Chapter X: Front Matter (10)

I am fully in the Sentiment expressd in your joynt Letter Sept 10th, that now we have regular & constitutional Governments, popular Committees and County Conventions are not only useless but dangerous. They served an excellent Purpose & were highly necessary when they were set up. I shall not repent the small Share I then took in them. But what think you of the District & State Conventions of the Cincinnati, & of the Cincinnati in Congress assembled? Do not these Assemblies convene expressly to deliberate & adopt Measures on great and National Concerns proper only for the Cognizance of the United States in Congress assembled, and the different Legislators & Officers of Government? And will they not, being an Order of Military Men, too soon proceed to enforce their Resolutions, not only to the lessening the Dignity of the States in the Eye of Europe, but the putting an End to their free Existence! The Order is very unpopular here. By the inclosd you will see the Sentiments of our Genl Court. The Governor of Sdeg. Carolina in a late Speech to his Assembly inveighs against them with the Vehemence of Luther.

Adieu

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft is in the Lenox Library.]

BOSTON April 17 1784

DEAR SIR

Several of my Fellow Citizens have desired me to mention to you certain Difficulties they labour under & to request that you would inform me whether it is probable they can obtain Reliefe, among whom are Dr Nath1 Noyes & Capt Saml Dashwood. Both of them I believe you knew. I inclose Mr Noyess Questions as he has stated them himself.--Capt Dashwoods Goods were taken from him by order of the Commanding officer of the British Troops when they left this Town in 1776. I need not trouble you to explain as I doubt not you well remember the Circumstances of these Matters. It will be hard for such Persons to pay the British Creditors for the same Goods which the British Nation took from them for its own necessary Use & if I mistake not with a Promise to compensate them, unless the Promise is complied with.

A few Lines on this Subject when you are at Leisure will very much oblige them as well as

Your Friend

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text is in J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 422-424.]

BOSTON April 19th 1784

MY DEAR SIR,

Mr Higginson was so obliging as to show me your Letter to him dated the 4th of March. I was happy in having adopted an opinion of the Cincinnati so similar to what I found yours to be. I think I am as sensible as any Man ought to be of the important Services of our late Army, and am very desirous that their full Share of Merit may be gratefully acknowledgd & rewarded by the Country. This would have been done, (for the Prejudice of the People against the Gratuity of five years pay began to subside) had they not adopted a Plan so disgustfull to the Common Feeling. It appears wonderful that they could imagine a People who had freely spent their Blood & Treasure in Support of their equal rights & Liberties, could so soon be reconciled to the odious hereditary Distinction of Families. This Country must be humiliated & debased to a great Degree, before they will patiently bear to see Individuals stalking with their assumed honorary Badges, & proudly boasting "These are the Distinctions of our Blood." I cannot think that many of our Officers entertained such an Idea of haughty Pre-eminence; but the human Mind is so captivated with the Thought of being elevated above the ignoble Vulgar, that their Sons, if they should not themselves, when they perceive the Multitude grown giddy with gazing, may assume more than the mere Pageantry of Nobility. When Men begin to applaud themselves, they are not easily perswaded to believe they can take a greater Share of Honor than justly belongs to them. They will be pleasd with the Adulatory Addresses of other Men & flatter themselves that they are intitled to Power and Authority as well as the ostentatious Show of Superiority above their Equals. I confess I do not barely dislike the order. With you I think it dangerous & look upon it with the Eye of Jealousy. When the Pride of Family possesses the Minds of Men it is threatning to the Community in Proportion to the Good they have done. The unsuspecting People, when they are in a Mood to be grateful, will cry up the Virtues of their Benefactors & be ready to say, Surely those Men who have done such great things for us, will never think of setting up a Tyranny over us. Even Patriots & Heroes may become different Men when new & different Prospects shall have alterd their Feelings & Views; and the undiscerning People may too late repent that they have sufferd them to exalt themselves & their Family upon the Ruins of the Common Liberty. The Cincinnati are very unpopular here; you will wonder then that one of the Order has had a Majority of the Votes of this Town for a Senator for the County. I am affraid the Citizens are not so vigilant as they used and ought still to be. It was given out at the Moment of Election that he intended to withdraw himself from the Society. If he does, it may weaken their Influence--if not, he will probably destroy his own. You have doubtless seen the Sentiments of the General Court of the Order. The Reprobating Speech of the Governor of So Carolina has been publishd in our papers.

I had the Pleasure of receiving by the same Post your several Letters of the 15th, 20th and 24th Ulto. If I have a Seat in the General Court the ensuing year, (which is uncertain) I shall (tho very reluctantly) communicate your Intention to leave Congress, unless you will gratify the earnest Wishes of your Friends by altering your Determination. I assure you there is no Friend to our Country within my Circle who is not anxiously solicitous for your continuing there longer. I was in hopes when you was prevailed upon again to take a Seat you would have held it at least two years. Let me entreat you to release me from the obligation of complying with your Request.

