Chapter XXV (2)

Besides the above reports, others were promulgated by the Mandarins, in which they defeated different Ti-ping armies _en route_ for the south, killing thousands and tens of thousands of rebels and capturing many chiefs, among them the Shi-wang, who, singularly enough, still managed to be in command of the Ti-pings near Amoy, until within the last few months, when he retired to join other leaders farther inland. Confessions were produced which professed to be written by the penitent rebel leaders in their dungeons, while awaiting their turn to be disembowelled, or "cut into a thousand pieces"--a pleasing prospect, of course likely to make the destined victims suddenly feel inspired with love and respect for the benevolent Manchoos, whom they had so vigorously opposed all their lives! Among these seemingly fabricated confessions only one is worthy of any attention, and that is a lengthy composition, entitled, "The autographic deposition of Chung-wang, the faithful king, at his trial after the capture of Nankin." Were it not for the known mendacity of the Mandarins, and their particular addiction to forging documents of this sort in order to lessen the prestige of the revolution by representing its principal leaders as in their merciless power, there would be little doubt but that the one in question was genuine. In 1852, previous to the capture of Nankin by the Ti-pings, the Imperial authorities concocted an article they named the "Confession of Tien-teh," pretending that it was the deposition of the leader of the rebellion, whom they falsely declared was their prisoner. It is quite probable that the "Chung-wang's deposition" is of similar truthlessness, and was made up by some prisoner of note (who may have been pardoned in consequence), and the cunning writers attached to the Governor-General of the two Kiang, Tseng-kwo-fan. Still it must be admitted that many portions of the alleged deposition bear not only the impress of truth (in so far as historical events, data, &c., are concerned), but expressions closely resembling the well known sentiments of the great Ti-ping general; so that if, as we trust, he was not the author, some one pretty intimately acquainted with him must have been. However, some facts tending to support the theory (for there is no direct proof in any case except the Shi-wang's movements subsequent to the fall of Nankin) of the Chung-wang's escape, will be given in the course of our narrative.

Having noticed the Imperialist reports, it is now necessary to give the following digest of the events referred to, and which may be depended upon as the only possible version to be derived from the existing and attainable sources of information:--

It is known that when the Chung-wang became convinced England was determined to persist in prosecuting hostilities against his people, and likewise felt their inability to cope with the foreign power, he at once decided upon the best military movement under the circumstances--namely, an entire abandonment of all accessible possessions, and a retreat into the interior, where British hostility could not reach them, and where no Manchoo forces could either prevent their operations, restrain their consequent reinforcement, or impede their future progress.

Before parting with the Chung-wang, I was myself present at several councils when the above plan was discussed, and unanimously agreed to by every chief present. But one impediment prevented the Commander-in-Chief from acting with his usual brilliancy of conception and wonderfully successful rapidity of execution; it was the Tien-wang, who refused even to listen to any proposal to abandon his capital.

Different people will view this ruinous obstinacy of the Ti-ping king in various ways. Some will look upon it as sheer, downright folly; others, as the useless, fanatical sacrifice of a bigot; while some may consider that that great, heroic, noble-minded man, having once established the capital of his dominions and the centre of his religio-political movement at Nankin, did right and gloriously in meeting death rather than turning backwards on the grand path. If we ascribe to the Tien-wang motives partaking equally of the three traits--nobleness, fanaticism, and rashness--we shall probably be pretty near the truth.

At all events, the Tien-wang passionately refused to entertain the only plan by which the existence of the Ti-ping power, and the perpetuation of his dynasty, seemed possible. All the court officers, cabinet ministers, and other high authorities of Nankin, were blindly subservient to the will of their king, and equally infatuated with his religious and temporal command. Besides, many of those about him were of the Hung family, and, being nearly related to their chief, not only followed implicitly his wishes, but jealously formed themselves into a clique about him, to the prejudice and exclusion of other more capable and independent officers. All the fighting Wangs were outside the capital, and incessantly engaged with the enemy; few troops were in garrison, while many thousands of helpless non-combatants daily diminished the stores of the failing granaries; and if the multitudinous besieging army, encamped and fortified all round the devoted city, had been animated with the slightest particle of courage or military spirit, they might easily have captured it many months before it eventually fell through starvation, or was evacuated by the troops.

