Chapter VI (1)

Fall of Nankin.--Manchoo Cowardice.--Immense Booty.--Sir George
Bonham's Arrival at Nankin.--"The Northern Prince."--The
Ti-pings fraternize.--Sir George Bonham's Dispatch.--The Ti-ping
Reply.--Further Communication.--Its Friendly Nature.--Ti-ping
Literature.--Its Religious Character.--Bishop of Victoria and
Dr. Medhurst's Opinions.--Ti-ping Publications.--The New
Testament.--Monarchy Established.--Occupation of Nankin.--A
Fatal Mistake.--Imperialist Advantages.--Advance of the
Ti-pings.--Manchoo Operations.--The Tsing-hae Army.--The
Retreat.--Tien-wang's Mistake.--His Opportunity Lost.--Manchoo
Tactics.--Imperialist Outrages.--Ti-ping Moderation.--The Triad
Rebels.--They Evacuate Amoy.--Captain Fishbourne's
Description.--Triads Capture Shanghae.--Imperialist
Aggressions.--Jesuits' Interference.--The French attack the
Triads.--Shanghae Evacuated.--British Interference.--Its
Consequences.

Upon the 19th of March, 1853, after a short siege of only eleven days, Nankin, the ancient capital of China, fell into the hands of the Ti-pings. Considering the importance of the city, and the strong garrison it contained, its capture was effected very easily. It was attacked from the river, upon the northern side, and while one division sprang a mine under the north-east angle of the wall, another blew down the I-Fung gate, both storming together and carrying the city with but little resistance. The Chinese troops in garrison are stated to have numbered about 15,000, though, considering the unusually large proportion of Tartar troops, it is probable their strength must have been greater. They made scarcely a show of opposition to the stormers, many taking to flight and escaping through the south and west gates, or surrendering and joining the Ti-pings. The Manchoo troops of the Eight Banners are estimated to have mustered at least 8,000, and including their families, not less than 20,000. Yet these men, who had already, in the wars with Great Britain, shown they could fight well and bravely, and who were now in a position to offer a stubborn defence, were killed with hardly an effort to defend themselves. It might naturally have been expected that, for the honour of their nation, for their emperor, for their wives' and their children's, and their own lives, in fact, for everything dear to them, they would at least have made a determined resistance. They well knew from the insurgents' proclamations, and their previous acts, that they would meet with little mercy, but seemed to have been completely paralyzed, and neither able to fight nor flee, throwing themselves on the ground before the victorious Ti-pings and crying "Oh Prince, Prince, spare us! spare us!"

Two days after the capture of Nankin, the Tien-wang announced by proclamation that he had established his court and seat of government there.

It is believed the Ti-pings were materially assisted in the capture of the city by confederates within the walls, who lighted signal fires and created confusion; while the fact of their finding confederates everywhere, even in the Imperialist camps, to post their proclamations with impunity, proves the wide-spread popularity of the movement at that time. With remarkable celerity, within twelve days after the capture of Nankin, the principal adjoining cities were taken and garrisoned. Chin-kiang, Yang-chow, and Kwa-chow fell into the hands of the Ti-pings without opposition, the garrisons having fled with precipitation on their approach.

The capture of these important cities was even of more moment than that of Nankin; for Chin-kiang being situated at the southern entrance of the Grand Canal into the Yang-tze, and Kwa-chow at the northern, gave them entire command of the canal itself, the great medium of communication between the southern provinces and the capital, and the route by which all the grain supplies were conveyed to the north. Immense booty was captured at these places, and conveyed to Nankin. At the latter city the military chest that fell into their hands alone contained about £120,000 sterling; while the stores of rice and provisions were enormous. At Kwa-chow they captured more than a thousand junks laden with tribute grain on its way to Pekin by the Grand Canal.

The singular panic of the Manchoos was probably caused by their fear of a retributive Providence having overtaken them for the indiscriminate slaughter of the Chinese by their ancestors; for in no other way is it easy to account for the helplessness with which they resigned themselves to their fate at Nankin.

The Chinese people at this time seemed to look upon the success of the rebellion as certain. Distant cities commenced to send tribute to the Tien-wang, and a deputation from Hang-chow was directed by the Ti-ping authorities to return, as they were not in want of money, and did not wish the people of Hang-chow to become compromised; thus displaying a praiseworthy consideration for their countrymen, whose fate they well knew would be sealed if they fell into the power of the Manchoos after offering allegiance to themselves.

Exaggerated reports of the Ti-ping successes had reached Shanghae, and it was rumoured they were on the point of attacking that city. In consequence of this, and to undeceive the Ti-pings with regard to the Manchoo proclamations which were diligently circulated, stating the foreign "barbarians" were about to send their war ships against the insurgents at Nankin, Sir George Bonham, H.M.'s plenipotentiary in China, decided to pay a visit to Nankin, partly to explain the British intention of _perfect neutrality_, and partly to ascertain the extent, creed, and objects of the revolutionists.

Before leaving Shanghae a meeting was held at the British Consulate, to consider the course of policy to be adopted in the event of an attack by the insurgents. Captain Fishbourne, R.N., senior naval officer upon the station, reports:--

"The question was raised as to whether we should undertake the
defence of the city. Sir George Bonham, however, decided that it
was incompatible with the line of policy he had determined on."

It is only a pity that later British representatives have not been influenced by a similar sense of justice.

