Chapter VIII: Front Matter (8)

I have written several Letters to you & Mr D1 since the 28th of June when I last arrivd in this City. I think I committed one to the Care of our Friend Mr Laurens, who is unfortunately carried to England. Mr Palfrey, who is the Bearer of this, is appointed Consul in France; and besides his Consular Functions, he has it in charge to forward such Cloathing Arms &c as are or may be procured there for the Use of our Troops. Great Exertions have been made the year past, in which old Massachusetts has borne her full Share, to be in Readiness to cooperate with our Ally, in an Attempt to give our Invaders a decisive Blow. But the second Division of the french Squadron being blockd up in Brest, & a Reinforcement to the Enemy arriving from the West Indies, they have had the Superiority at Sea. This was not our only Misfortune; for had the whole naval Force arrivd which we expected, I am inclind to believe we should have faild for Want of a Sufficiency of Powder. By an unpardonable Neglect in somebody, that essential Article was not sent, as it ought to have been, in Season. I have called it an unpardonable Neglect. It appears so to me. My Judgment, however, may be too severe. I confess, I feel much chagrind, while I think that any thing has been omitted which might have been done, to have finishd the War with a glorious Campaign. But Disappointments, tho vexatious, ought not to disconcert us. They do not. No Difficulties should discourage us in the Support of a Cause, so righteous in the Sight of Heaven as I believe ours to be, and so interresting to Mankind. Our Creator has given us Understanding, - Strength of Body and a Country full of Provisions. We must make a good Use of them, hoping that His blessing will crown our virtuous Struggle. He helps those who make proper Exertions to help themselves. Such Exertions are now making. The States are called upon for an Army of 35,000 Men; and from past Experience of the great Expence, as well as Inutility of temporary Drafts, they are resolvd to have a well appointed Army early in the Field & inlisted for the War. And effectual Measures are taken for the Purpose of providing Magazines in Season for its Subsistence. The People at large, as far as I can learn, are as determind as ever to support their Independence, & for that End to carry on the War with Vigor. If our Ally can furnish us with a decided naval Superiority, I think there will be the fairest Prospect of bringing this great Contest to a happy Conclusion the next year.--Altho' the Enemy have gaind the Possession of Charleston, they have not succeeded to their Wishes in that Quarter. They do not find the People so pliable as they flatterd themselves they should. Notwithstanding Cornwallis' boasting Letter to Lord George, of "a compleat Victory obtaind the 16th Instant by His Majesties Troops under my Command, over the rebel southern Army," that brave Army checkd the Progress of the Troops under his Command on the 16th of August; and the Militia have since, in several Instances, given him ample Proofs of a firm Attachment to the pub-lick Cause, as well as Bravery and Alertness which he did not expect, and which I believe have disconcerted their general Plan.--The Hands of those People, if not already, will very soon be taught to war & their Fingers to fight.

Arnolds Conspiracy was to have wrought Wonders, but gracious Heaven defeated it. We have so often seen in the Course of this Conflict, the remarkeable Interposition of divine Providence in our favor, as to convince me, that the Attempts of our Enemies to subdue us, will be but gnawing a File.

Your publick Letters have been well receivd. I have been favord with only two from you since you left Boston. One was deliverd to me by my worthy patriotick Friend Mr A Lee, & the other by the Count de Noailles, who lately spent a few Days in this City. He appears to be a most amiable young Nobleman, & I believe you have not said too much in the great Character you have given him. The very short time he stayed here & the Business I have been engagd in, prevented me the Honor, which I very much covetted, of conversing with him frequently.

Congress have appointed Colo John Laurens Envoy extraordinary at the Court of Versailes, & Mr Dana will be regularly informd that he is to go to Russia.

Before I conclude I must let you know, that the Ship which was set up in Massachusetts while you was there, and which, it was proposd, should be named, the Oceana,1 has since been compleatly finishd and is now afloat. Her Materials are acknowledgd to be of the best kind, & well put together. It is said she will make a prime Sailer if not too taunt masted. Others say, that the Construction of her Hull is such as to require a lofty Sail. There are many Speculations about her. As I am not a Judge in the Matter, I am prudently silent & hear the Opinions of those who are Connoisseurs. All agree that her Owners have much at Stake, & that it will be a very great Oversight in them if they should ever risque her with unskilfull or unprincipled Officers or Pilots.

My due Regards to Mr Dana, & be assured that I am very cordially his & your Friend.