The Chung-wang, after his separation from myself at Wu-see, proceeded direct to Nankin _via_ Chang-chow-foo. His only object was to save the king and his own family (living with his aged mother, whom he loved with excessive filial tenderness), by inducing them to leave the untenable city. He, alone, proposed the unpalatable manoeuvre to the Tien-wang, whose severe displeasure he had already incurred, being punished in various ways--by deprivation of titles, refusal of audience, accusation of disloyalty, &c. How the time (December, 1863, to 19th July, 1864) was passed, from the arrival of the Chung-wang to the fall of the capital, unless the professed "autographic deposition" be true, or the garrison really abandoned the city and escaped, will probably never be known to history. Either, as the "deposition" states, the whole city petitioned against the departure of the renowned commander, or he personally elected to remain, rather than desert his king in the hour of death and darkness, even though such calamity might have been avoided but for the fatal perverseness of the monarch; perhaps both causes operated to confine him to useless inactivity within the walls of the doomed city--inevitably doomed, and encircled by the numberless siege works of the enemy as with a band of impenetrable steel.

How the poor people, fated by the passive stubbornness of their rulers, must have gathered together round their great warrior, as men will rally about a tower of strength; how the unnumbered thousands of helpless non-combatants must have rejoiced at the presence of him whose very name was an army, a bulwark to his people, and a terror to the enemy; how bitterly must the brave, energetic soldier have grieved and chafed at the unnecessarily-incurred annihilation, and growing horrors of the siege, which should have been avoided; but, alas! how could one great man, without means, save a people, a sacred cause, and a city invested by 100,000 savage foemen?

Loyalty and filial duty brought the "faithful prince" to Nankin; the same motives bound him there to await destruction, when his presence in the field--at the head of his own army, left under command of his cousin, the Shi-wang--would have proved invaluable, and would surely have placed the Ti-pings in a much better position than they occupied at the close of the year 1865.

Nankin fell at last. All that is _positively_ known by Europeans--apart from false, garbled, and exaggerated Mandarin sources--may be summed up in few words:--Frightful privations were endured before the enemy took possession; and when the city was entered by Mr. Consul Adkins, and other gentlemen, the streets and houses were literally blocked up with the bodies of the dead, by far the greater portion having the appearance of death from starvation; and many being very far advanced in decomposition, proved that, long before the Imperialists found courage enough to blow an opening through the undefended walls, the unfortunate people had succumbed to famine faster than the living could bury the dead--in fact, it was evident that no such effort could have been successful from the numbers who had daily perished.

Mr. Adkins, in his despatch to Earl Russell, places the number of people slaughtered by the Imperialists on their entry at 10,000; but other visitors state as many as 30,000, which is probably nearer the truth.

It is also certain that many chiefs with their followers left Nankin in safety. A successor to the Mo-wang, assassinated at Soo-chow, having afterwards appeared at Hong-kong; the Yu and Hsieh Wangs (the latter being one of the Tien-wang's brothers, and always attached to the court) being heard of in Kiang-si at the head of an army; while the following extract from the narrative of one Patrick Nellis, already referred to, and which was made on affidavit before the British Consul at Shanghae, seems to prove that the Ti-ping prime minister escaped from Nankin, and such being the case, undoubtedly there are strong grounds to believe the military leaders did likewise. In the evidence sworn to, Nellis, after describing an engagement with the Imperialists, states:--

"On our return to Hoo-chow-foo, Kang-wang arrived from Nankin
with an escort. Great ceremonies were shown at his reception; he
did not look as if he had suffered any hardship...."

In speaking of the evacuation of the city, Nellis makes the following statement:--

"Kan-wang spoke to me in English very slowly. He asked me what I
was. I said, 'an Englishman.' He said he had never met a good
foreigner, and asked me if I would go with him to Kiang-si. I
said I should be very glad if Tow-wang (Commandant of Hoo-chow)
would let me."

