given her freedom at once; if not then, she is certain to be upon the death of her master, while her offspring are free and legitimate heirs. Children born to a slave couple remain in their class, as do those born to a slave mother and a man not her master. These slaves are treated with kindness and consideration and seldom try to make their escape. In fact it is often difficult to pick out the members of this class from the other members of the family.

The chief aim in life of the man is to have the right to wear the blood-red clothing and to be known as _magani_. As stated earlier in the paper, this term is applied to a man who has killed two or more persons. He is then entitled to wear the peculiar chocolate-colored head covering (Plate XXV). When his score has reached four he can don blood-red trousers, and when he has six lives to his credit he is permitted to wear the complete blood-red suit and to carry a bag of the same color.[30] From that time on his clothing does not change with the number of his victims, but his influence increases with each life put to his credit. It is said that formerly, at Digos and Bansalan, a man who had killed twenty or more was known as _gemawan_, and was distinguished by a black hemp suit. This claim to the black clothing is no longer respected, and such garments are worn by any who desire them. The man who has never killed a person is called _matalo_, a rather slighting term signifying one who has no desire to fight but remains at home with the women. A man who kills an unfaithful wife and her admirer may count the two on his score. He may also count those of his townspeople whom he has killed in fair fight, but unprovoked murder will be punished by the death of the offender. The candidate for _magani_ honors may go to an unfriendly town, or to a neighboring tribe, and kill without fear of censure from his own people.

[30] This is the rule at Cibolan. At Malilla and Digos, the kerchief may be worn when one life has been taken, the trousers for two, the coat for three, and finally the sack for four.

[Transcriber's note: _matalo_ in the paragraph above means "coward."]

The _magani_ is one of the leaders in a war party; he is chosen to inflict the death penalty when it is decreed, and it is men of this class that assist in the human sacrifices. He is under the special protection of Mandarangan and Darago, and all petitions to these powerful spirits must be made through him. His clothing is considered the property of these spirits, and when such specimens were secured for the collection, the wearer would invariably place the garment beside some prized article, such as a knife or spear, then taking a green betel nut would rub the garment and object, meanwhile beseeching the spirits to leave the one and enter the other. Later the nut was placed in the _tambara_ belonging to those spirits. A father may not bequeath to his son the right to the red clothing; and such articles, together with his weapons, should be buried with him. Should one not entitled to these garments dare to make use of them, the spirits would straightway cause his body to swell or turn yellow, and he would die.

In a previous paragraph we mentioned the unorganized priesthood, the members of which are known as _mabalian_. Men are not barred from this profession, but the greater number of its members are old, or middle-aged, women.[31] A woman may live the greater part of her life without an idea of becoming a member of this order, and then suddenly be warned in dreams, by visions, or by other _mabalian_ that she has been chosen by the spirits. The one thus elected becomes a pupil of a qualified _mabalian_ and for several months will be drilled in the duties of that office. She will be taught the medicines to be used at certain times,[32] the duties of a midwife, the correct method of building shrines and conducting ceremonies, and finally, she will learn the prayers with which the spirits should be addressed. It seems to be the belief that, at times during the ceremonies, the _mabalian_ may be possessed by a spirit and that she then speaks not as a mortal but as the spirit itself. She also knows how to weave and dye the turban worn by the _magani_, and because of this accomplishment is considered to be under the protection of Baitpandi,[33] and is permitted to wear garments made of red cloth, the same as the _magani_.

[31] There are five _mabalian_ in Cibolan, all of whom are women past middle life.

[32] A medicine is used with the idea that it assists in driving away evil influences.

[33] The patron spirit of the weavers.

The workers in the various crafts are under the guidance and protection of special spirits, but there is no bar against other members of the tribe entering those professions.

Apparently then, Bagobo society is divided into several classes or divisions, but with the exception of a few individuals in the slave class, there is a possibility or an opportunity for each member of the tribe to enter any class open to his or her sex. Even a slave woman may become the wife of a _datu_, and her son may assume the leadership of the tribe.

LAWS. PROPERTY AND INHERITANCE.

The laws of the people are those imposed by custom and religion, and are equally binding on all classes. Public opinion is sufficient to prevent most crimes; the fear of offending the spirits is a further deterrent; while the final bar is the drastic punishment meted out by the _datu_. Theft is punished by the levying of a fine if the culprit is able to pay, or by a term of servitude if he has no property. If a husband finds that his wife has been unfaithful, he should kill both her and her admirer, but the spear with which he avenges his wrongs should be left in the body of one of the victims, as a sign that the murder was provoked by the fault. When this is done the husband cannot be held accountable either to the _datu_ or to the dead person's relatives. If, however, he withdraws the weapon, the brothers or other male relatives of the deceased have a right and a duty to avenge the deaths. A man who has killed his wife and her lover is allowed to count both on his score towards becoming a _magani_--a further incentive for him to avenge his wrongs. Cases are known where the husband accepted payment for his wife's affections, but it was considered a sign of weakness, or cowardice, and the man lost caste. Unprovoked murder of one from the same or a friendly village is punished by death.

A man having illicit relations with a slave woman, not his own, is subjected to a heavy fine or a term of servitude. Incest should be punished by the death of the culprits for should such a crime go unpunished the spirits would cause the sea to rise and cover the land. Datu Tongkaling claims that on two occasions, since he became ruler, he has put such offenders to death. In the first case he had the couple bound and thrown into the sea, while in the second instance, they were tied to trees in the forest and sacrificed in the presence of all the people of the village.

Prohibitions exist against the wearing of the clothing which distinguishes warriors and priestesses, and there are rules governing the conduct of individuals while near shrines or during ceremonies, but punishment for the breaking of these rules is meted out by the spirits rather than by the _datu_.

Each settlement is recognized as having property rights to all adjacent lands. Within these recognized limits, its members may take up as much land as they need, provided it is not already in use, but when a field is, for any reason, abandoned it again becomes the property of the community. Individual ownership extends to houses, furnishings, and all articles of clothing, as well as to weapons, traps, animals, and slaves. Although bought with a price the wife is still very independent and has undisputed rights to her baskets, cooking utensils, looms, and to the finery with which she adorns her person.

Since all the people assist in the support of the _datu_ they consider his home to be, to a certain extent, their own and make use of it and its furnishings without question.

Probably at no place in the world has borrowing gone to greater extremes than here. When attempting to purchase clothing, or articles in daily use, the writer frequently found that not a single garment worn by an individual was his own; and it was usually necessary to consult several persons in order to secure a complete outfit.

Upon the death of a man, his property is taken in charge by his first wife, or by the old men, and is divided equally among his wives and children, with perhaps a little extra added to the share of the first mate. The belongings of a free-born woman go to her children, or, in case she is barren, are given to her relatives. In cases where both the parents are dead, the children pass into the care of the father's family.

Despite the fact that property is owned by individuals, a large part of the labor, especially in house-building and in the fields, is done in common. When a man desires to clear or plant a field or to build a house, he summons his friends to aid him and they respond with no idea of payment other than their food and drink, and the return of like services when they are in similar need.

BIRTH.