1 The Massachusetts Constitution of 1780.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

PHILADELPHIA Decr 20 1780

MY DEAR SIR--

Mr Palfrey is just embarking, so I have only a few Moments to inform you, that I have this Morning been conversing with an old Man and an old Whig, who has all his Days been an Inhabitant of South Carolina & Georgia. He was taken Prisoner last Summer & carried to New York, from whence he lately came to this Place. And though his Fortune would enable him to live here at Ease, he thinks he can be useful to America by returning to that Part of it, and at the Age of 73 has undertaken the long Journey. He has always mixed with the People of those States, & is well acquainted with their Temper & Sentiments. He also has been much among the Indians & is greatly beloved by them. This Account I have had of him often from the Delegates of Georgia & others whom I can confide in. The old Gentleman tells me that the People of those States are in general firmly attachd to the American Cause, & most fervently deprecate their being finally seperated from the United States. His Soul was refreshd to hear me say that I did not apprehend any Danger of it--that the Idea would, in my Opinion, be abominated by the Eastern States, and, as far as I could judge, by all the rest. He says, that the Creeks & the Chictaws, which are the most numerous tribes of Indians, consisting of at least 8 perhaps 10 thousand Gun men, are our staunch Friends. The Heads of them have lately spoken to him in this Language, "We stand on the same Ground with you, we drink the same Water, breathe the same Air.. you are the Buds, & can there be Fruit if the Buds are nipped off?" These are forceable Words, which express their own Sense of the Necessity of their Union with us for their very Existence. They are a sagacious as well as a powerfull People, & an Alliance & Friendship with them is of Importance to all the United States. The People, of whatever Nation, who shall possess Georgia & South Carolina, will be, the Leaves of their Trees. It is my Opinion, that even a Thought of leaving the Inhabitants of those States to be subject to any foreign Power, who so gallantly defended themselves in the Beginning of this Contest, & have lately sufferd so much for the Sake of American Liberty, would not only be unjust to them, but in a high Degree impolitick.

In every view we see the Necessity of a sufficient Naval Force. A few Ships of War at the Bar of Charlestown, & a Frigate or two in Stone River, might at this time effect the Recovery of that City. I need not inform you, what an Effect the Sight of a Sixty Gun Ship would probably have at Penobscott.-- Do not our Enemies conceive the Idea of Uti possidetis? And can there be Peace in America while Britain holds a Foot of Ground in any Part of it?

Adieu.

TO JOHN SCOLLAY.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a portion of the text, with modifications, is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 114, 115.]

PHILADE Decr 30 1780

MY DEAR SIR

I receivd your favor of the 6th Instant, but not till the 25th. The Post has been very irregular of late, & our Letters grow old before we receive them. It is a Shame that the Mail has been catchd a second time in the same trap. I inclosd to you a Warrant on Mr Appleton for the Amount of your Demand for boarding the Orphans of our late Friend Genl Warren. I think I did not send the Letter by that Post. But being uncertain I informd you in a subsequent Letter of my having sent the Warrant, and desired you to inform me whether it had come safely to hand. I expect to hear from you in Answer to my last at least, & shall then conduct the Matter if necessary, as you have proposd.

Our Government, I perceive, is organizd on the Basis of the new Constitution. I am affraid there is more Pomp & Parade than is consistent with those sober Republican Principles, upon which the Framers of it thought they had founded it. Why should this new AEra be introducd with Entertainments expensive & tending to dissipate the Minds of the People? Does it become us to lead the People to such publick Diversions as promote Superfluity of Dress & Ornament, when it is as much as they can bear to support the Expense of cloathing a naked Army? Will Vanity & Levity ever be the Stability of Government, either in States, in Cities, or what, let me hint to you is of the last Importance, in Families? Of what Kind are those Manners, by which, as we are truly informd in a late Speech, "not only the freedom but the very Existence of Republicks is greatly affected?" HOW fruitless is it, to recommend "the adapting the Laws in the most perfect Manner possible, to the Suppression of Idleness Dissipation & Extravagancy," if such Recommendations are counteracted by the Example of Men of Religion, Influence & publick Station? I meant to consider this Subject in the View of the mere Citizen. But I have mentiond the sacred Word Religion. I confess, I am surprizd to hear, that some particular Persons have been so unguarded as to give their Countenance to such kind of Amusements. I wish Mr ---- would recollect his former Ideas when his Friend Whitfield thunderd in the Pulpit against Assemblies & Balls. I think he has disclaimd Diversions, in some Instances, which to me have always appeard innocent. Has he changd his Opinions, or has the Tendency of things alterd? Do certain Manners tend to quench the Spirit of Religion at one time & are they harmless at another? Are Morals so vague as to be sanctified or dispens'd with by the Authority of different Men? He does not believe this. But I will not be severe, for I love my Friend. Religion out of the Question for the present. It was asked in the Reign of Charles the 2d of England, HOW shall we turn the Minds of the People from an Attention to their Liberties? The Answer was, by making them extravagant, luxurious, effeminate. Hutchinson advisd the Abridgment of what our People called English Liberties, by the same Means. We shall never subdue them, said Bernard, but by eradicating their Manners & the Principles of their Education. Will the judicious Citizens of Boston be now caught in the Snare, which their artful, insidious Enemies, a few years ago laid for them in vain? Shall we ruin ourselves by the very means, which they pointed out in their Confidential Letters, tho even they did not dare openly to avow them? Pownal, who was indeed a mere Fribble, venturd to have his Riots & Routs at his own house, to please a few Boys & Girls. Sober People were disgusted at it, & his privy Councellors never thought it prudent to venture so far as expensive Balls. Our Bradfords, Winslows & Winthrops would have revolted at the Idea of opening Scenes of Dissipation & Folly; knowing them to be inconsistent with their great Design, in transplanting themselves into what they called this "Outside of the World." But I fear I shall say too much. I love the People of Boston. I once thought, that City would be the Christian Sparta. But Alas! Will men never be free! They will be free no longer than while they remain virtuous. Sidney tells us, there are times when People are not worth saving. Meaning, when they have lost their Virtue. I pray God, this may never be truly said of my beloved Town. Adieu. My Respects to Mrs Scollay & Family & believe me to be sincerely

Your Friend

If Mr B A 1 thinks a Question from me worth his answering, ask him whether he has lost some value-able Books which I have seen in his Library, the Works of our illustrious Forefathers.