With these views Sir George Bonham embarked on board H.M.S. _Hermes_, and started for Nankin on the 22nd of April, 1853. The first appearance of the Ti-pings is thus described by the commander of the ship:--

"The sight which met our eyes on our fairly opening
Chin-kiang-foo to view was a very striking one. Their scouts had
evidently sent forward the news of the approach of an enemy,
which had flown like lightning almost, and had called up armed
warriors in all directions to resist attack. The river-side for
a full mile was lined by batteries and stockades, which were all
occupied by men in red head-dresses--some with red belts, and
dresses made parti-coloured by a large patch on each man's
breast and back, with the badge of the Taeping-wang's army.
Thousands, again, were occupying the heights, waving hundreds of
banners in defiance. Many others were crowding down towards the
river-side as if to be the first in the fight, should we attempt
to land, or to support those in the forefront. Here and there
were to be seen men in red or yellow hoods, and capes of the
same colour, on horseback, galloping along the lines, their
standard-bearers and guards hurrying after them as best they
could, all evincing an enthusiasm and a unity of purpose that
proved them something more than mere hirelings."

Upon the arrival of the _Hermes_ at Nankin, she anchored outside gun-shot from the batteries, in order to avoid misunderstandings, she having been fired upon at Chin-kiang by the Ti-ping forts, when she was followed closely by an Imperialist flotilla, which took advantage of her proximity to lead the Ti-pings to believe that she was one of the foreign vessels of war they had stated in many proclamations were engaged to assist them. Mr. Meadows, of the consular service, accompanied by Lieutenant Spratt, proceeded on shore for the purpose of negotiating a meeting between Sir George Bonham and the chief authorities at Nankin.

Mr. Meadows was received in the northern suburb of Nankin by the Northern Prince, and the Tien-wang's brother, the Assistant Prince. In his report of the communication with these two chiefs, he says:--

"But I also explained, as authorized, the simple object of his
(Sir George Bonham's) visit; viz., to notify the desire of the
British government to remain _perfectly neutral_ in the struggle
between them and the Manchoos, and to learn their feeling
towards us, and their intention, in the event of their forces
advancing towards Shanghae.

"To all this the Northern Prince listened, but made little or no
rejoinder; the conversation, in so far as directed by him,
consisting mainly of inquiries as to our religious belief, and
expositions of their own. He stated that, as children and
worshippers of one God, we were all brethren; and after
receiving my assurance that such had long been our view also,
inquired if I knew the heavenly rules (Tien-teaou). I replied
that I was most likely acquainted with them, though unable to
recognize them under that name; and, after a moment's thought,
asked if they were ten in number. He answered eagerly in the
affirmative. I then began repeating the substance of the first
of the Ten Commandments, but had not proceeded far before he
laid his hand on my shoulder in a friendly way, and exclaimed,
'The same as ourselves! the same as ourselves!' while the simply
observant expression on the face of his companion disappeared
before one of satisfaction, as the two exchanged glances.

"He then stated, with reference to my previous inquiry as to
their feelings and intentions towards the British, that not
merely might peace exist between us, _but that we might be
intimate friends_. He added, we might now, at Nankin, land and
walk about where we pleased. He reverted again and again, with
an appearance of much gratitude, to the circumstance that he and
his companions in arms had enjoyed the special protection and
aid of God, without which they would never have been able to do
what they had done against superior numbers and resources; and
alluding to our _declarations of neutrality and non-assistance
to the Manchoos_, said, with a quiet air of thorough conviction,
'It would be wrong for you to help them, and, what is more, it
would be of no use. Our Heavenly Father helps us, and no one can
fight with Him.'"

Captain Fishbourne, of the _Hermes_, says:--

"Meanwhile the news soon spread amongst the insurgents that we
were brethren, and numbers came immediately to fraternize. They
appeared much pleased at our wearing our hair long in front like
themselves, and without tails.... Numbers continued to flock on
board, and as the question of friendliness was settled, we
weighed, to move closer to the city walls, whilst many of the
insurgents fell into the capstan to assist, and seemed to enjoy
it all as great fun. In a manner _quite unlike any Chinese we
had ever met_, they at once met us on the most friendly terms,
and remained so the five days we were there. * * *

"29th (April). Again the decks were crowded with visitors; some,
on going down amongst the men, observed some josses (idols) that
they had picked up as curiosities, some of them from Rangoon,
and intimated by gestures that these were very bad and useless.
They conducted themselves in a frank and friendly way towards
all; their bearing was quite different to that of any Chinese
that we had ever met; so much so, that our men remarked it; and
had any one asserted ten days previously that so many hundred
Chinese would have been on board, and yet nothing have been
stolen, not one in the ship but would have said, 'It is
impossible.'"

A slight misunderstanding having occurred with regard to the unceremonious style in which the Ti-ping chiefs replied to the first letter sent to them immediately upon the arrival of the _Hermes_, Lae, a secretary of state, proceeded on board to arrange matters for Sir George Bonham's reception. This was settled to take place the next day; but he, apprehending difficulties in the way of ceremonial might perhaps interfere with the good feeling then existing, sent an excuse, accompanied by the following dispatch, which was delivered by Captain Fishbourne and Mr. Meadows:--

"_Hermes_, off Nankin, April 30, 1853.

"I received yesterday your message conveyed through the
ministers sent on board for that purpose, to the effect that you
were willing to receive me in the city, in the event of my being
desirous of paying you a visit. It was at first my intention to
see you on shore, but the weather and other circumstances
prevent my doing so, and therefore I have to convey to you in
writing the sentiments I should have communicated to you
verbally, had I visited you. These sentiments are to the
following effect."

