Chapter IX: Front Matter (9)

Will you suffer me Sir, in great Haste, to offer a few indigested Hints for your Consideration. I take it for granted that a very great Majority of the People in Each of the United States are determind to support this righteous & necessary War, till they shall obtain their grand Object, an undisputed Sovereignty. This must hereafter be maintaind, under God, by the Wisdom and Vigour of their own Councils & their own Strength-- Their Policy will lead them, if they mean to form any Connections with Europe, to make themselves respectable in the Eyes of the Nations by holding up to them the Benefits of their Trade-- Trade must be so free to all as to make it the Interest of Each to protect it till they are able to protect it themselves--This, the United States must do by a Navy. Till they shall have erected a powerful Navy, they will be lyable to Insults wch may injure & depreciate their Character as a Sovereign & independent State; & while they may be incapable of resenting it themselves, no friendly power may venture or care to resent it on their Behalf. The U. S. must then build a Navy. They have or may have all the Materials in Plenty--But what will Ships of War avail them without Seamen? And Where will they find a Nursery for Seamen but in THE FISHERY? Adieu my dear Sir.

Your affectionate

TO HORATIO GATES.

[MS., Historical Society of Pennsylvania.]

BOSTON Oct 11TH 1781

MY DEAR SIR

Altho' I am at this Juncture much pressd with pub-lick Business, I will not omit writing a few Lines, to testify my sincere Regards for you--When I left you in Philadelphia last June, I regretted the disagreable Situation you was then in--deprivd of the Prospect of reaping fresh Laurels, when an active Campaign was expected. Whether a Court of Enquiry has yet been called, agreable to your Wishes, I know not. Till that is done, I say it without Flattery, our Country will lose the Assistance of one of its most able & faithful Servants.--We are at this Distance in great Uncertainty of every thing that happens Southward of New York. We hear of military Movements & naval Engagements, but not of their Events--Pray inform me of the Situation of publick Affairs, and of your own as far as you shall think proper. We hope, & are even sanguine in our Expectations of great & decisive Events in our favor--God grant we may not be disappointed! Doctor Gordon who kindly takes the Care of this Letter, is well acquainted with the Internal State of this Common Wealth--He knows my Mind, & will communicate to you, more than I can now do for Want of Leisure. Adieu, & believe me to be with the warmest Attachment----Your unalterd Friend

TO WILLIAM HEATH.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON Novr [21] 1781

SIR

The Bearer of this Letter Mr Edgar called on me the other Day with General Baylie of Vermont a Gentleman of undoubted Integrity & Attachment to the Cause of our Country & [who] has renderd himself very useful by the Intelligence he has obtaind from Canada since the Beginning of this War, & is well known to the Commander in Chief of our Armies. Genl Bay-lie earnestly wishes that Mr Edgar may be introducd to Head Quarters because he thinks from what he has to say it will appear that if two Gentlemen who are now Prisoners in Canada whose Names he will mention to you may be exchangd they will be able to make a full Discovery to you, of the Plan of union which he says is actually compleated between the Govr of Canada & the principal Leaders in Vermont. One of these Gentlemen General Baylie tells me he has long been acquainted with & confides in. It is possible you may be already sufficiently acquainted with this Matter; & there may be a Scheme of Policy on our Side which has not come to my Knowledge. In this Uncertainty I hope I shall be excusd troubling you with this Letter.

Mr Edgar, according to his own Account was in the British Service on the Lakes in 1774, afterwards was at Detroit as a private Trader, when he renderd Services to Colo Clark as an Intelligencer, became suspected he was sent a Prisoner to Montreal where he lay in Irons nine Months, & after two years Imprisonment, he made an Escape.

After congratulating you on the Divine Blessing afforded to the Allied forces under the Direction of his Excy Genl Washington, I am &c

THE TOWN OF BOSTON TO THE SELECTMEN OF OTHER TOWNS.

[MS., Chamberlain Collection, Boston Public Library.]

GENTLEMEN

The Inhabitants of the Town of Boston legally assembled, have taken into Consideration a Matter which they conceive all the other Maritime Towns in this & the Neighboring States are equally, and some of them more nearly interested than they. It is the Subject of the Fishery, and the great Importance of a Common Right therein being secured to the United States, whenever a Treaty of Peace shall be concluded. To flatter our selves with so happy a Prospect, so far as to neglect the necessary Preparations for another vigorous Campaign, would indeed be unbecoming the Wisdom of Americans; and yet, so important has been the Success of the allied Arms, the last year, that it would seem to be Madness in the Extreme for Britain any longer to persist in her unrighteous Claims. But Wisdom has forsaken her Councils.

We ought to presume, that the supreme Representative of these States will have an equal Regard in so momentuous a Crisis to the Rights of each Individual. We would not suggest the Contrary. But, may it not be supposd, that Persons whose Situation is remote from the Fishery, and who derive Advantages from it in its more distant Effects & not directly perceivable, are probably not so attentive to its unspeakeable Importance, as others who are immediately concernd, & depend upon it as the only Source of their Commerce & even their Subsistence? If this should be the Fact, Would not States so immediately interested in the Fishery as ours, be justly criminated by the others, if we should neglect seasonably to lay before them our own Sense of the Necessity of an express Article in a Treaty of Peace for its Security? Should we not be wanting to our selves in a most essential Point, & be chargeable by all Posterity, with sacrificing our and their invalueable Rights by unpardonable Carelessness? Such is the Sentiment of this Town. And though we would be far from obtruding this or any Sentiment of ours upon others, we cannot but think our selves justifyable in candidly recommending it to their serious Deliberation.