1 Benjamin Austin.

1781

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[MS., Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society.]

PHILADE Jany 15th 1781

MY DEAR SIR

Your second Letter came to hand in due Season. My much Esteemed Friend Mr Arthur Lee will take the Charge of this. I will say to you as I have said to my Boston Friends, who are sollicitous to know what Treatment he meets with here. The more I have conversd with him, the more I have been confirmd in a good opinion of him, and lamented the Mistakes and Prejudices of some Men & the Wickedness of others. His Enemies, I think, dare not openly attack his Reputation or Conduct. But the Whispers of Envy & Malice, have sometimes Influence enough to prevent the Justice due to the virtuous Citizen. When this is the Case, it affords a Symptom of the Decay of publick Spirit, more threatning to the Liberties of a Common Wealth than Hosts of foreign Enemies. Monarchs have their Favorites who serve as Pimps on their honest Subjects. But Republicks should examine the Conduct of their Servants with an impartial Eye; and it discovers the Want of pub-lick Virtue, as much, to withhold their Smiles from the wise and good as to bestow them on the wicked & unfaithful. Mr Lee has as yet had neither Smiles nor Frowns. I am still in hopes, he will meet with the Rewards which I am sure he would have receivd if he had returnd a few years ago. He will have them, when the Trustees of the Publick shall have Fortitude enough, to be uninfluencd by great Names & Characters given to Men of base & depraved Minds. You will ask, when that will be. Perhaps not in this Age. But the Historian will in some future time draw forth the Proofs of his Patriotism, & unprejudicd Posterity will acknowledge that Arthur Lee has borne a great Share in defending & establishing the Liberties of America. I say Posterity; for I believe that a wiser Generation will enjoy the Fruits of the Toil of Patriots & Heroes in the present Day.

My Friend, we must not suffer any thing to discourage us in this great Conflict. Let us recur to first Principles without Delay. It is our Duty, to make every proper Exertion in our respective States to revive the old patriotick Feelings among the People at large, and to get the publick Departments, especially the most important of them, filled with Men of Understanding & inflexible Virtue. It would be indeed alarming, if the United States should ever entrust the Ship in which our all is at Stake, with inexperiencd or unprincipled Pilots. Our Cause is surely too interesting to Mankind, to be put under the Direction of Men, vain, avaricious or conceald under the Hypocritical Guise of Patriotism, without a Spark of publick or private Virtue. We may possibly be more in Danger of this, than many of our honest Citizens may imagine. Is there not Reason to apprehend, that even those who are inimical to our Cause may steal into Places of the highest Trust? I need not remind you that Men of this Character have had Seats in Congress from the begining. Where is Galloway, LOW, Allen & Alexander?--If it was so in those Times of Vigilance & Zeal, how much more is it to be expected, when the Love of many is waxen cold, & their Minds are distracted with the Pursuit of Pleasure & exorbitant Riches. We cannot be perswaded to believe that bad Men have been sent by their States with a View of giving a fatal Stab to our Cause in its Infancy; but is it unreasonable to suppose that their Elections were secretly influencd by artful Men, with that Design. Our most dangerous Enemies may be in our Bosoms.

Mr Lee will inform you how Matters go on here.

I must let you know that when your Kinsman Mr William Lee was in Boston in Sept 1779 he borrowed five hundred Dollars of Moses Gill Esqr, and drew his Bill on his Brother Mr George Lee of Westmoreland County. I wish it may be paid on Sight, for it was advancd on my Application.

My Regards to Mrs Lee &c. Adieu & believe me to be

Your Friend

TO JOHN PITTS.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

PHILAD. Jany 17 1781

MY DEAR SIR

Your favor of the 17th of Novr was duly receivd. It bodes very ill to Government when Men are exalted to places of high trust through their own Sollicitations. He only fills a place with Dignity, who is invited to it by his Fellow Citizens, from the Experience they have had of his adequate Abilities, & who does the Duties of it with Zeal & Fidelity. Such a Man, being conscious that neither Smiles, Intreaties, Gifts, Intrigue nor any dishonorable Practices have procured him his high Station, may rely on the People who gave him their free Suffrages, to approve of his honest Endeavors to serve them. And having Nothing in View but that the Publick may be best servd, he will chearfully resign his Place whenever the People shall make Choice of another whom they judge more capable than he. The People are certainly the best Judges, who are most likely to render them substantial Service; & whoever interposes in their Elections, with his own Sollicitations for himself, it is to be feard, if he is of any Consequence, will in time become a dangerous Party Man. He ought therefore to be despisd as an obtruder. I hope there are not many such Men in our Government. I am sorry to be informd that there are any. They should be watchd; for if they have no evil Designs, their Vanity may prompt them to do Mischief. The Express waits. Adieu.