After stating the position of the British nation with regard to the Manchoo government, the existence of the treaty and trading regulations, &c., the dispatch goes on to say:--

"Recently, however, it came to my ears that a contest was going
on between the native Chinese and the Manchoos, and that you,
the Eastern Prince, had taken Nankin. A variety of reports
connected with the subject were in circulation, and certain of
the Manchoo authorities had issued a proclamation to the effect
that they had borrowed the services of ten or more steamers of
Western nations, which would proceed up the Yang-tze to attack
your forces. This is altogether false. It is the established
custom of our nation _in nowise to interfere with any contests
that may take place in the countries frequented by our subjects
for commercial purposes_. It is therefore _totally out of the
question_ that we should now in China lend the services of our
steamers to give assistance in the struggle. Of the lorchas
hired by the Manchoo authorities, and the square-rigged vessels
purchased by them, I know nothing. British merchant vessels are
not allowed to hire out their services for such contest; but I
cannot prevent the sale of vessels, the private property of
British subjects, any more than I can prevent the sale of cotton
manufactures or other merchandise."

Again the dispatch states:--

"In short, it is our desire to remain _perfectly neutral_ in the
conflict between you and the Manchoos."

This guarantee of neutrality would have effected much good, and avoided much evil, had it been acted up to; but unfortunately such was not the case--it did not suit the policy of England to act on that occasion in the same manner as when the Confederate steam rams were seized in the Mersey.

Sir George Bonham's dispatch was carried ashore by Captain Fishbourne, who was received by several chiefs, whom he thus describes:[17]--

"The appearance and bearing of all those men gave me the idea
that they were clever, decided, and determined; and from the
constant solemn appeal to heaven to witness their assertion, or
in reference to their belief, they showed themselves to be under
a settled conviction that their mission was from thence."

The following dispatch is the reply of the Ti-ping chiefs to Sir George Bonham's:--

"We, Prince of the East, Yang, the Honae teacher, and the master
who rescues from calamity (an ecclesiastical title), Principal
Minister of State, and Generalissimo; and

"Prince of the West, Seaou, Assistant Minister of State, and
also Generalissimo, both subjects of the Celestial dynasty, now
under the sway of T'aí-ping, truly commissioned by Heaven to
rule; hereby issue a decree to the distant English, who have
long recognized the duty of worshipping Heaven (God), and who
have recently come into the views of our royal master,
especially enjoining upon them to set their minds at rest and
harbour no unworthy suspicions.

"The Heavenly Father, the Supreme Lord, the Great God, in the
beginning created heaven and earth, land and sea, men and
things, in six days; from that time to this the whole world has
been one family, and all within the four seas brethren; how can
there exist, then, any difference between man and man? or how
any distinction between principal and secondary birth? But from
the time that the human race has been influenced by the
demoniacal agency which has entered into the heart of man, they
have ceased to acknowledge the great benevolence of God the
Heavenly Father in giving and sustaining life, and ceased to
appreciate the infinite merit of the expiatory sacrifice made by
Jesus, our Celestial Elder Brother, and have, with lumps of
clay, wood, and stone, practised perversity in the world. Hence
it is that the Tartar hordes and Elfin Huns so fraudulently
robbed us of our celestial territory (China). But, happily, our
Heavenly Father and Celestial Elder Brother have from an early
period displayed their miraculous power amongst you English, and
you have long acknowledged the duty of worshipping God the
Heavenly Father and Jesus our Celestial Brother, so that the
truth has been preserved entire, and the Gospel maintained.
Happily, too, the Celestial Father, the Supreme Lord and Great
God, has now of His infinite mercy sent a heavenly messenger to
convey our royal master the Heavenly King up into heaven, and
has personally endowed him with power to sweep away from the
thirty-three heavens demoniacal influences of every kind, and
expel them thence into this lower world. And, beyond all, happy
is it that the Great God and Heavenly Father displayed His
infinite mercy and compassion in coming down into this our world
in the third month of the year Mowshin (1848),[18] and that
Jesus our Celestial Elder Brother, the Saviour of the world,
likewise manifested equal favour and grace in descending to
earth during the ninth month of the same year, where, for these
six years past, they have marvellously guided the affairs of
men, mightily exhibited their wondrous power, and put forth
innumerable miraculous proofs, exterminating a vast number of
imps and demons, and aiding our Celestial Sovereign in assuming
the control of the whole empire.

"But now that you distant English have not deemed myriads of
miles too far to come and acknowledge our sovereignty, not only
are the soldiers and officers of our celestial dynasty delighted
and gratified thereby, but even in high heaven itself our
Celestial Father and Elder Brother will also admire this
manifestation of your fidelity and truth. We therefore issue
this special decree, permitting you, the English chief, to lead
your brethren _out or in, backwards or forwards, in full
accordance with your own will or wish_, whether to aid us in
exterminating our impish foes, or to carry on your commercial
operations as usual; and it is our earnest hope that you will,
with us, earn the merit of diligently serving our Royal Master,
and, with us, recompense the goodness of the Father of Spirits.

"Wherefore we promulgate this new decree of (our sovereign)
T'aí-ping for the information of you English, so that all the
human race may learn to worship our Heavenly Father and
Celestial Elder Brother, and that all may know that, wherever
our Royal Master is, there men unite in congratulating him on
having obtained the decree to rule.

"A special decree, for the information of all men, given (under
our seals) this 26th day of the 3rd month of the year Kweihaou
(1st May, 1853), under the reign of the Celestial dynasty of
T'aí-ping."

With a faithfulness above all praise, the Ti-pings have never broken their promises, and although the British government have thought fit to repudiate theirs, still, with an integrity really wonderful, the Ti-pings, although they might fairly have done so, have never retaliated. Had ministers of enlightened mind, or even ministers of honour, taken advantage of that clause of the Ti-pings' line of conduct--and which in spite of the British hostilities has remained unaltered--to go "out or in, backwards or forwards," how great a result would have been attained for themselves, and how glorious a future of freedom and Christianity for the Chinese!