This Town have judgd it necessary to instruct their Representatives in the General Court on the Subject. The instructions are inclosd. Many other and cogent Reasons might have been urgd, & will undoubtedly be made Use of by you, if you shall think it proper to take the Matter into your Consideration. Should we be so fortunate as to have your full Concurrence in Opinion with us, we assure our selves that we shall be equally fortunate in the Aid we shall receive from your Concurrent Exertions.

In the Name & by Order of the Town of Boston1 in Meeting legally assembled December 14 1781.

1 Signed, in the original as published, by William Cooper, Town Clerk. This letter and the instructions of the town of December 11, 1781, were printed in a pamphlet of three pages. A copy is in the Boston Public Library.

TO JOHN ADAMS.1

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON 18 Decr 1781

MY DEAR SIR

I have already written to you this Day by the Marquis de Lafayette. This passes thro the Hands of Count de Noailles, whom you did me the Honor to introduce to me. I duly acknowledgd the Receipt of your Favor which he brought me; but the LOSS of my Letter was attended with an infinitely greater, that of Collo Palfrey. I wrote to you largely by him.

The Son in Law of one of our good Friends has lately arrivd here from England, which gives great Disgust to more Persons than his near Relations conceive of. On his Arrival, the Governor & Council directed him to state his Reasons for going to England and returning hither without the Leave of Government. He stated his Reasons; which in general were to render Service to the United States, particularly by removing the Ideas which the British Minister had conceivd of the Attachment of nine tenths of the Americans to that Government, and their Wishes to return to it. However frivolous this may appear to others, his nearest Friends speak of it, can you believe me, in a high Tone, and Mr ---- told me that Mr ------ was happy in being conscious not only of Innocence, but of great Merit.2--Those who hope for a Change of Person in our first Magistrate next Spring will be much embarrassd by this Circumstance. Adieu my Friend.

1 Addressed to Adams at Amsterdam.

2 The draft at this point has the words. "the Affair is in the Hands of the Attourney General by the Direction of the Govr & Council."

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON Decr 19 1781

MY DEAR SIR

The Marquis La Fayette is so obliging as to take the Care of this Letter, which, for the sake of him, the Count de Noailles and others our french Friends who take Passage with him in the Alliance, I hope will arrive safely. In the same Conveyance is a Packett intended for you from Congress, by which you will doubtless he informd of what has been doing there. It is six Months since I left Philadelphia; you cannot therefore expect I should give you any of the Intelligence of that City. I presume Mr L1 makes known to you every thing interesting. I wrote to you frequently while I was there, but suppose all my Letters miscarried, as well as yours if you have written to me; for I have not receivd one for many Months. I except your favor by the Sieur de la Etombe, to whom I pay great Attention, both on Account of your Recommendation & his Merit. I give you Credit for a Packett of Gazzettes lately receivd, because I knew the Direction on the Cover to be your hand writing.

Matters go on here just as you would expect from your knowledge of the People. Zealous in the great Cause, they hesitate at no Labor or Expence for its Support. Anxious to have a Code of Laws for the internal Government, adapted to the Spirit of their new Constitution with which they continue to be highly pleasd, the General Court have appointed the supreme Judges with Mr Bowdoin who is at present at perfect Leisure, to revise the Laws and report necessary or proper Amendments. The two great Vacancies in the offices of President & Professor of Mathematicks &c in our University are filled with Gentlemen of Learning & excellent Characters, the Revd Mr Willard of Beverly & the Revd Mr Williams. The Academy of Arts & Sciences is in a flourishing Way. A new Society is incorporated by the Name of the Medical Society. And this Metropolis has lately appointed a Committee, to consider the present Arrangement of the Schools & what further Improvements may be made, in which the better Education of female Children is designd to be comprehended. All these things I know are pleasing to you. Our People treat Foreigners of Merit who come among them, with good Humour & Civility, being desirous of adopting the virtuous Manners of others, and ingrafting them into our Stock. Laudable Examples on their side & ours will be productive of mutual Benefits. Indeed the Men of Influence must form the Manners of the People. They can operate more towards cultivating the Principles & fixing the Habits of Virtue than all the Force of Laws. This I think is verified in the Experience of the World; & should induce those People who exercise the Right of electing their own Rulers, to be circumspect in making their Choice. You are well enough acquainted with the Character of our first Magistrate to judge what Effects his Influence will have upon Manners.