TO JAMES WARREN.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

PHILADE Feb 1st 1781--

MY DEAR SIR

I have not had Leisure to write to you since the 20th of Novr. Indeed I am not willing to trust a Confidential Letter to the Post, which has shamefully been catchd in the same Trap more than once. I gladly embrace the opportunity by Mr Otis, with whom I have had frequent & candid Conversations concerning Men & Things. He will be able to tell you some Truths which I do not think it prudent to commit to Paper. You & I have been long struggling for the Liberty of our Country. I believe its Independence will be finally acknowledgd by the World. But are not many Nations England in particular called Independent? And do you think the People of England are free. No People, in my opinion can be long free who are not virtuous; and it is no Sign of Virtue, when the Councils of an enlightned Country are directed by a foreign Influence. If I were a Minister at a foreign Court, my Vanity might be flatterd, in imagining that by having Address enough to rule its Measures, I might fix myself in the Esteem and Confidence of my Country, but I should entertain a contemptible Opinion of the Wisdom & Virtue of that Court if it would suffer me to do it. The Councils of a Nation must be weak in the extreme, or it must be reducd to the greatest Degree of Dependence to submit to so servile a Condition. You will not think I have the remotest Reference in what I now say, jealous as I allow my self to be, to the Amphictyon of the United States of America. It is presumd they will always have too high a Sense of their Dignity to suffer themselves & their Nation to be degraded. But when Peace is happily settled & a Number of foreign Ministers are about our Court, it will require Men of great Knowledge of the World & Experience in Affairs to penetrate their various Intrigues. I have been assured that the Court of France would be highly disgusted with any of its Ministers if they should improperly interfere in our Councils; and indeed when I consider the Jealousy of a rising Republick, I think nothing would equal the Impolicy of their attempting it, but the Imprudence of Congress in submitting to it. ---- But I am unexpectedly called off and Mr Otis is just going. I intended to have written to you largely but must omit it till the next opportunity. Pray inform my worthy Friend Capt Bradford that I must also omit writing to him, as I intended, for the same Reason.

your affectionate,

TO MRS. ADAMS.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

PHILADE Feb. 1st 1781

MY DEAR BETSY

My last was by Major Clarkson. He is a young officer of military Merit. I wish you would entertain him with a Dish of Tea.

Our new AEra of Government, I fancy, has occasiond a Revolution in political Circles & a Change of Connections. I cannot otherwise account for the long Silence of my Friend Doctor Cooper. I used to correspond with him very confidentially. We indeed thought aloud together. But I have receivd only one Letter from him since I left Boston, which was deliverd to me by Mr A Lee. I considerd it as a Compliment to that most deserving Patriot, rather than a Letter of Friendship to me. I have written several Times to him, & once desired particular Information, which he might have given me without offending any Man, but he has not done it. I hope the Doctor does not think his Letters troublesome to me. He has no Reason to think so. But, he chuses to close the Correspondence, & you know, that I am disposd on such Occasions, to retaliate. It sometimes affects my Feelings, but I shall never be in Debt on that Score. You may let the Dr read this Letter if he pleases, but no other Person; for when I think amiss of the private Conduct of a Friend, I let none know it, but him & you. Indeed I shall say nothing to you at present that I would not wish him to know. I employ no Pimps or Spies on my Fellow Citizens, & yet I hear of many things that are said & done in Boston. I may sometimes be misinformd, & I am always inclind to think I am, when I cannot reconcile what is said with the Honor & Integrity of Friendship. If Mr W C1 has "spoken very disrespectfully" of me, I am sorry for him. It gives me no Pain on my Account because I deserve not his reproach. I know he is apt to be sanguine in his Opinions of Men, & his Zeal in Elections has been commendable. But as I did not interest myself at all in the late Elections he might have spared me. I have candidly declared, when I was asked in Boston, who I thought to be most endowd with those great Qualities, which should characterize the first Magistrate of so respectable a Commonwealth. This is the Right, it is the Duty of every Citizen. And had I been present, I should most certainly have voted for that Candidate. I may have been mistaken in my Judgment; and, as it becomes a Citizen, I will, acquiesce in the Choice of a Majority of the People, who ought to know & prefer the fittest Person. If they do not, they are hardly worthy to be servd by any Man. I hope we shall never fall into those Dregs of Time, when it shall be the Custom for one Citizen to treat another ill, merely because a popular Man has markd him as his Enemy, or because others, for servile Purposes, have reported him as such. This may afford Sport for the Enemies of our Cause, who are laying the Snare with great Art & Industry. James Rivington has publishd in his Royal Gazette, that the Acrimony between Mr Hancock & me, was owing to his Attachment to General Washington, & my being on the Contrary, desirous of his Removal. This is an old Story which Men have believd and disbelievd as they pleasd, without much Concern of mine. It was a pityful Contrivance to render me obnoxious to the General & our common Friends. If there has been any Difference between Mr H and me, Rivington knows not the Origin of it. Mr Hancock never thought me an Enemy to Genl Washington. He never thought that I was desirous of his being removd, & therefore could never treat me with Acrimony on that Account. I never wishd for the Removal of General Washington, but if I had even attempted to effect it, it might have been an Evidence of my Deficiency in Judgment, or Rashness, but it could be no Evidence that I was his Enemy. Mr W C may think that I am an Enemy to Mr Hancock, because he may have heard that I preferd another as a Governor before him. At this Rate, I must be thought an Enemy to every Man to whom I cannot give the Preference for an exalted Station for which few of the Many can be supposd to be qualified. Ridiculous [&] mischievous as this is, I am told that some carry their opinions further and that it is not enough, that a Man who cannot consistently vote for a Governor is to be reckon'd his Enemy, but he is for this Reason to be excluded from every Department. Who could wish to hold a Seat in Government on so slavish a Tenure? The People of Massachusetts under the old Government have seen enough of the mischievous Effects of the Governors having a Power to negative Elections & I cannot see the Difference between this & his being able to influence or prevent an Election by causing it to be believd that a Candidate is his Enemy. He who gives his Suffrage according to the Dictates of a well informd Judgment, is certainly a virtuous Citizen. And is it to be supposd that such a Man would withhold his Influence in favor of a wise Measure, because a Gentleman is placed in the Chair by his Fellow Citizens, whom he did not vote for? Such a Supposition savours so much of a Narrow, illiberal party Spirit, that I should think no intelligent Man would countenance it. If it should prevail, it would produce evil Consequences; for some Men, if they are made to believe their political Existence depends on their being thought the Governors Friends, will not easily prevail on themselves to risque that Existence by giving him Advice, however salutary it might be, & necessary for the Honor & Safety of the Commonwealth, if they think it will disgust him.