I have written so much in Spite of my trembling hand, concerning the Cini, that I can at present only fulfill a Promise I gave our Navy officers, to inclose their Petition to Congress and to beg your Patronage of it. They appear to me to be injurd or at least neglected Men. It is certainly high time they should receive their Prize Money and Assurances of their Pay. I will write you by Mr Lowell (who sets off for Phila in a few Days & intends making you a Visit) or by the Post speedily. Mrs A desires her Complts

Adieu my Friend,

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text with modifications is in J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 424-427.]

BOSTON April 23 1784

MY DEAR SIR,

Mr Lowel thinks he shall not be able to make you a Visit at Annapolis as he intended, so I have not written by him. Is the Court of Appeals1 of which he is a Member to continue now the War is over? I should think it a needless Expence. If ever there should be Occasion for it, a new Court might at any time be constituted. I observe by the inclosd, that the Cincinnati in Congress assembled are to meet at Philadelphia on the 5th of May & that General Washington is to preside. That Gentleman has an idea of the Nature & Tendency of the Order very different from mine, otherwise I am certain he would never have given it his Sanction. I look upon it to be as rapid a Stride towards an hereditary Military Nobility as was ever made in so short a Time. My Fears may be ill grounded, but if they are not, it is impossible for me not to think it a very great Misfortune to these States that he is a Member; for the Reputation he has justly acquired by his Conduct while Commander in Chiefe of our Armies, and the Gratitude & warm Affection which his Countrymen do & ought to feel towards him will give Weight to any thing he patronizes, & Lustre to all who may be connected with him. It is a Tribute due to the Man who has servd his Country well, to esteem him highly & confide in him. We ought not however to think any Man incapable of Error. But so it is with the Bulk of Mankind & even in a free Country. They will reprobate the Idea of implicit Faith; and at the same time, while the Impression of Gratitude is deep in their Minds, they will not admit of a Benefactor, which must be said of every Man, "aliquando dormitat." I would never inculcate a mean & envious Suspicion of any Man especially of those who have renderd signal Services to their Country. But there is a Degree of Watchfulness over all Men possessd of Power or Influence upon which the Liberties of Mankind much depend. It is necessary to guard against the Infirmities of the best as well as the Wickedness of the worst of Men. Such is the Weakness of human Nature that Tyranny has oftener sprang from that than any other Source. It is this that unravels the Mystery of Millions being enslavd by a few. What was it that indued the Cincinnati Gentlemen who have undertaken to deliberate and act upon Matters which may essentially concern "the Happiness & future Dignity of the American Empire," to admit foreign Military Subjects into their Society? Was there not Danger before that a foreign Influence might prevail in America? Do not Foreigners wish to have Weight in our Councils? Can such a Junction of Subjects of different Nations (& those Nations widely different in their principles of Government) to Deliberate upon things which relate to the Union & national Honor, the Happiness & future Dignity of one consist with sound Policy? Are we sure that those foreign Nations will never have separate Views & very national & interrested ones too, because they once united in the same object & it was accidentally their mutual Interest to fight Side by Side? If the Cincinnati had a Right to erect themselves into an order for the national Purposes of their Institution, had they a Right to call in foreign Aid for those Purposes? It appears to me as impolitic, preposterous & dangerous as it would be for the United States to invite & admit a Delegation from that foreign Power into their Congress.

I take Notice that the Committee of Congress propose that the Govts of the ten new States to be formd shall be in Republican form & shall admit no Person to be a Citizen who holds any hereditary Title. I hope Congress will not fail to make this an indispensible Condition.

Your Letter of the 2d relating to Colo Gridleys Affair came to hand. I am obligd to you for the Care you have taken.

Believe me to be yr sincere & affectionate Friend,

1 Cf. J. F. Jameson, Essays in Constitutional History, pp. 32 et seq.

TO NOAH WEBSTER.

[MS., Ford Collection, Lenox Library; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library,]

BOSTON April 30th 1784

SIR

I was favord with your Letter of 24th March, but by a Multiplicity of Affairs, which, as it happened I was at that Time engaged in, I was prevented returning an Answer so speedily as you desired. For this Reason I afterwards thought an Answer would be of no Importance. Decency alone should, however, have induced me to have acknowledgd the Favor. I hope you will excuse the Omission.

Some time in the Month of September last, a Gentleman in Connecticutt requested me to give him my Opinion of a Subject, perhaps too much altercated in that State as well as this, The Commutation of half Pay granted by Congress to the Officers of the late Army for Life for full Pay during the Term of five years. I did not hesitate to say in Return, that in my Opinion Congress was, in the Nature of their Appointment, the sole Judge of the necessary Means of supporting the late Army raised for the Defence of our Common Rights against the Invasions of Great Britain; and if, upon their own deliberate Councils & the repeated Representations of the Commander in Chiefe of the Army, they judgd that the Grant of half Pay for Life was a Measure absolutely necessary for the Support of a disciplined Army for the Purpose before mentiond, they had an undoubted Right to make it; and as it was made in behalf of the United States by their Representative authorizd to do it, each State was bound in Justice & Honor to comply with it, even tho it should seem to any to have been an ill judgd Measure; because States & Individual Persons are equally bound to fulfill their Obligations, and it is given as Characteristick of an honest Man, that "though he sweareth (or promiseth) to his own hurt he changeth not." I moreover acquainted him, that although I was never pleasd with the Idea of half Pay for Life, for Reasons which appeard satisfactory to myself, some of which I freely explaind to him, yet I had always thought, that as the Opportunities of the Officers of the Army of acquiring moderate Fortunes or making such Provision for their Families as Men generally wish to make, were not equal to those of their Fellow Citizens at home, it would be but just & reasonable, that an adequate Compensation should be made to them at, or as soon as conveniently might be after, the End of the War; and that he might therefore conclude, that the Commutation, if it be an adequate Compensation had fully coincided with my Ideas of Justice & Policy.