Sir George Bonham, it appears, took umbrage at some imaginative want of respect in the dispatch of the Ti-ping chiefs; still, the following extracts from a communication received from Lo-thai-kang, commander of Ti-ping forces at Chin-kiang, the Triad chief who joined the society of "God-worshippers" in Kwang-si, should have appeased his indignation:--

"We humbly conceive that when the will of Heaven is fixed, man
cannot oppose; and when views and feelings are correct, corrupt
imaginations cannot interfere therewith; hence it is that honest
birds select the tree on which they roost, and that virtuous
ministers choose the sovereign whom they intend to serve. But,
alas! these false Tartars have displayed their unruly
dispositions, in fraudulently depriving us of our lawful
patrimony; at home they have injured the subjects of our state,
and abroad they have warred against foreign states. On a former
occasion your _honourable_ nation, with upright views, marched
into our territory, for which you had doubtless good and
sufficient reason; but the impish Tartars opposed your entrance,
_which the inhabitants of China viewed with displeasure_; but
now our royal master has received the command of Heaven to
punish offenders, _to show kindness to foreigners_, and
_harmonize_ them with the Chinese, _not restricting commercial
intercourse_, nor levying transit duties on merchandise, while
he leads forward his martial bands, to the number of hundreds of
myriads, overcoming every opposition; from which it is clear
that the period has arrived when both Heaven and man unite in
favouring his design, and faithful and brave warriors exert
themselves on his behalf. But these fiendish Tartars, finding
their strength gone, and their resources exhausted, have
attempted to drive on your _honourable_ nation to exert
yourselves in their behalf, unabashed by the recollection that,
_on a former occasion, when matters went easily with them, they
made it their business to oppose you; and now, when they are in
extremities, they apply to you for succour, wishing to set our
two nations at variance, in order to avail themselves of any
advantage arising therefrom_. This, we presume, is already seen
through by you.

"We remember, moreover, how on a former occasion we, in
conjunction with Bremer, Elliot, and Wanking (?), in the
province of Canton erected a church, and together worshipped
Jesus, our Celestial Elder Brother. All these circumstances are
as fresh in our recollection as if they had happened but
yesterday."

It is utterly impossible that anything could have been more satisfactory than this first communication with the Ti-pings. Not only were all their documents couched in the most friendly manner, affording a striking and total contrast to those of the Manchoo; but in practice as well as theory their conduct was excellent. They substituted for the old and insulting epithets, "barbarian" and "foreign devil," hitherto applied to all Europeans, the kindlier appellation of "foreign brethren;" while instead of assuming the repellant and exclusive manner of the Imperialists, they evinced the warmest friendliness and most candid demeanour. So pleasing was their conduct generally, that all persons having communication with them were unanimous in expressing their favourable impressions. Captain Fishbourne, describing his visit in the _Hermes_, says:--

"It was obvious to the commonest observer that they were
practically _a different race_. They had Gutzlaff's edition of
the Scriptures--at least they told us so; we know they had
twenty-eight chapters of Genesis, for they had reprinted thus
much, and gave us several copies; and some of them were
practical Christians, and nearly all seemed to be under the
influence of religious impressions, though limited in their
amount. They believed in a special Providence, and believed that
this truth had had a practical demonstration in their own case.
That though they had had trials and incurred dangers, these were
to punish and to purify. They had also successes, such as they
could have had only by God's special interference. They
referred, with deep and heartfelt gratitude, to the difficulties
they had encountered, and the deliverances which had been
effected for them, when they were but a few, and attributed all
their success to God.

"'They,' said one, speaking of the Imperialists, 'spread all
kinds of lies about us; they say we employ magical arts. The
only kind of magic we have used is prayer to God. In Kwang-se,
when we occupied Yung-ngan, we were sorely pressed; there were
then only some two or three thousand of us; we were beset on all
sides by much greater number; we had no powder left, and our
provisions were all gone; but our Heavenly Father came down and
showed us the way to break out. So we put our wives and children
in the middle, and not only forced a passage, but completely
beat our enemies.'

"After a short pause he added, 'If it be the will of God that
our Prince of Peace shall be sovereign of China, he will be the
sovereign of China; if not, then we will die here.'

"The man who, in every extreme, spoke these words of courageous
fidelity to the cause, and of confidence in God, was a
shrivelled-up, elderly little person, who made an odd figure in
his yellow and red hood; but he could think the thoughts and
speak the speech of a hero. He, and others like him, have
succeeded in impressing with their own sentiments of courage and
morality the minds of their adherents."

The _Hermes_ brought away from Nankin the following books, which were published and circulated amongst the Ti-pings, viz.:--

1. The Book of Religious Precepts of the Ti-ping Dynasty.
2. The Trimetrical Classic.
3. An Ode for Youth.
4. The Book of Celestial Decrees.
5. The Book of Declaration of the Divine Will, made during the
Heavenly Father's Descent (in the Spirit) upon Earth.
6. The Imperial Declaration of Ti-ping.
7. Proclamations from Eastern and Western Kings.
8. Arrangement of the Army.
9. Regulations of the Army.
10. A New Calendar.
11. Ceremonial Regulations.
12. Book of Genesis, Chap. I.--XXVIII.