You may wonder, my Dear, that I send this Budget of Politicks to you. I see no Reason why a Man may not communicate his political opinions to his Wife, if he pleases. But to tell you the truth I consider this Epistle, after the License I have already given you, as indirectly addressd to the Friend I have mentiond. I would gladly know his opinion, Whether there is not more Parade among our Gentry than is consistent with sober republican Principles. Is it to imitate the Vanity of former times that every order of Men have been so fond of addressing the Governor? Are we to pay the same Ceremonies to the next & the next? Will not such high Strains of Panegyrick injure the Feelings of modest Men? And if there should happen to be a weak Man, will they not make him intollerably vain? Republicks should adopt the Rule of another Society. The Yea should be Yea, and the Nay, Nay, for whatsoever is more than these cometh of Evil. Adieu.

1 William Cooper.

TO MRS. ADAMS.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

PHILADELPHIA Mar. 15 1781

MY DEAR BETSY

Mr Bagnal, the Bearer of this Letter, this Moment informs me, that he sets off in half an hour for Boston I am sorry he did not give me more timely Notice, because I chuse to write to my Confidential Friends by private Hands rather than the Post. I have in a Letter forwarded yesterday, given Notice to the General Assembly, of my Wish to return home as early as may be and requested to be relievd by one of my Colleagues or otherwise as may be thought proper. I expect to have General Wards Servant to attend me on my Journey. He is afterwards to return here. I am much concernd at the Dissentions in the New South Society, who have generally been remarkeable for Peace & Harmony. They should strive for a conciliatory Spirit as far as is consistent with good Conscience, condescend to each other in smaller Matters, and bear with each others Tempers. I have not been unmindful of my Sons Situation, as mentiond in his Letter to me some time ago. He will see by the Journals of Congress (Sept. 30, 1780) that the officers in the Medical Department, are intitled annually to draw Cloathing from the Stores of the Cloathier General in the same Manner & under the same Regulations as are establishd for officers of the Line by a Resolution Novr 25, 1779-- such Cloathing to be deliverd by the Cloathier General or any sub Cloathier in the State in which the officer to receive the Cloathing shall reside. I have sent the Journals of the Dates above mentiond, and wish Mr Davis or some other of my Friends would speak to Mr Ruggles, who I think is the Sub Cloathier in the State, in Behalf of my Son. I hope however that the Matter is already settled, & he gone to Newport. I am uneasy at his being absent from his Station any length of Time; for however necessary it may be, it may be turnd to the Disadvantage of his Character, which if I am not flatterd, he has hitherto kept unsullied. In this virtuous & important Struggle, he will remember that all of us must ruff it as well as we can.----The medical Committee inform me that it is the Duty of the State Cloathier to furnish him without the intervention of the Commander in Chiefe or Board of War.

Pray let Mrs Fogs know that Mr Level & I have done all we could for the Release of her Son who was made a Sea Prisoner & carried to New York. Our officers have some of them been sent to England, but not any of the Seamen, so that it is hoped he is still there. Many of them have died. They have lately been better treated than they were some time ago. The British Sea Officers are retaind in close Confinement here till we hear what is become of ours. We are in hopes there will soon be an Exchange of the whole.

Remember me to Friends----Adieu.

ARTICLE, UNSIGNED.