Inclosd are some of the Proceedings of a late Town Meeting,2 which I send to you as a private Citizen for your mere information. The Meeting was called in Consequence of a Letter receivd by our Selectmen from Marblehead, in which it was proposd that the Subject should be considerd in a Convention of the Maritime Towns. But this Town judgd it more proper to lay the Matter before the General Court, and have accordingly instructed their Representatives & recommended it to the others to take the same Method. They could not think it becoming in them to write to you (tho a fellow Citizen) on a Subject which concerns the American Republick. They have an entire Confidence in your Attachment to the Interest of the United States & of this which makes an essential Part of it.

The Count de Noailles tells me he has a Letter for you from your Family. Please to pay my due Regards to Mr Dana Mr Th----3 &c. I rejoyce to hear of the Welfare of one of your Sons, whom we had almost given up for lost. Mrs Adams sends Compliments Miss has changed her Name & left her Fathers House.

Your affectionate,

1 Laurens.

2 Boston Record Commissioners' Report, vol. xxvi., p. 214.

3 John Thaxter, private secretary to John Adams.

1782

TO ALEXANDER McDOUGALL.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON May 13 1782.

MY DEAR SIR

Your Favors of 10th Decr & 7th Feb last were severally deliverd to me by Major Gibbs & Dr Town-send. I am sometimes obligd to apologize for omitting to answer Letters in Season. You, I am perswaded, will be ready to believe that necessary Avocations have prevented my writing to you, for there can be no Doubt in your Mind, of the Sincerity of my Professions of Esteem & Friendship. The Present you sent me by Major Gibbs gratified me exceedingly. I intend to transmit it to my Posterity, as a Specimen of Spartan Frugality in an American General Officer. The Citizen & the Soldier are called to the Exercise of Self Denial and Patience, and to make the utmost Exertions in Support of the great Cause we are engagd in. Providence has highly honord our Patriots & Heroes in calling them into Existence at a Time when there is an Object worthy their Views. The Romans fought for Empire. The Pride of that haughty People was to domineer over the rest of Mankind. But this is not our Object. We contend for the Liberty of our Country and the Rights of human Nature. We hope to succeed in so righteous a Contest; and it is our Duty to acquire such Habits, and to cultivate in those who are to come after us such Principles and Manners as will perpetuate to our Country the Blessings which are purchasd with our Toils and Dangers.

I have been expecting your Confidential Letters under the Signature you proposd. Pray let me hear of the Event of the Court Martial, and as many particulars as are expedient--Complts to your Lady.

Adieu.

TO JOHN LOWELL.

[Historical Magazine, 1st ser., vol. i., pp. 260, 261.]

BOSTON, May 15th, 1782.

MY DEAR SIR,--

The General Court was prorogu'd Friday, the tenth instant, previous to which on the same day the Govr sent the Impost Bill to the house of Representatives with his objections and reasons against it stated in form. The house conceiving that the five days to which he was limited by the Constitution, had expired the preceding day, sent it back to him without reading the objections, as being in their opinion to all intent and purposes a law. It seems the bill had been sent to the Governor on Saturday. He excludes Sunday from the 5 days, in which the House differ in opinion. This matter of difference which arises from an incidental circumstance, would have been avoided if his Excellency had thought it convenient to have sent the bill to the House a day sooner. It is a subject of speculation among the political casuists. But how will it affect the great public for whose benefit it was intended? If the bill has become a law, how will it operate? What will be the opinion of Congress concerning it under its present circumstances? I wish to hear from you by return of this post.

Yesterday, this town made choice of the same gentlemen to represent them in the G. C. who had served them the last year, except that Mr. Lord1 is chosen in the room of Mr. Davis.2 No one doubts my personal regard for Mr. L., but I think it may be highly dangerous, and attended with very ill effects, to admit an undue influence of the Superintendent of Finance into the general assemblies of these states, and therefore could not help mentioning my objections, to such of the inhabitants as I had an opportunity of conversing with, against his agent's being chosen a member of ours. The post is just going.

Your affectionate,

1 The town records appear to indicate that John Rowe should have been named in this connection.

2 Caleb Davis; cf. page 253.

TO JOHN LOWELL.

[Historical Magazine, 1st ser., vol. i., p. 261.]

BOSTON, June 4th, 1782.

MY DEAR SIR,--

Last week the House of Representatives directed the attendance of the Secretary, and enquired of him whether he had forwarded the Impost Act to Congress. He answered he had not seen it since he left it on their table, in the last session. The House then sent a message to the Governor to the same purpose.

He returned a message acquainting them that he conceived the bill in the same light he had before, and could not send it to Congress as a law, or to that effect; adding, that if the House would signify their desire of having it, the Secretary would be directed to lay it before them. The House stated the matter, and sent it to the Senate with the Governor's message and a vote to join a committee to consider them, and the Senate concurred; the result of which is that the two houses have resolved, that the Governor did not return the bill to the late House of Representatives, where it had originated, within five days after it was presented to him by the late General Court, and therefore that it had passed all the forms prescribed by the Constitution to constitute it a law of the Commonwealth. What the next step will be, may, I think, be easily foreseen, that those who are against the law upon principle, or those who would wish to gratify the Govr, will move for a repeal of it, and have a new bill brought in. But it is difficult for me to conceive how a bill can be framed which will remove his doubts, and answer the end of Congress. You remember that matter was once tried. I must break off abruptly.