Nothing was mentiond in his Letter to me, of the Nature or the Proceedings of County Conventions, & therefore I made no Observation upon them. I hope it will not be in the Power of any designing Men, by imposing upon credulous tho' well meaning Persons long to keep this Country, who may be happy if they will, long in a State of Discord & Animosity. We may see, from the present State of Great Britain, how rapidly such a Spirit will drive a Nation to destruction. It is prudent for the People to keep a watchful Eye over the Conduct of all those who are entrusted with Publick Affairs. Such Attention is the Peoples great Security.1 But there is Decency & Respect due to Constitutional Authority, and those Men, who under any Pretence or by any Means whatever, would lessen the Weight of Government lawfully exercised, must be Enemies to our happy Revolution & the Common Liberty. County Conventions & popular Committees servd an excellent Purpose when they were first in Practice. No one therefore needs to regret the Share he may then have had in them. But I candidly own it is my Opinion, with Deferrence to the Opinions of other Men, that as we now have constitutional & regular Governments and all our Men in Authority depend upon the annual & free Elections of the People, we are safe without them. To say the least, they are become useless. Bodies of Men, under any Denomination whatever, who convene themselves for the Purpose of deliberating upon & adopting Measures which are cognizable by Legislatures only will, if continued, bring Legislatures to Contempt & Dissolution. If the publick Affairs are illy conducted, if dishonest or incapable Men have crept unawares into Government, it is happy for us, that under our American Constitutions the Remedy is at hand, & in the Power of the great Body of the People. Due Circumspection & Wisdom at the next Elections will set all right, without the Aid of any self Created Conventions or Societies of Men whatever.2 While we retain those simple Democracies in all our Towns which are the Basis of our State Constitutions, and make a good Use of them, it appears to me we cannot be enslaved or materially injured. It must however be confessd, that Imperfection attends all human affairs.

I am

Sir

your very humble Servant

1 At this point the draft included the words: "for the wisest & best of Men are liable to Error & Misconduct."

2 At this point the draft included the words "The whole People will not probably mistake their own true Interests, nor err in their Judgment of the Men to whom they may safely commit the Care of them."

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS, Adams Papers, Quincy]

BOSTON June 20 1784

DEAR SIR

The Hurry of the General Court which is now sitting prevents my writing a Letter at this Time.

Your amiable Lady who with her Daughter embarks this day will, I hope, deliver you this Note, which is only to express a fervent Wish that they may be favord in their Passage & shortly have a joyful Meeting with you.

It is a long time since I receivd a Letter from you.

Adieu--Believe me

Your affectionate friend

& humble servt

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers,1 Quincy.]

BOSTON 2d Decr 1784.

MY DEAR SIR

I received several of your Letters with Pleasure, particularly that of May, which I will answer at a Time of more Leisure. Captn Dashwood of this Town is going to London, to sollicit Payment of the British Crown, for Goods taken from him when the Troops left the Town, not as forfeited, but under the Apprehension that they would be of Use to our Army, & with an Express Promise that they should be paid for. It appears to me to be among the bona Fide Debts mention'd in the Treaty, and if there may be on the Part of the Crown itself a Failure of a Compliance with a positive stipulated Article, it will be difficult for the Governments in America to prevail with their Citizens to think it reasonable that they should pay the just Debts owing from them to British Subjects. Dashwood has my Promise to write to you again on the Subject & I must fulfill it. It is with reluctance that I give you this repeated Trouble, especially as I know you must be press'd with Affairs of greater National Importance. You are best able to say whether you can afford him Aid or not. I have ventured to assure him, that if it be in your Power consistantly to interpose your Influence, you will undoubtedly be disposd to do it. What aggravates the Misfortune of this Citizen if he should not obtain Justice in England is that his British Crediter now demands the Payment of his Debt with Interest, & tho' this Sum is very small in Comparison with the Value of the Goods taken from him, the Payment, as he says & I suppose truly, will compleatly ruin him.

your affectionate

1 Although the copy actually transmitted, no part of this letter is in the autograph of Adams except the subscription and signature.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[MS., Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 214-217.]

BOSTON Decr 23 1784

MY DEAR SIR

I congratulate our Country on the Choice Congress has lately made of a President. He who fills that Chair is the most respected Citizen, and while he performs his Duty well, he adorns the most dignified Station in our Confederated Republick.

You observe in your Letter to me, that "at this Moment, Moderation, Wisdom, Firmness & Attention are the Principles proper for our Adoption." I agree with you, and devoutly wish that every Man who has a Share in the Administration of publick Affairs may possess a large Portion of those & other great Qualities. They are in a particular Manner necessary to him who presides in the important Councils of the American Amphyction.