[Boston Gazette, April 2, 1781; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.1]

Extract of a Letter from the Southward.

"As we have a Constitution which is admired for its genuine Principles, I have been sollicitous to know, whether our Countrymen at large partook of the Spirit of those who formed it. I have conceived strong Hopes, that in organizing their Government and electing Persons to fill the important Places of Trust, no Consideration would avail, to govern their Suffrages in Favour of any Candidate, unless he was possessed of those Qualities which are necessary, to enable him to perform the Duties of the Office to be filled, to the Advantage of the Publick. I have flattered my self, that both the Governors and the Governed would have lain aside the gawdy Trappings of Monarchy, and put on that Simplicity which is the Ornament and Strength of a free Republick. HOW far it has been done, I am not able to judge at this Distance. It is a great Satisfaction to me to be informed, that some of the best Men in the Commonwealth have been elected into the Principal Departments of Government. Men, who will dignify the Character of our Country--who will revive and disseminate those Principles, moral and political, to propagate which, our Ancestors transplanted themselves into this new World--Men who by the Wisdom of their Councils and their exemplary Manners, will establish the public Liberty on the Foundation of a Rock.--These Men will secure to themselves more of the Esteem of their virtuous, and even of their vicious Fellow-Citizens, than they could by a thousand courtly Addresses which are commonly the Breath of Vanity and Adulation.--There is a charm in Virtue to force Esteem.--If Men of a different Character have by any Means been advanced to those hallow'd Seats, who have even sollicited public Employments to give a Scope to Views of Ambition and Avarice, Passions which have in all Ages been the Bane of human Society; or, to gratify the raging Thirst for popular Applause, a Disease with which little minds are usually tormented, it is our Happiness that the Constitution requires annual Elections, and such Mistakes may be corrected at the next.

"I was sorry to hear, that the Number of Votes returned, the last Time, did not amount to a Quarter of the Number of qualified Electors in the Commonwealth. The Choice of Legislators, Magistrates and Governors, is surely a Business of the greatest Moment, and claims the Attention of every Citizen. The Framers of our Constitution, while they gave due Attention to Political were not forgetful of Civil Liberty--that personal Freedom and those Rights of Property, which the meanest Citizen is intitled to, and the Security of which is the great End of political Society. It was not indeed their Province to make particular Laws for these Purposes. To do this, and to provide for the equal and impartial Execution of such Laws, agreeable to the Constitution, is the Duty of the Legislature. Hence every Citizen will see, and I hope will be deeply impressed with a Sense of it, how exceedingly important it is to himself, and how intimately the welfare of his Children is connected with it, that those who are to have a Share in making as well as in judging and executing the Laws should be Men of singular Wisdom and Integrity. Such as are conscious that they are deficient in either of these Qualities, should even TREMBLE at being named as Candidates! I hope the great Business of Elections will never be left by the Many, to be done by the Few; for before we are aware of it, that few may become the Engine of Corruption--the Tool of a Junto.--Heaven forbid! that our Countrymen should ever be byass'd in their Choice, by unreasonable Predilections for any man, or that an Attachment to the Constitution, as has been the Case in other Countries, should be lost in Devotion to Persons. The Effect of this would soon be, to change the Love of Liberty into the Spirit of Faction. Let each Citizen remember, at the Moment he is offering his Vote, that he is not making a Present or a Compliment to please an Individual, or at least that he ought not so to do; but that he is executing one of the most solemn Trusts in human Society, for which he is accountable to GOD and his Country.

"When the great Body of the People are determined not to be imposed upon by a false Glare of Virtues held before their Eyes, but, making up their own Minds, shall impartially give in their Suffrages, after their best Enquiries into the Characters of Candidates, for those whom they judge to be the fittest Persons, there will be no Danger that the generous Enthusiasm of Freedom, so characteristic of the People of Massachusetts, will ever sink into the Violence and Rage of Party, which has often proved fatal to free Republicks."

1 Endorsed by Adams: "The foregoing was sent to Mr Edes by the Post March 13, 1781."

TO CALEB DAVIS1

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

PHILADE April 3 1781

DEAR SIR /

I have just receivd your favor of the 17th Ulto by Mr Dugan. The Request he proposes to make to Congress for Liberty to bring his Effects from Ireland, cannot be complied with consistently with the inclosd ordinance, which strictly forbids all Intercourse between the Citizens of the United States & the Subjects of Great Britain. There have been so many undue Advantages taken from Indulgences of this Kind, as to render the Continuance of them unsafe to us and disgustful to our Ally. I shall always pay a due Regard to your Recommendations, and should have been particularly desirous of rendering Service to your Friend Mr Dugan whom I personally know & of whose Integrity I have no Reason to doubt.