These furnished abundant proofs of the Christianity of the whole movement. Errors, and some very grave, undoubtedly existed; but although these have been sometimes animadverted upon in unmeasured terms, the grand truth that the Ti-pings admitted and recognized the principal points of the Christian faith, remained. Yet some persons seemed to imagine the insurrection totally unworthy of Christian sympathy and consideration, because their tenets of belief were not perfect; forgetting that everything must have a commencement, and forgetting the universally imperfect commencement of Christianity, even from the time of the Apostles. Those who have made the religious error of the Ti-pings an argument against them are not worthy of the smallest attention; for, although they have been forward enough to declaim against the struggling Christians, they have been altogether backward in the slightest attempt to teach them better. Their own Christianity is scarcely so faultless that they can afford to consign tens of thousands of professing, though ignorant, Christians, to destruction; and were they ever so correct themselves, still less should they be guilty of so unchristian an act.

The earnestness with which the Ti-ping government endeavoured to promulgate the saving Word of God, is illustrated by the fact, that then, and ever since, they circulated the Scriptures and all religious publications entirely free of charge, a circumstance unparalleled in the history of the world. Captain Fishbourne reports:--

"Before leaving Nankin they furnished us with many copies of
books which they had published, and of which they appear to
have had a large store, as they circulated them by every
possible means; they were seen by some officers of the _Hermes_
in boats that they _had sent off to drift down the river amongst
the Imperial flotilla_."

This singular mode of proceeding seems to imply that even at that early period they recognized the truth of the Divine promise, "My word shall not return unto me void," and with a holy simplicity were acting in full confidence as to the results.

The Bishop of Victoria, in his estimate of the books of the Ti-pings, has used the following language:--

"There are important questions which we have to consider
respecting the character of the religion of the insurgents;
_e.g._: Are its doctrines essentially those of the Christian
religion? Do the elements of truth preponderate over those of
error? Are the defects, which may be observable among them, such
as constitute a reasonable ground for condemning the whole
movement as one of unmingled evil, and the work of Satanic
power? Or, on the other hand, are they the natural shortcomings
of a body of imperfectly enlightened men, placed in a situation
of novel difficulty, labouring under almost unexampled
disadvantages in their pursuit of truth, without spiritual
instructors and guides, with only a few copies of the Holy
Scriptures, and those apparently in small, detached, and
fragmentary portions, with no forms of prayer or manuals of
devotion, having their minds distracted amid the arduous toil of
a campaign and the work of religious proselytism, with no
definite views or clear knowledge respecting the sacraments, the
Christian ministry, or the constitution of a Church--engaged in
a struggle for life and death--and yet, amid all these
hindrances and drawbacks, evincing a hopeful, praiseworthy, and
promising vigour of mind and independence of action, in the
great undertaking of a moral revolution of their country?

"We _do not hesitate to assert_ that ours is the latter and more
favourable view."

The following are the Rev. Dr. Medhurst's opinions of the same publications. Of one hymn in particular, from "The Book of Religious Precepts of the Ti-ping Dynasty," he says:--

"These lines constitute the redeeming feature of the whole book;
they deserve to be written in letters of gold, and we could
_desire nothing better_ for the Chinese than that they were
engraven on every heart. This one hymn is worth the four books
and the five classics of the Chinese all put together:--

"'How different are the true doctrines from the doctrines of the world!
They save the souls of men, and lead to the enjoyment of endless bliss.
The wise receive them with exultation, as the source of their happiness;
The foolish, when awakened, understand thereby the way to heaven.
Our Heavenly Father, of His great mercy and unbounded goodness,
Spared not His first-born son, but sent Him down into the world,
To give His life for the redemption of all our transgressions,
The knowledge of which, coupled with repentance, saves the souls of men.'"

Of "The Book of Religious Precepts of the Ti-ping Dynasty," he further says:--

"This is decidedly the best production issued by the insurgents.
The reasoning is correct, the prayers are good, the ceremonies
enjoined (with the exception of the offerings) _are
unobjectionable_; the Ten Commandments[19] agree in spirit with
those delivered by Moses, and the hymns are passable. The
statements of the doctrines of human depravity, redemption by
the blood of Jesus, and the renewal of the heart by the
influence of the Holy Spirit, _are sufficient_ to direct any
honest inquirer in the way to heaven."

"'The Ode for Youth,'" he says, "gives some admirable lessons
regarding the honour due to God, who is the Creator and Father
of all. It sets forth in very clear terms the coming of Jesus
into the world for the salvation of men by the shedding of His
blood on the cross, and then goes on to detail the duties that
are required of us as parents and children, brothers and
sisters, husbands and wives, relatives and friends; concluding
with instructions as to the management of the heart and external
senses. Altogether it is an excellent book, _and there is not a
word in it which a Christian missionary might not adopt, and
circulate as a tract for the benefit of the Chinese_."[19]

"'The Book of Declaration of the Divine Will, made during the
Heavenly Father's Descent upon Earth,' details the examination
and detection of a traitor, on whom they were about to confer an
appointment, when the Father is said to have come down from
heaven in person,[20] on purpose to arraign and cross-question
the delinquent; and having brought his reason to light, to have
returned to heaven.

"There is no word of their having seen any form; but the idea of
the Father's presence seems to have been impressed upon the
minds of the bystanders.

"'The Book of Celestial Decrees' purports to be a collection of
communications from God our Heavenly Father, and Jesus our
Celestial Elder Brother. This is little, if anything, superior
to the preceding work.

"Their almanac appears to be in some measure founded upon that
originally prepared for the Chinese by the Jesuits, but prepared
by those who did not know much upon the subject, and therefore
they have adopted 366 days, the almanac copied from having been
one for leap-year. They, however, stated in contradistinction to
the ordinary Chinese almanac, that there are not any such things
as lucky days, 'as whoever shall with a true breast reverence
the Heavenly Father, the High Lord God, will be looked upon by
Him with complacency, and whatsoever times such please to attend
to their business, will be lucky and fortunate to them.'