Congress has need to watch, lest the Commonwealth suffer Harm. I doubt not they will be assiduous in their Labours for the publick Wellfare; and I pray God they may be His honord Instruments in exalting to the highest Pitch of human Happiness that People, who have testified to the oppressed World, that by Patience, Fortitude & Perseverance the iron Rod can be wrested from the Arm of a Tyrant, and that all Nations may be free, if they will magnanimously contend for their Liberty.

By Gods Blessing on the Councils & the Arms of our Country, we are now rank'd with Nations. May He keep us from exulting beyond Measure! Great Pains are yet to be taken & much Wisdom is requisite that we may stand as a Nation in a respectable Character. Better it would have been for us to have fallen in our highly famed Struggle for our Rights, or even to have remaind in our ignoble State of Bondage hoping for better Times, than now to become a contemptible Nation. The World have given us an exalted Character, & thus have laid on us a heavy Tax! They have raised Expectations from us! HOW shall we meet those Expectations? They have attributed to us Wisdom! HOW shall we confirm them in their Opinion of us? Inexperiencd as we are in the Refinements of Nations, Can we expect to shine in the World as able Politicians? Shall we then be hacknied in the Path of Deception because some others famed for their Dexterity in Politicks have long trod that Path & thought they have gaind Advantage by it? Or, because it is said All Nations are selfinterested & that No Friendship in Treaties and National Transactions is almost as proverbial as No Friendship in Trade, shall we depart from that excellent Rule of Equity, the Observance of which should be characteristick of all Nations especially Republicks, as it is of all good Men, to do to others as we would have them do to us? Could we be indued thus to prostitute ourselves, HOW should we appear in the Eyes of the Virtuous & Wise? Should there be found a Citizen of the United States so unprincipled as to ask, What will become of us if we do not follow the corrupt Maxims of the World? I should tell him, that the Strength of a Republick is consolidated by its Virtues, & that Righteousness will exalt a Nation.

Was it true as some affirm, that the old World is absorbd in all kinds of Vice, unhumanizd & enslavd, it would indeed be a melancholly Subject to contemplate, and I should think that common Prudence would dictate to a Nation situated as we are, to have as little to do with them as possible. Such indiscriminate Censure, however, may spring from Ignorance of the World or unreasonable Prejudice. Nations as well as Individuals have different Characters. We should not forget the Friendship & Kindness of One because we have experiencd the Injustice & Cruelty of Another. But the Inconstancy of Friendship & even Infidelity has been seen often enough among Individuals to lead wise men to suppose it may happen in any Case & to exercise a kind of Circumspection, different from base Suspicion, consistent with the generous Sentiments of Friendship and, considering the Weakness of the human Mind, a necessary Guard.

Does not the true Policy, the Honor & Safety of our Country greatly depend upon a National Character consisting, among other Particulars, in Simplicity & Candor in all her Publick Transactions; shewing herself in reality friendly to those to whom she professes to be a Friend--A constant Regard to mutual Benefit in Commercial Treaties; suspecting the Honesty of those who will not deal with her on equitable Principles, & guarding her Trade against their selfish Designs by wise Commercial Laws--An exact & punctilious Fullfillment of Obligations on her Part to be performd by Virtue of all Treaties-- and, An unalterable Determination to discharge her National Debts with all possible Speed.--If, my honord Friend, the leading Men in the United States would by Precept & Example disseminate thro' the lower Classes of People the Principles of Piety to God, Love to our Country & universal Benevolence, should we not secure the Favor of Heaven & the Honor & Esteem of the wise and virtuous Part of the World.

Great Britain, tho' she has concluded a Treaty of Peace with us, appears to be not a cordial Friend. She cannot forget her unparralled Injustice towards us & naturally supposes there can be no Forgiveness on our Part. She seems to have meant Nothing more than a Truce. A sensible Gentleman very lately from Canada informs me, that General Haldiman who is going to England, has orderd those Posts to be reinforcd, which by Treaty were to be deliverd to us. Encroachments are made, as I apprehend, on our Eastern Territories. Our Fishery may, under some frivolous Pretence be next interrupted. Should we not guard ourselves against British Intrigues & Factions. Her Emissaries, under the Guise of Merchants, Repenting Refugees, Schoolmasters, and other Characters, unless Care is taken, may effect another & fatal Revolution. The Commonwealth of England lasted twelve years, and then the exiled King was restored with all the Rage & Madness of Royalty!--A Caution to the Citizens of the United States zealously to counteract the Hopes our Enemies entertain of "Discord, Disunion, & Apathy on our Part," to watch over the publick Liberty & Safety with a jealous Eye, and to practice the moral and political Virtues upon which the very Existence of a Commonwealth depends.

Mrs. Adams desires me to present her respectful Compliments to you & your Connections. I am with great Esteem Your affectionate Friend

1785

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[MS., Lenox Library.]

BOSTON March 24 17851

MY HONORD FRIEND

Could I be perswaded to believe that by your long Silence you would intimate to me a Desire on your Part to put an End to our Epistolary Correspondence, you should never again be troubled with my Letters. But as I am not disposd to entertain unfavorable Thoughts of one whom I have valued as an unchanging Friend, I will now sollicit you in Behalf of two Persons both of whom I believe you will recollect, and whose Services to the United States, in their different Way, have in my Opinion been meritorious.