Your Letter of the 23d of Feby never came to hand; and I regret it the more, because you tell me, you then wrote fully of the State of Affairs in Boston which I should have been glad to have receivd. Let me observe to you as a private Friend, the Delegates of Massachusetts are by no means duly informd of what is done in their own State; & when they receive any kind of Information, it is not in a Manner adapted to give them Weight. I do not mention this on my own Account; for I intend very soon to take Leave of Congress & get myself excusd from any future Attendance. I will then explain the Hint I have now given you, more fully than I chuse to do in a Letter by the Post. You mention a certain Juncture when you wish me to return. I think I can discover your Motive and your old Partiality for me. I do assure you, I am not at all sollicitous about any thing of the Kind which your Letter seems to intimate. I have always endeavord to confine my Desires in this Life within moderate Bounds, and it is time for me to reduce them to a narrower Compass. You speak of "Neglect," "Ingratitude" &c. But let us entertain just Sentiments. A Citizen owes everything to the Commonwealth. And after he has made his utmost Exertions for its Prosperity, has he done more than his Duty? When Time enfeebles his Powers & renders him unfit for further Service, his Country, to preserve its own Vigour will wisely call upon others; and if he decently retreats to make Room for them he will show that he has not yet totally lost his Understanding. Besides, there is a Period in Life when a Man should covet the exalted Pleasure of Reflection in Retirement.

I thank you, my dear Sir, for the information you gave Mrs A of Mr Dugans coming. Pray let her know that I receivd her Letter & am well. My Compts to the Circle about you.

Your affectionate,

1 Speaker of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts.

ARTICLE, UNSIGNED.

[Boston Gazette, April 16, 1781; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.1]

Extract of a Letter from the Southward.

"BEFORE this will reach you, your Countrymen will have finished the important business of electing their Legislators, Magistrates and Governors for the ensuing year. I hope they have made a wise choice. At least, from the opinion I entertain of their virtue, I am persuaded they have acted with all that deliberation and caution which the solemnity of the transaction required. They may then reflect, each one on his own integrity, and appeal to the Monitor within his breast, that he has not trifled with the sacred trust reposed in him by GOD and his country--that he has not prostituted his honor and conscience to please a friend or a patron --that he has not been influenced with the view of private emolument to himself and his family, but has faithfully given his vote for the candidate whom he thought most worthy the choice of free and virtuous citizens--I congratulate that Legislator, Magistrate & Governor, who knows that neither smiles, entreaties, gifts, dissimulation, intrigue, nor any base and dishonorable practices have procured him this exalted station. His fellow citizens, unsollicited by him, have called him into their service, from the opinion they have formed of his integrity and adequate abilities.--He feels himself happy in their opinion of him--happy is he indeed, if he is conscious he deserves it.

But our countrymen will not imagine, that having filled the several departments of government, they have no further concern about it. It is, I humbly conceive, their duty and interest to attend to the manner in which it is administered by those whom they have entrusted. HOW often has the finishing stroke been given to public virtue, by those who possessed, or seemed to possess many amiable virtues? GUSTAVUS VASA was viewed by the Swedes as the deliverer of their country from the Danish yoke. The most implicit obedience, says the historian, was considered by them as a debt of gratitude, and a virtue. He had many excellent qualities. His manners were conciliating--His courage and abilities great--But the people by an entire confidence in him suffered him to lay a foundation for absolute monarchy. They were charmed with his moderation and wisdom, qualities which he really possessed; but they did not consider his ambition, nor had they a thought of his views. They found peace restored, order established, justice administered, commerce protected, and the arts and sciences encouraged, and they looked no further. They did not imagine, that he who had been the instrument of recovering the independence of their country, could be the very man who was to effect the ruin of their liberties. By the Constitution of Sweden their kings were elective, and the powers of the crown were exceedingly limited. The unsuspecting people even voluntarily gave up their right of election, and suffered Gustavus to enlarge the powers of the crown, and entail it in his own family! This is the account which the history of Sweden has given us; and it affords an instance among a thousand others, of the folly and danger of trusting even good men with power, without regarding the use they make of it. Power is in its nature incroaching; and such is the human make, that men who are vested with a share of it, are generally inclined to take more than it was intended they should have. The love of power, like the love of money, increases with the possession of it; and we know, in what ruin these baneful passions have involved human societies in all ages, when they have been let loose and suffered to rage uncontrouled-- There is no restraint like the pervading eye of the virtuous citizens.--I hope therefore our countrymen will constantly exercise that right which the meanest of them is intitled to, and which is particularly secured to them by our happy constitution, of inquiring freely, but decently, into the conduct of the public servants. The very being of the Commonwealth may depend upon it. I will venture to appeal to the experience of ancient Republicks, to evince the necessity of it; and it is never more necessary than in the infancy of a Commonwealth, and when the people have chosen honest men to conduct their affairs. For, whatever is done at a time nearly contemporary with the constitution, will be construed as the best exposition of it; and a mistaken principle of a virtuous ruler, whose public conduct is generally good, and always supposed to be honestly intended, carries with it an authority scarcely to be resisted, and precedents are thus formed which may prove dangerous--perhaps fatal."--

1 Endorsed by Adams: "The foregoing was sent to Mr Edes by the Post Mar 27, 81."

TO SAMUEL COOPER.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

PHILADE Apr 23 1781

MY DEAR SIR

I did not receive your favor of the 3d Instt till yesterday; a week later than Letters of the same Date from some others of my Boston friends were brought to me by the Post. As the Subject is delicate, I do not chuse to continue it in this Letter, which is to go thro a Channel provd from repeated Experience to be uncertain & unsafe. It was for this Reason that I committed to the Care of a private friend, my Letter to Mrs A of the 1st of Feby which she communicated to you. I am glad she did it in a Manner so acceptable. Indeed I never found Reason to doubt her Discretion. What you have written is very obliging & satisfactory to me. I hope to have the Pleasure of seeing you next Month. We will then, after our usual Manner, disclose each others Hearts.