"The book entitled 'The Regulations for the Army of the Ti-ping
Dynasty' is very remarkable for the _complete organization_
which it shows to exist amongst them, and for the _very
enlightened regulations_ it establishes for the treatment of the
people amongst whom they may be.

"'The Trimetrical Classic,'[21] so called from each line
containing only three words, is a very remarkable document, as
evidencing that the writer, if there was but one, possessed
great knowledge of both Old and New Testament history, of the
plan of salvation, and of practical Christianity. He appears,
also, to have much knowledge of Chinese history, and uses it to
guard against the hostility likely to rise amongst Chinese
against the Western nations, from the idea that they were
entirely indebted to them for a knowledge of the true God."

Although the above reports are very favourable as to the Ti-pings' religion, still, upon many vital points they were undoubtedly defective; but to qualify their shortcomings they subsequently published the Bible in its full integrity, Old and New Testaments inclusive, copies of which, with the Tien-wang's Imperial seal, are in possession of several gentlemen in England.[22] Therefore, to denounce the Ti-ping movement as evil and anti-Christian, because there exist _some_ errors of belief, is not only most unjustifiable, but even implies that a person using such an argument doubts the promised efficacy and result of God's Word.

The information gathered up to this time upon the religion of the Ti-pings is particularly interesting and satisfactory; and if all Christian men did not feel disposed to help them, they at least ought not to have interfered against them; yet such was not the case, for even at that early period many misnamed Christians, without in the least _personally_ knowing anything of the movement, very loudly decried it. Wrongful as this may seem, it only forms a part of the great psychological problem--why it is that the minds of men will always, by a vast majority, follow wrong instead of right?

The opposition the Ti-ping rebellion has met with from those whose profession of Christianity should have made them its friends, can excite no wonder; for, throughout the history of the world, has truth, freedom, or Christianity, ever become manifest otherwise than through a dismal vista of disbelief and bloodshed? It is a sad reflection, and a proof of our frail, if not vile, mortality!

Some few months after the visit of the _Hermes_, the French war steamer _Cassini_ proceeded to Nankin; she brought to Shanghae a reprint of the remainder of Genesis, of Exodus, and a portion of the New Testament, consisting of St. Matthew's Gospel, printed from the version of the Rev. Dr. Gutzlaff.

This is the first account we have of the New Testament being seen amongst the Ti-pings, although in some of their previous proclamations it had been referred to: it proves the progress they were making; for many of their errors were to be attributed to the fact that their belief was grounded almost entirely upon the Old Testament. The Ti-pings have been sadly abused for polygamy, &c., although I do not remember that such facts have been made a _casus belli_ against the Imperialists; but it must be remembered that as their laws were framed and already constituted when the New Testament first came into their hands, everything required to be altered; therefore people should recall the maxim of Bacon, "that nature should be imitated by politicians, in the _gradual_ character of her changes," and have the justice to admit, that Hung-sui-tshuen, having made his laws as to marriage, &c., could not possibly either overturn them at once, or see any reason to do so until the truth either _gradually_ dawned upon him, or was inculcated by _some of the many missionaries_ who overspread China. It seems very remarkable that _none_ of them ever entertained this idea, excepting the American, Mr. Roberts, who turned it to no advantage.

In the meanwhile, the possession of Nankin entirely altered the tactics of the Tien-wang. Instead of continuing his rapid and triumphant march, overcoming the Manchoos almost by the terror caused by the advance of his forces, he settled down at what he had decided should become the capital of his new empire; gathering together his followers in and about Nankin and the neighbouring cities. For a month or two the whole Ti-ping forces were busily engaged drilling, and fortifying the cities they retained. During the same period, the Tien-wang and his chiefs were employed constituting a regular government, with its attendant courts and tribunals.

The government instituted was monarchical, Hung-sui-tshuen (the Tien-wang) being the monarch; the other chiefs, titled Wang, bearing the same relation to him as royal princes, that E-ching-wang, the Prince of Kung, and the Soong-wang (one of the late Manchoo emperor's uncles) do to the Manchoo dynasty.

The five principal leaders, besides their rank of Prince, constituted both the Privy Council and Ministry. Six boards were formed, similar to those of Pekin, with an additional one for Foreign Affairs. Yang, the Eastern Prince, was appointed Prime Minister; Wei, the Northern Prince, President of the Board of War; Fung, the Southern Prince, of the Boards of Justice and Finance; Siau, the Western Prince, of the Civil Office Board and Ecclesiastic Court; and Shih, the Assistant-Prince, of the Board of Public Affairs and the Foreign Office.

The above arrangement was, however, subsequently altered, in consequence of the increasing extent of the revolution. The five princes then resigned their inferior appointments to others, continuing their duties as Privy Council to the Tien-wang, and Supreme Generalissimos of the five military divisions, into which their whole rule and territory were divided. Other chiefs were elected to the dignity of Wang, with a rank secondary to that of the Princes, and the whole formed a sort of parliament. All the important affairs of state, such as the military expeditions to be undertaken, plans of defence, &c., had first to receive the sanction of this parliament, and were then submitted to the Tien-wang for his approval. To a certain extent, the Tien-wang was despotic in his government, for nothing could be undertaken without his special sanction. This rule, although supreme, was still far from constituting a despotism; and the ultimate decisions vested in him, have, singularly enough, never created dissension in council. This is to be accounted for not only by the fact that his subjects regarded him as endowed with theocratical attributes, but also to the wisdom of his mandates.

As it was impossible, during their belligerent state, to give full effect to their Civil Boards or officials, the whole system of government resolved itself into a military one, pending such time as peace should be obtained, when they would be at leisure to cultivate the arts and sciences, and form a legislature upon an entirely civil basis.