Your affectionate,

TO ARTHUR LEE.

[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 229, 230.1]

BOSTON, Nov. 21st, 1782.

MY DEAR SIR,--In the late session of our general court, and in the hurry of important business, a petition was presented signed William Burgess, praying to be naturalized. This gentleman very lately arrived from England, by way of Holland. The senate declined sustaining his petition, and gave him leave to withdraw it. A few days after, an authenticated resolution of congress came to hand, recommending it to the states not to admit any British subject whatever. Yet this man has had interest enough to prevail on the assembly to permit him to go to congress, to have it decided there whether he comes within the meaning of their resolution, because his arrival here was prior to the reception of the resolution by this government. If it should be thought there was in this instance a want of attention, it must be imputed to the circumstance I first mentioned. The general court had before directed his departure from the state; requesting the governor however, to allow him convenient time to prepare for his voyage, which appeared to me a sufficient indulgence. Some of our good citizens are disgusted at the favour shown to Mr. B. They say that being a partner with Messrs. Champion and Dickinson, the latter of whom is reported to have been always inimical to America by his residence here, he will probably be instrumental in the importation of as many English goods as he will be able to vend; or in other words, that the new house in Boston will be nearly if not quite as convenient in the time of war, as the old house in London was in time of peace. Whether there will be any danger, congress will judge. Jealousy is a necessary political virtue, especially in times like these. Such a plan would gratify those among us who are still hankering after the onions of Egypt, and would sacrifice our great cause to the desire of gain. What need is there of our admitting (to use the language of congress) any British subject whatever? Congress surely had some good reason when they so earnestly cautioned us against it. Our citizens are in more danger of being seduced by art, than subjugated by arms. I give you this notice that you may have an opportunity of conversing on the subject in your patriotic circles (if you think it worth while) in season. Mr. B. will set off next week in company with one of our new delegates, who I am satisfied will favour his cause. My friendly regards to Dr. Shippen, and my old friends in congress, if any such are there. Adieu.

Believe me to be very affectionately your friend,

1 A short note to Lee, also dated November 21, is in Ibid., p. 231.

TO ARTHUR LEE.

[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 231, 232.]

BOSTON, Dec 2d, 1782.

MY DEAR SIR,--A friend of mine to whom I give entire credit, who lived many years in Canada, and was well acquainted with the bearer of this letter, requests me to introduce him to you. After a long confinement in prison in Quebec, where he was used with great severity, he found means to make his escape, and came to this town. He is a Frenchman by birth, and was a very respectable merchant in Canada. When the attempt was made to gain that country in 1775, he privately aided our forces; the suspicion of which rendered him obnoxious to the British government, and was the real cause of his suffering. He will inform you of the state and circumstances of British affairs there, and will tell you it is an easy thing to unite that province with these states. Possibly he may be influenced in some degree by a just resentment of the ill-treatment he has received; but other intelligent persons acquainted with the people of Canada, have zealously affirmed the same to me. If it be so, it is hoped that a favourable opportunity to effect it will be embraced, if any such should offer. I need not hint to you the importance of that object. Adieu,

Your friend,

1783

TO ARTHUR LEE.

[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 232-234, a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON, Feb. 10th, 1783.

MY DEAR SIR,--It is a long time since I had the pleasure of a letter from you. I hope you have not struck my name from the list of your correspondents. Mr. Stephen Higginson, who will deliver you this letter, is appointed a delegate of this state. He is a sensible and very worthy man, and I think entertains sentiments like yours. I am persuaded you will find him a valuable member, if his great modesty and diffidence of himself will allow him to step forward as far as his good understanding would lead him.

I feel myself constrained to mention to you the present situation of Capt. Landais, though not at his request, or the smallest intimation from him. He resides in this town, and sometimes calls to see me. As he appears to be an injured man, I wish that justice may be done to him; and I am the more solicitous about it, as I was, with your worthy brother Mr. R. H. instrumental in his first appointment in the American navy. Congress granted him 12,000 livres as a compensation for services he had performed, and ordered that he should be paid by Dr. F. in France; but for some reason which is or ought to be known, he has never received that sum. Much the greater part of his wages as commander of the Alliance remains unpaid. A large sum due to him for prize-money is stopped in the hands of some person or persons in France; which indeed is too common a complaint among those continental officers and seamen who have carried prizes into ports in Europe. He made a journey to Philadelphia to obtain a settlement of his accounts, and was offered by Mr M.1 three months' pay, and a certificate for the balance, which he would not accept, because he really wanted the whole of his wages to supply him with the necessaries of life. I am sure that your own feelings of justice and humanity will plead an excuse for my troubling you with this detail. Perhaps his court-martial, by whose decree he was broken, were too severe. If his conduct in his last passage from France was blameable was not his mind to the greatest degree irritated by the treatment he met with there? and should not reasonable allowances have been made? He thinks it was an unrighteous decree. He may judge partially; I know nothing of the matter. If it was, is not the wound given to his honour sufficiently severe? But even if it was just, should not a discarded officer be immediately paid? Should not congress demand the reason why the prize-money has not been paid to those to whom it has been long due? Complaints of this kind have to my knowledge spread from Philadelphia to Boston. I am concerned for the honour of congress. These complaints may appear of little consequence; but I am afraid if they continue unattended to, they will cast a dark shade over the public character. The state of Landais' affairs will appear in his own memorial to congress, which was rejected, and perhaps may be on the files. You will oblige me if you will interest yourself (if leisure will admit of it) as far as you may think just, in his favour.