Your Letter of the 31st Decr was not long ago deliverd to me by the Count Chartres. He appears to me to be an amiable & fine-spirited young Nobleman. After a short stay here, he preceded with the Marqs de la Fayette to the Southward.

You will recollect a Design which I mentiond to you respecting our Friend Mr L, & the Omission which, we were informd the Evening before I left Boston, had happend thro Mistake. I early wrote to you & requested your Influence to have it rectified. I have heard Nothing of it since. In my Opinion the most essential Interest of the Town of Boston will be servd by it, & therefore I cannot look upon it as a Matter of Indifference. Not being acquainted with that Gentleman in the early Times of our Contest, I had by some means conceivd an Opinion of him not so favorable; but having had an Opportunity of critically observing him in the late Convention at Cambridge, I am satisfied he is a Virtuous Citizen, and possessd of the genuine Principles of New England. That Mr Rivington, if this Letter should fall into his Hands, may not pretend to be at a LOSS to know what is here meant, I will inform him that the genuine Principles of New England are Republican Principles which have been admired by some of the greatest Characters, whom (if he is an Englishman) his Country can boast of. You & I, among others, have had the Honor of being abusd by Rivingtons Press. A labord Performance has lately crept out, called the Times. I have had a cursory reading of it. It appears to me so much like the Productions of certain Geniuses who figurd in Mr Popes Time, that had the Author been cotemporary with them, a Page might have been added to the Dunciad, to immortalize his Works. I will endeavor to get some Parts of it transcribd & carry them to Boston. I am sure the reading it would serve to divert rather than to give you the least Pain. My due Regards to Friends.

Your affectionate

TO THOMAS McKEAN.1

[MS., Historical Society of Pennsylvania.]

BOSTON Augt 29th 1781

MY HONORD FRIEND

I have not yet acknowledgd your obliging Letter of the 8th of July, deliverd to me by Mr Davidson. Bodily Indisposition prevented my writing, when he returnd. I fancy he settled his Affairs here to his own Satisfaction. He is much esteemd by those who were favord with his Company, & I hope he met with Nothing disagreable to him during his short Stay among us.

Colo John Laurens with our Friend Mr Pain arrivd here a few Days ago from France. He left the Town the Day after his Arrival. His Visit to me was so short that I could not converse with him so fully as I wishd. I hope he will be able to inform you of his complete Success in his Negociation. Will you be so kind as to give me such Intelligence as you may receive from him or any other Person from Europe. I wish to know the true State of our Affairs. Are we soon to have Peace? However desireable this may be, we must not wish for it on any Terms but such as shall he honorable & safe to our Country. Let us not disgrace our selves by giving just Occasion for it to be said hereafter, that we finishd this great Contest with an inglorious Accommodation. Things are whisperd here which, if true, will cause much Discontent. The Citizens of this Part of America will say, and judge, my dear Sir, whether it would not be just, that the fishing Banks are at least as important as Tobacco yards, or Rice Swamps, or the flourishing Wheat Fields of Pennsylvania. The Name only of Independence is not worth the Blood of a single Citizen. We have not been so long contending for Trifles. A Navy must support our Independence; and Britain will tell you, that the Fishery is a grand Nursery of Seamen. --I understand that G M,2 is appointed Deputy Financier, R R L,3 Secretary of foreign Affairs, and if Gl S4 is appointed to the War Department and Gl M5 to the" Marine, there will be a compleat N Y Administration. It may be well to enquire, what Influence has brought this about, & whether so much Power vested in the Citizens of any one State will excite the reasonable Jealousy of the rest. Adieu my Friend. Find a Moments Leisure to write to me.

1 President of Congress.

2 Gouverneur Morris.

3 Robert R. Livingston.

4 Philip Schuyler.

5 Alexander McDougall.

TO THOMAS McKEAN.

[MS., Historical Society of Pennsylvania; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON Sept 19 1781

MY HONORD FRIEND

The Bearer, Major Brown, is a Person who has deservd well of the United States, and has for that Reason the Esteem of Men of Distinction in this Commonwealth. He was formerly a Soldier in the British Service, and before the Commencement of Hostilities, he left that Service--Immediately after the Battle of Lexington he joynd the American Army in which his Zeal & Activity was signalizd--In July 1776 he servd as Major in the Militia of this State at Ticonderoga under Genl Gates--In 1777 he was appointed Depy Muster Master by Col Ward, and when the Convention Troops arrivd at Cambridge he was employd by Genl Heath as Town Major-- He has Certificates of his Fidelity from that General as well as the Commissary of Musters Coll Ward-- Your Attention to a Request he will make to Congress for Allowance for Depreciation (if you can find Leisure) will much oblige me.