Mr Kirkland has for many years been a Missionary to the Indians of the six Nations under the Society in Scotland for promoting Christian Knowledge. He was recognizd by Congress & in 1779 was appointed by that Body to be Chaplain at Fort Stanwix; for this Cause that Charitable Society forbore to continue his usual Stipend. He had Influence sufficient to keep the Indians steadily attachd to the United States during the War, and you will judge Sir, of the Policy of engaging so useful a Man in the same Mission under Congress, lest another should be employed by that Society under the Pretext of promoting Christian knowledge among the Indians, [who] may be secretly instructed to instill into their Minds Prejudices in favor of Great Britain and dangerous to our Interest. Mr Kirkland is or soon will be in New York to state his Case to Congress.

Colo John Allan left a valueable Estate and powerful family Connections in Hallifax in the Beginning of the late War & took a decided Part with the United States. He had the Happiness of your Friendship when Congress sat in Baltimore; and was there appointed Superintendant of the Indians in the Eastern Department. I do not fear I shall dishonor myself by assuring you, that in my Opinion he has been a faithful & successful Servant of the Publick. He is gone to Congress to settle his Affairs. If it shall appear to you that I have not mistaken his true Character, your Sense of Justice will prevent the Necessity of any Sollicitation in his Behalf from, My dear Sir,

your unfeigned

& affectionate friend,

1 A letter by Adams to Elbridge Gerry, dated February 24, 1785, is in Magazine of American History, vol. xii., pp. 177, 178.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[MS., Lenox Library]

BOSTON April 14 1785

MY DEAR SIR

Give me Leave to introduce to you Mr Graham1 the Bearer of this Letter & his Lady, Mrs Macauley Graham, who have honord this Town & highly gratified the virtuous Citizens by a residence of some Months past. We sometimes meet with genuine republican Sentiments in Persons born under Monarchy. It is truly mortifying when one meets with the reverse Character. I firmly believe that the benevolent Creator designd the republican Form of Government for Man. Will you venture so far as to say that all other Institutions that we know of are unnatural & tend more or less to distress human Societies? Will the Lion ever associate with the Lamb or the Leopard with the Kid till our favorite principles shall be universally establishd? I am with Truth & sincerity,

your affectiont friend,

1 On the same date Adams wrote to Washington, introducing Graham; a manuscript is in the Lenox Library and also in the Library of Congress.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy.]

BOSTON July 2 1785

DEAR SIR

I cannot omit the Opportunity of writing by Monsr de la Etombe who is going to France & will take the Care of this Letter. You must not expect it to be a long one. There are many Things which I wish to say to you, but the Tremor of my Hand is so increasd that I am put to Difficulty to guide my Pen.

Our Merchants are complaining bitterly that Great Britain is ruining their Trade, and there is great Reason to complain; but I think much greater, to complain of too many of the Citizens thro' the Common wealth who are imitating the Britons in every idle Amusement & expensive Foppery which it is in their Power to invent for the Destruction of a young Country. Can our People expect to indulge themselves in the unbounded Use of every unmeaning & fantastick Extravagance because they would follow the Lead of Europeans, & not spend all their Money? You would be surprizd to see the Equipage, the Furniture & expensive Living of too many, the Pride & Vanity of Dress which pervades thro every Class, confounding every Distinction between the Poor & the Rich and evincing the Want both of Example & AEconomy.

Before this reaches you, you will have heard of the Change in our chiefe Magistrate. I confess it is what I have long wishd for. Our new Governor1 has issued his Proclamation for the Encouragement of Piety Virtue Education & Manners and for the Suppressing of Vice. This with the good Example of a first Magistrate & others may perhaps restore our Virtue.

Monsieur le Etomb's true Decency of Manners has done honor to your Letter of Recommendation.

Mrs A joins in sincere Respects to your Lady & Family.

Adieu my dear sir

1 James Bowdoin, who had succeeded John Hancock.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft, dated 1784, is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON 16th Augt 1785

MY DEAR SIR

The Governour of this Commonwealth will transmit to you Copies of Letters which lately passed between him and Capt Stanhope Commander of the British Ship of War Mercury. This is the same Person, as I am told, who, when a Prisoner here in the early time of the War, was not too delicate in Point of Honor to break his Parole. The Governor however had treated him from the Time of his Arrival with the Civilities and Respect due to a Foreigner in his Station, without personal or national Distinction. The occasion of this Epistolary Correspondence which the Governor was necessarily carried into by the Petulance of Stanhope, was a Fricas which happened on the Evening of the 31st Ulto, between the [latter] and a young Sailor who alledges that he and a Number of American Prisoners on board the Mercury had been flogged by Stanhopes order for refusing to do the Duty of Seamen. The Altercation caused the People near to collect, and the Captain, either really or pretending to be, apprehensive of Danger, hast'ned away, a Number following excited by common Curiosity, till his Fears were quieted in the House of one of his Friends and the Scene ended. This gave rise to Stanhopes Letter the following Day. Whatever his Opinion might be of his own Importance, the Governor considerd him entitled only to the Common Protection of the Law, nor could he see any Obstacle in the Captains Way to obtain legal Satisfaction if he had receivd Injury, which required the extraordinary Interposition of Government; for Stanhope was the same Day abroad in the Town without the least Molestation or appearing to be apprehensive of any Affront. Perhaps this Gentleman's Ideas of Propriety of Conduct in the Governor might have led him to expect he would take the Part of a Grand Juryman or a Justice of the Peace, to enquire into Misdemeanours, or decide on little Controversies which frequently happen among Persons who know not how to keep upon Terms with each other.