I have been applied to by some of the inhabitants of the island of Nantucket, and have promised them to write to my friend respecting the whale fishery. These people have been usually employed in that branch of business chiefly. They have greatly reduced the number of their vessels, since the commencement of the war, by which means they say they are reduced to great distress and wish for some indulgence from congress. Whether this can be consistently granted, and in what manner, you will judge. The delegates of this state, I believe, can inform you more particularly of this matter. You are sensible of the absolute dependence of this state upon the fishery for its trade, and how great an advantage will accrue from it to the United States, if they intend ever to have a navy. I hope our peacemakers are instructed by all means to secure a common right in it.

My respects to the Hon. Mr. Izard, if at Philadelphia, and other friends. Adieu, and believe me very affectionately yours,

1 Morns.

TO THE SELECTMEN OF BOSTON.

[MS., Chamberlain Collection, Boston Public Library.]

MARCH 10 1783

GENTLEMEN

Having been just now made acquainted by your Messenger that the Freeholders and Inhabitants of Boston assembled in Town Meeting,1 have chosen me their Moderator, I beg the Favor of you to inform them, that I esteem my self greatly honourd by their Choice; but my Engagements in the Senate, which it is not in my Power to dispense with, lay me under a Necessity of praying that I may be excusd by the Town.----

With the warmest Wishes for their Prosperity, I am

Gentlemen

Your obedient hbl Servt

1 Boston Record Commissioners' Report, vol. xxvi., p. 292.

TO ARTHUR LEE.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON Apr 21 1783

DR SR

I am indebted to you for several Letters which I have not acknowledged. The Anecdote you gave me in one of them relating to a Mr Mercer & Colo Griffin in Virginia was very diverting to me. The People in this part of the Continent would never have fixed upon the Names of La Le or A1 to hold up to a publick Assembly as the Heads of a British Interest in America. It would not have been sooner believed here than another Story I have heard, that a certain french Politician of Consideration in America had expressd his high Displeasure with Mr S A for stiring up his Countrymen to attend to the Importance of our retaining a Common Right to the Newfd Ld fishery. Many wonderful Tales are & will be told, some of which a Sight of the secret Journals of Congress would unravel. I think the sooner those Journals are publishd the better. The People at large ought to know what that illustrious Body has been doing for them and the Part each Member has acted. We are now at Peace, God be thanked, with all the World--and I hope we shall never intermeddle with the Quarrels of other Nations. Let the U S continue in peace & Union, & in order to this Let them do Justice to each other. Let there be no longer secret Journals or secret Comtees. Let the Debates in Congress be open and the whole of their transactions publishd weekly--this will tend to the speedy rectifying Mistakes & preserving mutual Confidence between the People & their Representatives. And let Care be taken to prevent Factions in America, foreign or domestick.

Will you suffer me to recommend to you my good friends & excellent fellow Citizens Mr Appleton the Bearer of this Letter & his fellow Traveller Mr Wendel. My Regards.

Adieu.

1 Laurens, Lee, Adams.

TO BENJAMIN LINCOLN.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON May 1 1783

MY DEAR SIR

Collo John Allan will deliver you this Letter. This Gentleman soon after the Commencement of the late Hostilities, left his Connections in Nova Scotia which were respectable there & took a decided part with us against Great Britain. In the Winter of 77 Congress appointed him Superintendent or Agent for the Indians in Nova Scotia & the Tribes to the Northward & Eastward thereof, with a Salary of 900 Dollars p Annum, & afterwards requested this State to furnish him from time to time with needful Supplies. The State raised an Artillery Company for the Defence of the Post of Machias & gave him the Command with a Cols Commission. Congress in Feb 81 if I mistake not, empowerd our supreme Executive to enlarge that Compy to the Number of 65, officers included, & to officer the same with the express Nomination of Colo Allan to the Command. This Compy was by the Resolve to be raisd cloathed subsisted & paid as other officers & Soldiers of the US. I believe Colo A has executed the trusts reposed in him with Fidelity & to the Advantage of the Publick. As this State has supplied him at the Expence of the U S, I suppose that his Accots which remain to be settled, will as his former Accts have been, be settled in the first Instance by our Assembly when it meets. He takes the Oppty in the Interval (the War being finishd) to wait on Congress for their further Direction. Your Notice of him & Care that he may receive such Emoluments as he may be intitled to as an officer will oblige me. I think he has too much Republican Pride to expect more than is reasonable from Congress, & he is too much the Gentleman to be troublesome to you. I write this without his knowledge.