This conversation took place more than a month after the fall of Nankin, and a few days before the abandonment of Hoo-chow-foo on the 28th August, 1864. Upon the strength of such facts the _Friend of China_ has steadily maintained that Nankin was abandoned by all but the poorest civilians when the Imperialists made their breach and marched through without opposition.

Another circumstance damaging to the veracity of the Imperialist reports, is a statement (contained in one of the Mandarin's inspired "confessions,") purporting to be that of the Tien-wang's son (the heir to the throne). The young prince is made to state that his father "succumbed to sickness on the 24th of May, 1864;" but of this all-important event the "Chung-wang's deposition" makes no mention. Here is an inconsistency which at once proves either one or both the "confessions" false; because, if the Tien-wang had really died, the Chung-wang would have been at liberty to carry out his own views and abandon Nankin; whereas his professed "deposition" states that, to the day the city fell, he was unable to do so in consequence of the Tien-wang's opposition.

The _Friend of China_ also states that a Mr. Butler, of Shanghae, actually witnessed the withdrawal of the garrison. Moreover, adding together the few spared by the enemy, those slain and those destroyed by famine, we should even then scarcely have the number of destitute people--labourers, coolies, and friendless non-combatants--who were relieved by the Chung-wang alone during the early part of the year 1864, when he kept a list of about 80,000 dependent upon his resources and charity. In 1863 rations were daily issued to upwards of 400,000 people. At the period now referred to, when the Chung-wang shut himself up in the beleaguered city, the population, inclusive, was certainly not less than a fifth of a million, and, probably, far exceeded that number; therefore, even supposing that one-half (which is a large estimate) perished, were slain, or made prisoners, during and at the termination of the siege, how can we account for the 100,000 remaining, unless we believe that they had previously managed to effect their retreat from the city?

In the _Friend of China_, August 16, 1864, appears the following:--

"We are still assured by parties who have means of knowing, that
our first story of the evacuation of Nankin by its soldiery,
before the Imperialists sprung their mine and rushed in, was the
correct story; all those 30,000 massacred individuals told of by
the _Recorder_ (but _not_ mentioned at the Asiatic Society with
the "flushing of a pheasant") being inoffensive men, women, and
children.

"The Chung-wang, it is said, is not dead. He is at Hoo-chow-foo,
while the Tien-wang is still in the body."

The strongest support of the Imperialist statement of the death of the Tien-wang, and the capture and subsequent execution of the Chung-wang, is the fact that, since the fall of Nankin, nothing whatever has been heard of them elsewhere. On the other hand, however, it was supposed that one or the other was commanding the forces in the interior, acting in Fu-keen in concert with the Shi-wang when he occupied the city of Chang-chow, near Amoy, from October, 1864, to May, 1865: and what seems to lend force to this supposition is that he appeared to be acting under the orders of some superior farther inland; the only chiefs of higher rank being the King and his son, the Chung, Kan, I (several years absent in Sz-chuen), and Si Wangs--the latter being a young man (son of the original Western King) attached to the court at Nankin, and totally without authority in military affairs. Upon the whole, it is quite possible that the Ti-ping King, his son and heir, Prime Minister, and General-in-Chief, may have met with the fate ascribed to them by the enemy; still there is no positive proof, and there are good grounds for supposing that some, if not all, are yet living and directing the Ti-ping movements.

The siege of Hoo-chow-foo by the Imperialists was merely nominal, for, up to the abandonment of that city by the Ti-pings, they were never allowed within range of its walls, and were compelled to act almost entirely on the defensive, so repeated and vigorous were the attacks by the garrison and a corps of observation they had encamped outside the place on a neighbouring range of hills. Only a few days before the evacuation took place, the garrison succeeded in capturing a number of Imperialist stockades, several hundred gunboats, and three or four thousand men, besides inflicting heavy loss in killed and wounded; the Franco-Manchoo disciplined auxiliaries alone losing 6 officers and 800 men. Very soon after this victory, the evacuation was effected with consummate skill, the enemy not discovering that the Ti-pings had flown until the day after. The number of troops forming the garrison and encampment was very considerable, 50,000 being the lowest estimate;[80] their line of retreat was either through the province of Fu-keen or Kiang-si, and their destination is even yet unknown, none of the chiefs from Hoo-chow having been recognised anywhere since. It is, however, pretty certain that they acted in concert with the forces led by the Shi-wang, though keeping an inland position, while the latter advanced to the sea-board at Amoy.