I should not have troubled you with this Detail, had it not seemed to me somewhat necessary. You know it was formerly usual for such kind of Men as Stanhope appears to be, to fly to their Ships from pretended Danger, and by false representations impose on their too credulous Government. Adieu my friend, & believe me

Yours

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[Historical Magazine, 2d ser., vol. i., pp. 167, 168.]

BOSTON Decr. 17, 1785.

MY DEAR SIR.

It gave much Pleasure to find that your Countrymen had again honour'd you with their Confidence in Congress. My most earnest wish is, that the Seats in that Sacred Hall may ever be filled with Men of true Wisdom. This Wish, I know, cannot be gratified when the United States shall become debased in Principles and Manners. HOW much then depends upon the Exertions of the present members to perpetuate the Honour and Happiness of our Country by guarding its Virtue!

I beg leave once more to trespass upon your Time by calling your attention to my Friend Captn Landais. You and I patronized him when he first came into this Country: and I have never for a Moment repented of the small share I had in his Promotion in the American Navy, although he has met with the Fate which sometimes has been the Lot of honest Men, through the errors, to say the least, of Courts. He had long suffered as other virtuous Men had, by a Faction on the other side of the Atlantick, which found means to extend itself to this Country, and as you well remember, to the very Doors of Congress!--But enough of this--Your kind Assistance was greatly beneficial to him in his late Application to Congress, and he and I gratefully acknowledged it. But he remains still embarrassed, and as I conceive, not without Reason--His Pay as Commander of the Alliance is offered to him in a Certificate. But what is such a Piece of Paper worth. If it be said, all our brave Sea Officers & Men are thus to be paid, should it not be remembered, that those who continued in the service to the end of the War are allowed a Gratuity. This Allowance was Established several years after he left the Service, and cannot include him, nor does he desire it--But he was broke by a Court Martial--True. And if a private Gentleman discharges his domestick servant even for a Fault, does he not in Justice pay him his due wages? And are not States bound by the Rules of Justice? Captain Landais has been obliged to pay an interest on money he has borrowed for his support and other necessary expenses, more than the Value of his Pay, and the want of his just Dues has kept him out of Business--He also suffers by a short Allowance of Interest on the Gratuity granted to him for an important service. Congress ordered 12,000 Livres to be paid him for that service, in France. The Payment there would have been and it was intended to be an advantage to him. It was paid to him in America, and not till the last year--Should not the interest on that sum have commenced in 1777 when the service was performed instead of 79 as it is now settled? But his greatest Grievance, in which indeed he is a sufferer in common with others is the Detention of Prize Money --You recollect this mysterious Business and how often we were written to, and very pressingly by my worthy Friend your Brother. We have been lately told that Capt. Paul Jones has received a large sum on that account. This Jones Captn. Landais looks upon as his inveterate Enemy & he has not the least Confidence in him--If you think as I do that he has a Right to authentick copies of Letters written by Jones to Congress or any of the Boards on an affair so interesting to him, on his proper application, your Advice to him on this as well as his other concerns will add to the obligations I am already under to you.

Will you be so kind as to transmit me the names of the present Members of Congress and the States they severally represent,--

I am

Your affectionate Friend1

1 A letter by Adams to Rufus King, dated January 30, 1786, is in Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, vol. i., pp. 153, 154.

1786

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; a text is in John Adams, Works, vol. ix., p. 547.]

BOSTON April 13 1786

DEAR SIR

Doctor Gordon is to deliver you this Letter. He is going to the Land of his Nativity, wishing for the best Happiness of his own Country & ours and hoping that mutual Affection will be at length restored, as the only Means of the prosperity of both. As he determines to spend the Remainder of his Days in the Country where he was born, what rational Man who considers the Ties of human Nature will wonder, if "Esto perpetua" is his most ardent Prayer for her! But the Attachments he has made here, his private Friendships and the Part he has taken in our publick Cause afford Reason to believe that his second Wish is for us. I am affraid however, that the Doctor builds too much upon the Hopes of the Return of mutual Affection; for Can this exist without Forgivness of Injury, and Can his Country ever cordially forgive ours whom she intended to injure so greatly? Her very Disappointment will perpetually irritate her own Feelings and in Spite of Reason or Religion prevent her conceiving a Sentiment of Friendship for us. And besides, she will never believe that there is a Possibility that we can forgive her. We must therefore be content, at least for a great While to come, to live with her as a prudent Man will with one who indeed has professd a Friendship for him, but whose Sincerity he has Reason vehemently to suspect; guarding against Injury from him by making it his Interest to do as little as possible. This is an arduous Task our Country has committed to you. Trade is a Matter I have had so little to do with, that it is not in my Power to aid you in this more than in any one thing else. May He who has endued you with a Strength of Understanding which your Country confides in afford you all that Light which is necessary for so great an Undertaking!