Another calls upon me. You will think me a Man of Importance! But this is one of my Days of Business. Is it not strange that an officer of the American Army should apply to the Friendship of one whom they have been led to look upon as their Enemy? But--I am informd that Colo Badlam was among the first who flew to Arms, that he has sustained the Character of a meritorious officer. If he has been unfortunate rather than faulty or if guilty of a Fault it was attended with Circumstances very alleviating why should an officer of Merit at the very close of the War be deprivd of the Benefits which are allotted to others? I think I know your feelings for that officer and perhaps your private Judgment of his Case from your Letter to him which I have seen. What Advantage can he expect from an Application to this State? Would not a Recommendation to Congress from Head Quarters in his favor answer a much better Purpose? This is only a Hint to you. Perhaps I am out of my Line. I will conclude this Epistle with congratulating you most heartily on the return of Peace with Liberty and Independence & assuring you that I am affectionately

Yours

TO HORATIO GATES.

[MS., Emmet Collection, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON May 2 1783

MY DEAR SIR

Our Friend Colo John Allan takes the Care of this Letter and will deliver it to you. The War being finishd, he is going to Philadelphia to receive such Directions as Congress shall think proper to give to him. You remember he was appointed in 77, Agent of the St Johns & Nova Scotia Indians, and he has since commanded an Artillery Company raised by this State for the Defence of the Post at Machias, adopted by Congress in Feb. 81 and cloathd subsisted & paid as other Officers & Soldiers of the United States. He has I doubt not, executed the Trusts reposed in him with Fidelity, and I think is entitled to the Emoluments given to Officers of his Rank. I have given him a Letter to the Secretary at War &c.

Your Recommendation first gaind him the Confidence of Congress and your repeated Favor will still be a substantial Advantage to him.

I most heartily congratulate you on the Return of Peace with Liberty & Independence.--Blessings for which Patriots have toiled & Heroes fought & bled. Our Country may now be happy if she is not wanting to her self. We have done our Duty. Future Generations can never curse the present for carelessly surrendering their Rights.

I beg you, my Friend, not to impute my long Silence to a faulty Cause. If you believe me to be a Man of Truth, be assured that I have constantly participated with you in good & ill Fortune. I shall ever rejoice that you was honord by Providence, in captivating Burgoyne & his whole Army--An Event which wrought the most happy Change in the Face of our Affairs in Europe, and which alone, in Spite of Envy, will give you a brilliant Page in History.

Mr Yancey is gone to South Carolina. I have written by him to my old Patriotick friend Gadsden and the stronger to enforce my Recommendation of Mr Yancey have mentiond him as one whom you regard.

Oblige me with your Letters for I am sincerely and affectionately

Your Friend

& very humble Servant,

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.1

[J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 408-410; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON, Sept. 9, 1783.

MY DEAR SIR,

This is the first letter I have been able to write since I had the pleasure of seeing you, excepting a short one to our delegates, informing them that the general court had appointed a committee to correspond with them. Mr. Appleton and Mr. Rowe are my colleagues in this business. The correspondence is to be very extensive. "Any other important matter which relates to the being and welfare of the United States!" My bodily illness has prevented my engaging in it. I wish the delegates would begin. The welfare, and perhaps the being of the United States, in my opinion, depends much upon congress possessing the confidence of the people at large; that upon the administration of public affairs being manifestly grounded upon principles of equality and justice, or upon the people being assured that congress merit their confidence. The war is now over, and the people turn their eyes to the disposition of their money, a subject, which I hope congress will always have so clear a knowledge of, as to be able at any time to satisfy the rational enquiries of the people. To prevent groundless jealousies, it seems necessary not only that the principal in that department should himself be immaculate, but that care should be taken that no persons be admitted to his confidence but such as have the entire confidence of the people. Should a suspicion prevail that our high treasurer suffers men of bad principles or of no principles to be about him and employed by him, the fidelity of congress itself would be suspected, and a total loss of confidence would follow. I am much concerned for the reputation of congress, and have laboured to support it because that body is and must be the cement of the union of the states. I hope, therefore, they will always make it evident to reasonable men that their administration merits the public applause. Will they be able to do this, if they should cease to be very watchful over men whom they trust in great departments, especially those who have the disposition of the public moneys? Power will follow the possession of money, even when it is known that it is not the possessor's property. So fascinating are riches in the eyes of mankind! Were our financier, I was going to say, even an angel from heaven, I hope he will never have so much influence as to gain the ascendency over congress, which the first lord of the treasury has long had over the parliament of Britain; long enough to effect the ruin of that nation. These are the fears which I expressed in congress when the department was first instituted. I was told, that the breath of congress could annihilate the financier; but I replied, that the time might come, and if they were not careful it certainly would, when even congress would not dare to blow that breath. Whether these fears are the mere creatures of the imagination you will judge.

My regards to Dr. Holten and Mr. Higgenson, if he is still in Congress. Pray write to me often.

Adieu.

1 For a facsimile note by Adams to Gerry, dated September 11, 1783, see Brotherhead, Signers of the Declaration of Independence (1872), p. 172.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; the text is also in John Adams, Works, vol. ix., pp. 519-521.]

BOSTON Novr 4 1783.