The occupation of Nankin has proved fatal to the success of the Ti-pings hitherto. Insurrection, of whatever kind, to be successful, must never relinquish the aggressive movement; directly it acts upon the defensive, unless possessing some wonderful organization, its power is broken. The principal element of revolutionary success is rapidity of action, and when once this is forsaken, the consolidated strength of an established constitution is advantageously brought to bear against rebellion.

The Tien-wang, by settling down at Nankin and commencing to defend his position, committed a vital error, and one that lost him the empire. If, instead of so doing, and affording his enemies time to rally and recover from their wild panic, and concentrate their forces, he had aimed at the one terminal point, Pekin, beyond all doubt, the very _éclat_ of his victorious march would have carried him with an almost resistless triumph into possession of the capital, and the consequent destruction of the Manchoo dynasty would have given him the empire. The very fact that for years afterwards, in spite of this unfavourable re-action, the Ti-pings have been enabled, not only to hold their own against the Imperialists, but to have utterly crushed them--had it not been for the intervention of England--proves how easily they might have followed up their first advantages.

Two courses were open to the Ti-pings, either of which, judging by their career, would have led to the extinction of the oppressive Manchoo rule. The first was, without a pause, to have continued their march upon Pekin, abandoning each city as they seized it, and while enriching themselves from the captured stores and treasuries, and strengthening their forces by the crowds of discontented wherever they might pass, not to have permitted the slightest reduction of their numbers by detaching isolated garrisons.

The second would have been to have abandoned Nankin, and concentrated all their forces in the southern provinces,--Kwang-tung, Kwang-se, Kwei-chow, and Fo-keen,--a part of China, more than any other, bitterly opposed to the Manchoos, and more important still, the native provinces of the principal Ti-ping leaders. In this case, the whole of the country south of the Yang-tze river could in a short time have been completely wrested from the Manchoos, and then, if unable to obtain the whole empire, they would at least have established a southern kingdom in perfect integrity--and how superior this course of action would have been to the irregular one they pursued!

It was not only a great mistake, but a great absurdity for the Tien-wang to establish a capital, and set up a new dynasty before accomplishing either of the foregoing courses.

Although for several years numbers continued flocking to the Tien-wang's standard, still, they were not of the best material; the wealthier classes, directly they found the revolution paused, paused too, and time showed them that the obnoxious element was the Christian religion. So long as the movement, in the earlier stages of patriotic excitement, was looked upon as a means of overthrowing the foreign dynasty, it was a national and a popular one; but as the foreign derived religious character transpired, the bigoted and proud Chinese naturally began to eye with suspicion a movement so vast, aiming not only at the subversion of the reigning dynasty, but of the time-honoured superstitions, ceremonies, and faith of the nation. The stationary phase, prejudicial to any revolution, was doubly so to the Ti-ping, as it fully displayed that the Christian, or foreign innovation, was as much their profession as the popular anti-Manchoo feeling; but for this, the whole population of China would have risen _en masse_ to throw off the foreign yoke.

Through our Faith the Ti-pings have heroically, and, until the British _Government_ added their weight to the adverse scale, successfully maintained an unequal struggle for years. Should we not then rather have assisted than opposed them? Why should we, who pride ourselves upon our superior freedom, oppose the advance of Christianity, and perpetuate a most corrupt and barbarous government in Asia--a government more foreign to the people whom it crushes than the Russian is to the Poles? Can the British nation sympathize with the rebels to one and not with those to the other, particularly when the latter are endeavouring to propagate the Christian faith? Can the English nation, one of the most Christian and enlightened in the world, deny all sympathy to those carrying on the greatest patriotic struggle on record, a struggle that _would_, by the admission of many high-minded missionaries, have Christianized more than one-third of the human race?

The Imperialists gained many advantages through the stationary position of the Ti-pings. Whereas, before, they contented themselves with following an advancing and triumphant army, and occupying the towns and districts as they were evacuated, they were now enabled to recover from the demoralizing effects of their numerous defeats, and to concentrate their efforts upon one or two points. The prestige of success, a great element with Chinese troops, was for a time lost to the revolutionists, and the Tartar forces despatched from the north combining with those lately following at a respectful distance in the rear of the Ti-pings, soon invested Nankin and Chin-kiang with apparently overwhelming numbers.

The blockade of Nankin, notwithstanding the strength of the investing forces, was neither close nor effectual. Several expeditionary armies were formed and despatched by the Tien-wang to raise the country in different directions. He seems to have reckoned too much upon the patriotic spirit of his countrymen, besides committing the error of settling down and attempting to consolidate his own power before overthrowing that of the enemy. It is even very probable, if all these expeditionary armies had been combined into one and marched upon Pekin, that that city would have fallen.

In May, 1853, a small army of about seven thousand men crossed to the northern bank of the Yang-tze-kiang, and after defeating a body of Tartar troops who disputed their passage, proceeded rapidly in a north-west direction, through the provinces of Ngan-whui and Ho-nan. Kai-fung, the capital of Ho-nan, the city containing the only tribe of Jews found in China, was unsuccessfully attacked.