The Child whom I led by the Hand with a particular Design, I find is now become a promising youth. He brought me one of your Letters--God bless the Lad! If I was instrumental at that Time of enkindling the Sparks of Patriotism in his tender Heart, it will add to my Consolation in the latest Hour.-- Adieu my Friend. Mrs Adams desires your Lady & Family may be assured of her cordial Esteem & Love.

Believe that I am very affectionately

Your Friend

& humble Servant

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy , a draft, dated July 20, is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library]

BOSTON July 21 1786

MY DEAR SIR

There are two great Objects which I think should engage the Attention of Patriots here, & which appear to me to involve every thing else--to preserve entire our political Liberties, & to support our National Faith. To effect either of these Capital Ends, we must counterwork the Designs of Great Britain, who to say the least does not appear to be our most cordial Friend, by her Emissaries amongst us, to ruin both. The internal Enemies of this Country ridiculed our early Ideas of Opposition, embarrassd our Measures through the whole Conflict and prolonged the War. They had nearly broke up our Army in 1782, and they are now practicing the same Arts, by influencing many weak Men to withhold the necessary Aid of Taxes, to destroy the publick Faith. I should therefore think it very impolitick to increase their Number by admitting the Tory Refugees without Discrimination. Jonathan Philanthrop whom you well knew, with many others took a very active Part, & they were very successful in promoting the Designs of the British Government before the War , There are some among them who would be the fittest Instruments to be employed by that Court in tearing up, or rather undermining the Foundations of our newly erected Fabrick.--If you ask, What has thrown me into this Fit of Zeal against the Refugees? I answer, they already have or soon will in my opinion form a dangerous Faction. But I will be more explicit in my next.

This Letter I commit to the care of Mr Benj Austin junr whose Father and Connexions you are not unacquainted with. Adieu & believe me

your affectionate Friend

1787

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE

[MS , Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society, a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library , a text is in W. V Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. in , pp. 251-253]

BOSTON Decr 3d 1787

MY DEAR SIR

I am to acknowledge your several Favours of the 5th and 27 of October, the one by the Post and the other by our worthy Friend Mr Gerry. The Session of our General Court which lasted six Weeks, and my Station there requiring my punctual & constant Attendance, prevented my considering the new Constitution as it is already called, so closely as was necessary for me before I should venture an Opinion. I confess, as I enter the Building I stumble at the Threshold. I meet with a National Government, instead of a Federal Union of Sovereign States. I am not able to conceive why the Wisdom of the Convention led them to give the Preference to the former before the latter. If the several States in the Union are to become one entire Nation, under one Legislature, the Powers of which shall extend to every Subject of Legislation, and its Laws be supreme & controul the whole, the Idea of Sovereignty in these States must be lost. Indeed I think, upon such a Supposition, those Sovereignties ought to be eradicated from the Mind; for they would be Imperia in Imperio justly deemd a Solecism in Politicks, & they would be highly dangerous, and destructive of the Peace Union and Safety of the Nation. And can this National Legislature be competent to make Laws for the free internal Government of one People, living in Climates so remote and whose "Habits & particular Interests" are and probably always will be so different. Is it to be expected that General Laws can be adapted to the Feelings of the more Eastern and the more Southern Parts of so extensive a Nation? It appears to me difficult if practicable. Hence then may we not look for Discontent, Mistrust, Disaffection to Government and frequent Insurrections, which will require standing Armies to suppress them in one Place & another where they may happen to arise. Or if Laws could be made, adapted to the local Habits, Feelings, Views & Interests of those distant Parts, would they not cause Jealousies of Partiality in Government which would excite Envy and other malignant Passions productive of Wars and fighting. But should we continue distinct sovereign States, confederated for the Purposes of mutual Safety and Happiness, each contributing to the federal Head such a Part of its Sovereignty as would render the Government fully adequate to those Purposes and no more, the People would govern themselves more easily, the Laws of each State being well adapted to its own Genius & Circumstances, and the Liberties of the United States would be more secure than they can be, as I humbly conceive, under the proposed new Constitution. You are sensible, Sir, that the Seeds of Aristocracy began to spring even before the Conclusion of our Struggle for the natural Rights of Men, Seeds which like a Canker Worm lie at the Root of free Governments. So great is the Wickedness of some Men, & the stupid Servility of others, that one would be almost inclined to conclude that Communities cannot be free. The few haughty Families, think They must govern. The Body of the People tamely consent & submit to be their Slaves. This unravels the Mystery of Millions being enslaved by the few! But I must desist--My weak hand prevents my proceeding further at present. I will send you my poor Opinion of the political Structure at another Time. In the Interim oblige me with your Letters; & present mine and Mrs A's best Regards to your Lady & Family, Colo Francis, Mr A. L. if with you, & other Friends, & be assured that I am

very affectionately yours

As I thought it a Piece of Justice I have venturd to say that I had often heard from the best Patriots from Virginia that Mr G Mason was an early active & able Advocate for the Liberties of America.

1789

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[MS., Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society; a draft is in the Samuel ,Adams Papers, Lenox Library]

BOSTON April 22d, 1789.