MY DEAR SIR

Colo John Trumbull, the Son of the worthy Governor of Connecticutt is the Bearer of this Letter. I give the Governor this Epithet, because I think his faithful Services to our Country entitle him to it. Yet even he has undergone the Suspicions of some, unsupported by any solid Reasons that I have heard of. We live in an Age of Jealousy, and it is well enough. I was led to believe in early Life, that Jealousy is a political Virtue. It has long been an Aphorism with me, that it is one of the greatest Securities of publick Liberty. Let the People keep a watchful Eye over the Conduct of their Rulers; for we are told that Great Men are not at all times wise. It would be indeed a Wonder if in any Age or Country they were always honest. There are however some Men among us, who under the Guise of watchful Patriots, are finding Fault with every publick Measure, with a Design to destroy that just Confidence in Government, which is necessary for the Support of those Liberties which we have so dearly purchas'd. Many of your Countrymen besides myself, feel very grateful to you and those of our Negociators who joyned you, in preventing the Tory Refugees from being obtruded upon us. These would certainly have increasd the Number of such Kind of Patriots as I have mentiond, and besides, their Return would have been attended with other mischievous Effects. Mutual Hatred and Revenge would have occasiond perpetual Quarrels between them & the people & perhaps frequent Bloodshed. Some of them, by Art and Address might gradually recover a Character & in time an Influence, and so become the fittest Instruments in forming Factions either for one foreign Nation or another. We may be in Danger of such Factions, and should prudently expect them. One might venture to predict that they will sooner or later happen. We should therefore guard against the evil Effects of them. I deprecate the most favord Nation predominating in the Councils of America, for I do not believe there is a Nation on Earth that wishes we should be more free or more powerful than is consistent with their Ideas of their own Interest. Such a disinterested Spirit is not to be found in National Bodies; The World would be more happy if it prevaild more in individual Persons. I will say it for my Countrymen, they are, or seem to be, very grateful. All are ready freely to acknowledge our Obligations to France for the Part she took in our late Contest. There are a few who consider the Advantage derivd to her, by a total Seperation of Britain & the Colonies, which so sagacious a Court doubtless foresaw & probably never lost Sight of. This Advantage was so glaring in the first Stages of our Controversy, that those who then ran the Risque of exciting even an Appeal to Heaven rather than a Submission to British tyranny, were well perswaded that the Prospect of such a Seperation would induce France to interpose, and do more than she has done if necessary. America with the Assistance of her faithful Ally has secured and establishd her Liberty & Independence. God be praisd! And some would think it too bold to assert, that France has thereby saved the Being of her great Importance.--But if it be true why may we not assert it? A punctual Fulfillment of Engagements solemnly enterd into by Treaty is the Justice, the Honor & Policy of Nations. If we, who have contracted Debts, were influenced only by Motives of sound Policy, we should pay them as soon as possible & provide sure & adequate Funds for the Payment of Interest in the mean time. When we have done this we shall have the Sense of Independence impressd on our Minds, no longer feeling that State of Inferiority which a wise King tells us the Borrower stands in to the Lender.

Your Negociation with Holland, as "my old Friend" observd, is all your own. The faithful Historian will do Justice to your Merits--Perhaps not till you are dead. I would have you reconcile yourself to this Thought. While you live you will probably be the Object of Envy. The leading Characters in this great Revolution will not be fairly marked in the present Age, It will be well if the leading Principles are rememberd long. You, I am sure, have not the Vanity, which Cicero betrayed, when he even urged his Friend Licinius to publish the History of the Detection of Cataline in his Life Time that he might enjoy it. I am far from thinking that Part of History redounds so much to the Honor of the Roman Consul, as the Treaty of Holland does to its American Negociator.

Decr 4th I intended to have committed the Care of the foregoing Letter to Mr Trumbull, but when he called on me I was confind to my Chamber by severe bodily Indisposition unable to attend even to the lightest Business. I am still kept at home, but hope soon to be abroad. Mr Jonn Jackson will deliver this to you if he meets you in London, otherwise he will convey it by some safe hand. When I shall be certain of your being appointed for London, I will write to you as often as I can. May Heaven bless you My Friend as I am

affectionately yours

1784

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy.]

BOSTON Feb 4 1784

MY DEAR SIR/

I had laid up in my mind many things to say to you, but an hours notice only of this opportunity and the hurry of business in the General Court now sitting prevents my communicating them to you at present. The Son of Mr Nathl Appleton will deliver to you this short epistle; written for the sake of recommending him to your notice. He is a young gentleman lately enterd into Business in the Commercial line. My Affection for a young fellow Citizen, and Regard for his Father an intimate friend & a Member of the old committee of Correspondence of this town are strong Inducements to me to take this method of availing the Son of your Advice & Patronage. I wrote to you the 4 Decr by Mr Jonathan Jackson & will write again by the next opportunity. Your Family was well a few Days ago. You will doubtless have heard, before this will reach you, of the Death of our good Friend Dr Cooper.