Passing rapidly on, the Ti-pings effected the passage of the Yellow River, and attacked the city of Hwae-king. Here they were likewise unsuccessful, and a large army of Imperialists having collected, some from the north, some from the neighbouring garrisons, and united with a considerable force that had been detached in pursuit from the army of observation before Nankin, the siege was raised, and the Ti-ping line of march to the northward checked. Diverging to the westward for nearly 200 miles, they entered the province of Shensi, and on the 4th of September captured the city of Yuen-keuh. This was the first city of magnitude taken since leaving Nankin, and the treasure and supplies found at this place proved very acceptable to the worn and destitute army. They once more turned northwards, and marched steadily forward in the direction of Pekin, capturing many important cities on the way. Late in the same month they entered Chih-le, the most northern province of the empire, and that in which Pekin is situated. Advancing with rapidity, and capturing city after city, towards the end of October they reached the Grand Canal, and proceeding by this, in a few days arrived at and captured the town of Tsing-hae, distant some twenty miles from the port of Tien-tsin. Tsing-hae now became the head-quarters of the Ti-ping army; while the main body occupied the place, a column was detached against Tien-tsin, before which city it appeared on the 30th October; but being repulsed with considerable loss, the whole army went into winter quarters at Tsing-hae.

In the meanwhile, the Manchoo court at Pekin was seriously alarmed at the progress the Ti-pings were making, they being now distant but a few days' march. Every exertion was made to stop their further progress; not only was the Manchoo garrison of Pekin despatched against them, but large bodies of Mongols were engaged and sent before Tsing-hae early in November; and these forces combining with the Imperialist troops that had followed the Ti-pings from the first day they crossed the Yang-tze, and continually receiving reinforcements from every garrison town they passed, now closely blockaded the Ti-ping position.

Soon after the departure of the first northern army, in May, a large force was marched back upon the old route taken by the Ti-pings in their advance upon Nankin. Proceeding up the Yang-tze-kiang, Ngan-king, the capital of the province of Ngan-whui, was captured and made a base for further operations. Many cities were captured, and their stores and treasuries convoyed down to Nankin. Two strong columns were now detached from Ngan-king, one in a westerly direction, penetrating through the provinces of Kiang-si and Hoo-nan, while the other started due north to the reinforcement of the army blockaded at Tsing-hae. Early in 1854, the western army having passed the Tung-ting lake, retraced a part of their old line of march, capturing the numerous cities on the bank of the Yang-tze river. About May this army arrived before the three cities of Han-kow, Han-yang, and Wu-chang, the capital of Hoo-peh, conveying the immense supplies they had already captured; after a short siege, these important places fell, thus placing the Ti-pings in possession of all the principal cities from thence to Chin-kiang, a distance of more than 450 miles, and comprising the richest and most fertile portion of the Yang-tze provinces.

In the meanwhile the northern column (which left Ngan-king some time in November, 1853), making forced marches through Ngan-whui, struck the Grand Canal in the province of Kiang-su, and rapidly following its course through Shang-tung, city after city falling before its victorious march, crossed the Yellow River in March, 1854, and captured by storm, on the 12th April, the strongly-fortified city of Lin-tsing, on the border of the northern province, Chih-le.

During this time the army at Tsing-hae remained closely blockaded. While, entirely cut off from all supplies or reinforcements, it became fast reduced by sickness, famine, and the sword; the enemy, upon the contrary (but a few days' march from Tien-tsin, the great northern commercial city and grain depôt; in the immediate vicinity of Tartary, and, moreover, hardy and inured to the keen wintry storms, so trying to the lightly-clad southerners, comprising the Ti-ping forces) had everything in their favour. Large bodies of Mongolian troops were hired and despatched by the Manchoo government against the blockaded rebels--the Manchoo reserves, and even a large contingent of volunteer Chinese, were sent to swell the imperialist ranks; and while time fast reduced the number and efficiency of the Ti-pings, their foe day by day became more numerous and formidable. The small Ti-ping army at the first scarcely mustered seven thousand strong. Owing to the rapidity of their march, the numbers who joined them by the way were inconsiderable, compared with the resources of the enemy; the only addition they received of any importance was in the province of Ho-nan, where a detachment of local insurrectionists, nearly five thousand strong, joined them; but this reinforcement was more than cancelled by their losses in battle and from disease. The courage and discipline of this small army must have been something wonderful. The steadfast perseverance of their onward march, in the face of seemingly insurmountable difficulties; their steady resistance to the overwhelming numbers of the fur-clad hardy Tartar cavalry--an arm in which they were totally deficient, and could not effectually oppose; their firm endurance of the rigours of the northern winter, close to the icy steppes of Tartary, to which they were unaccustomed, and for which they were unprepared; their isolated march of more than fourteen hundred miles; the heroism with which they supported attack, and finally their successful escape,--all constitute one of the most remarkable campaigns of modern times.

During the months of November and December the besieged made several desperate but unavailing sorties, the enemy in each case repulsing them with heavy loss. At last, early in February, 1854, after an occupation of more than three months, hopeless of success, with famine in their camp, and no prospect of succour from their friends, the whole garrison sallied out and succeeded in cutting their way through the besiegers. With gallantry hitherto unknown to the Chinese, this small but heroic band commenced the most arduous operation of any army,--a retreat in the presence of a vastly superior enemy. Inch by inch they retired, continually facing about to repel the pursuing host. Masses of Tartar cavalry whirled around them, now charging impetuously on front, rear, and flanks, now hurrying in advance to dispute some difficult passage; heavy columns of infantry, surrounding them on every side, rushed incessantly to the attack, confident in their overwhelming numbers, and encouraged by the hope of reward; yet never for a moment did they succeed in breaking the unfaltering and orderly retreat of the Ti-ping army, which slowly retired with its face to the foe, until, after three months' endurance, a junction was effected with the forces which garrisoned the city of Lin-tsing.

It is a singular fact that the Manchoo government dreaded the approach of the small Ti-ping army more than the advance of the allied English and French upon Pekin in 1860. An extract from a memorial of the Board of Censors to the Emperor, found in the Summer Palace, runs thus:--

"In 1853, when the Cantonese rebels overran the country,
advancing impetuously towards the north, the alarm excited in
the capital was many times more serious than that now
manifested."