MY DEAR FRIEND

You must not expect lengthy Letters from me for a Reason which I have heretofore given you. Possibly, however, I may trouble you with more frequent Letters. I hope the federal Congress is vested with Powers adequate to all the great purposes of the federal Union; and if they have such adequate Powers, no true and understanding Federalist would consent that they should be trusted with more--for more would discover the Folly of the People in their wanton Grant of Power, because it might, and considering the Disposition of the human Mind, without Doubt would be wantonly [exercised to] their Injury and Ruin. The Powers vested in Government by the People, the only just Source of such Powers, ought to be critically defined and well understood; lest by a Misconstruction of ambiguous Expressions, and by interested Judges too, more Power might be assumed by the Government than the People ever intended they should possess. Few men are contented with less Power than they have a Right to exercise, the Ambition of the human Heart grasps at more. This is evinced by the Experience of all Ages.

Will you give me Leave to mention to you the Name of Leonard Jarvis, Esqr; a Gentleman to whose agreable Acquaintance, tho he is a native of this Town, I introduced myself by the Request of our worthy Friend General Whipple now deceased. Mr. Jarvis is a very sensible Republican, and an honest Man. He holds the Place of Comptroller General in this Commonwealth. I believe Mr. Dalton can shew you a Specimen of his Industry and Accuracy in Business. It is not by his Solicitation, or even knowledge that I write this. I am induced to it, because I think that good Men living at a Distance from the Seat of the federal Government, and capable of serving the United States should be made known.

Adieu my dear Sir.

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 284, 285; the text is also in the pamphlet Resolutions of the General Court (Boston, 1789), p. 7.]

May 27, 1789.1

MR. PRESIDENT,--

I have been politely notified by a joint committee of the two branches of the General Court that, having examined the returns of the votes for a Lieutenant-Governor of the Commonwealth, it appears that a majority of the electors have seen fit to give me their suffrages.

I am impressed with a warm sense of the honor done me, and it is a pleasing reflection, in my own mind, that I have this testimonial of the confidence of my countrymen, without my solicitation or interference in any manner to obtain it.

I rejoice in the freedom of our elections; and it affords me particular satisfaction to be invited to take a share in government by citizens possessed of the most lively feelings of natural and civil liberty, and enlightened with the knowledge and true ends of civil government, who, in conjunction with their sister States, have gloriously contended for the rights of mankind, and given the world another lesson, drawn from experience, that all countries may be free, since it has pleased the righteous Governor of the universe to smile upon their virtuous exertions, and crown them with independence and liberty.

If it be not improper on this occasion, may I beg leave to express a devout and fervent wish that gracious Heaven may guide the public councils of the great confederated commonwealth, and the several free and independent republics which compose it, so that the people may be highly respected and prosperous in their affairs abroad, and enjoy at home that tranquillity which results from a well-grounded confidence that their personal and domestic rights are secure.

I feel, sir, a diffidence of my own abilities, and am anxious but in certain events they may be found inadequate to the importance of the duties I may be called to perform; but relying on the aid of Divine grace, and hoping for the justice, candor, and liberal sentiments of the General Court and of my fellow-citizens at large, I venture to accept the trust, and am now ready to be qualified in the mode prescribed by the Constitution.

1 Upon taking the oath as Lieutenant-Governor of Massachusetts.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[MS., Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society.]

BOSTON July 14th, 1789

DEAR SIR

I have not lately received a Line from you, and am ready to impute it to the Multiplicity of Affairs in which your Mind is employed. You must not expect that I shall be even with you upon the epistolary Score, for the Reason which I have heretofore given you. I wish to know from you the State of federal Affairs as often as your Leisure may admit.1 We organize our State Governments, and I heartily wish that their Authority and Dignity may be preserved within their several Jurisdictions, as far as may be consistent with the Purposes for which the federal Government is designed. They are in my opinion petit Politicians who would wish to lessen the due Weight of the State Governments; for I think the federal must depend upon the Influence of these to carry their Laws into Effect; and while those Laws have for their sole Object the promoting the purposes of the federal Union, there is Reason to expect they will have the due Support of the State Authorities. Places are now become the Object of Multitudes; I mentioned to you in a former Letter the name of Leonard Jarvis, Esqr whom I hope you will not forget. Israel Keith, Esqr wishes to have the Place of Marshall within this District. He is a Gentleman of the Law, and was during the War Aid de Camp to General Heath, who I understand has recommended him to the President. You will gratify the wishes of Mr Keith as far as shall consist with your own Ideas of Propriety; and be assured, that I am sincerely

Your Friend,

P. S. I have been informed that Mr Edward Church a Native of this Town, but now an Inhabitant of Georgia is in the City of New York. I take him to have been a steady Friend to the Liberties of our Country, and a man of Sense and Integrity. If it will not weary you with Applications I will beg your Notice of him, and after your own Inquiries afford him your Influence, if you shall think it proper, in promoting him to a suitable Employment under Congress in the State of Georgia. This I mention without his Sollicitation, or even Knowledge.

1 Lee was at this time in the United States Senate.

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library]

BOSTON Augt 22 1789

MY DEAR SIR