Adieu

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON Feb 25 1784

MY DEAR SIR

When a Committee was appointed by the G C1 to correspond with the Delegates in Congress for this C W2 I proposd that the Correspondence shd be carried on in a liberal Manner; but it was apprehended that the Sentiments of the G C might be mistaken by the Come & the Delegates thereby misled & so the Idea was drop'd & nothing material was left for the Court to do but to forward such Letters or papers as shd be from time to time orderd by the Court. Had the Come pursued the first proposal, I could have had no Share in the Correspondence having been exceedingly sick the greatest part of the Time from June to January. This I hope will apologize for my not having written to you & my other Friends in Congress; which I mention because, not receiving your favors, I have been affraid you imputed my Omission to Neglect. In the September Session the Court thought fit to direct the Delegates officially to write to the Govr once a fortnight which of Course dissolved the Corresponding Come, & since that time no Letters from the Delegates have been laid before the G C.

Your Letter of Sept 11 directed to the Come was through mere forgetfulness omitted to be communicated in Season. This was attributed by some Persons of illiberal Minds & Party Spirit to an abominable Design to withhold from the Court the Sentiments of the Delegates respecting the Expediency of refusing to yield Supplys to the Continental Treasury till Justice should be done us with Regard to the Old money now in our publick Treasury & private hands. I could not help diverting my self with the Ebullitions of apparent Zeal for the publick Good on this Occasion, and upon its being said by a Gentn in Senate that it was the Subject of warm Conversation among the people without Doors I observed the Clamour wd undoubtedly subside on the Afternoon of the first Monday in April next. Your Letter has since been very prudently published by an unknown Person in Edes' Paper.

Inclosd is a Letter to your Self from Colo Scar Gridley. It seems he applied to this G C some time ago for Depretion of his pay while in the Service, upon which the Govr was requested to write to G W to make known to him the Rank held by Mr Gridley & . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .but the Letter has never been written. I advisd him to write you on the Subject, & hope you will excuse my giving you the Trouble. As you are now near the Place of Residence of General Washington, perhaps it may not be inconvenient to you to write to him, in doing which you will gratify & oblige Mr Gridley.

I shall esteem a Letter from you one of the greatest favors being your very affectionate Friend,

1 General Court.

2 Commonwealth.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft is in the Lenox Library.]

BOSTON April 16 1784

MY DEAR SIR

I have not receivd a Letter from you of a later Date than the 10th of Septr last. Extracts of yours to D G of the same Date have been handed about, with a View, as I conceivd, of giving the Sanction of your Opinion to that of others respecting the Tories. It is often inconvenient, perhaps unsafe, to trust ones Confidential Letters to indiscrete, however honest, Friends. Detachd Parts of them being given out, they may be made to bear a different Construction from what was intended, and answer the Purpose of interrested & designing Men. When the Recommendations of Congress in Pursuance of the 5th Article of the Treaty were receivd here, they were treated with great Decency & very seriously considerd. They were construed differently by Men of Sense, who were above the Influence of old Prejudices or of Party or Family Connections. This Difference, I supposed, was owing to certain Ambiguities in the Treaty, which I afterwards found had been acknowledgd in a joynt Letter to Congress of the 18th July, in which it appeard that our Negociators had studiously avoided any Expressions in the Articles of the Treaty which shd amount to absolute Stipulations in Favor of the Tories. From the first Sight I had of the Articles, I have been of opinion that no such Construction could fairly be put upon them, but that it would finally lie with the several Legislatures of the States, how far it would be proper to show Lenity to them, and I was happy in being confirmd in this Opinion by an Expression in your joynt Letter to Congress Septr 10th--"it is much to be wishd that the Legislators may not involve all the Tories in Banishment and Ruin, but that such Discrimination may be made as to intitle the Decisions to the Approbation of disinterested Men and dispassionate Posterity." In this View I early inculcated Moderation and Liberality towards them, as far as could be consistent with that leading Principle of Nature which ought to govern Nations as it does Individuals, Self Preservation. I cannot think that all can be admitted consistently with the Safety of the Commonwealth. I gave you my Reasons in my Letter of Nov. 4th. Nor can I believe you intended to be understood universally in your private Letter above referrd to. Some of them would be useful & good Citizens; others, I believe highly dangerous. Our Act passed in the late Session of the General Court declares them all Aliens, and excludes those of them who in a former Act were called Conspirators from residing among us. It restores the Estates of others which have not been confiscated and refers their coming to reside within the Commonwealth in the first Instance to the Governor with Advice of Council. The Licenses he may give are to be valid if approvd of by the General Court at the Session next after such License shall be given. It is thought that this will be a difficult Task for the Governor & Council, but a constant Attention to the publick Safety without Respect to Persons will prevent Difficulties. "Much, says your joynt Letter, will depend upon our Negociations with England." The sooner a Commercial Treaty is settled with that Nation the better, as it appears to me. Our General Court, in the late Session, thought of making Retaliation on England for her prohibiting Importations from America into her West India Islands but in British Bottoms. They were sensible of the Difficulty in the Way of the United States coming into general Regulations of this Kind, & have written to their Delegates on the Subject. Should the States agree to give Congress a more extensive Power, it may yet be a great while before it is compleated; and Britain in the mean time seeing our Trade daily reverting to its old Channel, may think it needless and impolitick to enter into express Stipulations in favor of any Part of it while she promises her self the whole without them.