The _Friend of China_, Sept. 8, 1864, under the heading,--"Another of the parties despatched by us a short time ago, to learn the real state of affairs about Hoo-chow-foo, has just returned,"--reports as follows:--

"The Chung-wang was in command up to the last.... Hoo-chow was
evacuated.... Three days afterwards--we repeat--three days
afterwards, Le Futai gallantly marched into the city with a
thundering noise; and then what did he? The gates were closed,
and then commenced a general sack, and the usual massacre of
innocent individuals.... A laughable story is told of the
_second_ capture of the Chung-wang here, at Hoo-chow; his
head--the veritable caput--with loud clamour of gongs, being
sent round to all the villages, that people might behold the
head of the arch traitor! Our reporter, wicked sceptic! loudly
declares that the head _said to be_ the Chung-wang's, truly sat
on the shoulders, a week ago, of a man whose highest grade in
life was that of a coolie!"

In the month of October, 1864, the residents of Amoy were suddenly surprised to hear that a body of Ti-pings, about 10,000 strong, had surprised and captured the city of Chang-chow, barely twenty miles inland, and situated on a river emptying itself into the sea at the Treaty Port.

From this reappearance of the Ti-pings close to a Treaty Port, we are enabled again to obtain some authentic records--many Europeans, including the British Consul, having visited them at Chang-chow. One English gentleman wrote the following account (which may be relied on as authentic) of his experiences to the _Daily Press_, and the same was reproduced in _The Overland China Trade Report_, 1st January, 1865:--

"A VISIT TO CHANG-CHOW.
"_To the Editor of the 'Daily Press,' Hong-kong._

"Sir,--As you appear desirous to obtain information regarding
the insurgents in this neighbourhood, I take leave to furnish
you with the following result of my personal observations, which
were derived in the course of a visit amongst them.

"The city and suburbs of Chang-chow are still occupied by the
Taeping insurgents. About three-fifths of the whole city is
burnt, and in the ruins may be seen the dead bodies of the late
inhabitants, uninjured except by fire; not a wound could I see
on any, which plainly shows, and as the rebels themselves
affirm, that the inhabitants set fire to their dwellings
themselves, and perished in them; having previously drugged
themselves with opium rather than fall into the hands of the
insurgents.

"Those portions of the city unburnt are occupied by the rebels,
but there are many streets of Hongs, the doors of which are
sealed up, uninhabited, and apparently full of merchandise. The
rebels appear to be very numerous; I should estimate them at
about 12,000; but they affirm themselves that they number
15,000. There are a great number of boys and youths among them,
but I saw no women. They are much sunburnt, thin, and haggard in
their appearance, and evidently have undergone much hardship
before they took this city. I was told by many of them that they
underwent extreme privations during their retreat from the
north; that food of any kind, at many places, could not be
obtained, on account of the country people being extremely
hostile, and destroying everything as soon as they heard that
the rebels were nearing them. That at several small towns on the
borders of the Provinces of Che-kiang and Fokien human flesh
was used for food; and that a peasant's body was retailed out at
80 cash per catty by the fortunate rebel who had killed him!

"The chief in command at Chan-chow is Tszle-wang,[81] brother to
Chung-wang. He was at Ningpo during its occupation by the
insurgents in 1862, and he commanded in the defence of that city
when he was attacked and driven out by the British naval force,
under Captain Dew. But he says he bears no animosity towards the
British on account of it, as he is aware that Captain Dew was
subsidized by the Chinese Government to retake Ningpo from the
rebels. He professes the profoundest respect for the British
nation for their bravery and power; and what he most ardently
wishes is to be on friendly terms with her; and all that he
requests is for her to act fairly up to her _professed
neutrality_ to both contending parties. He says that, should
they not succeed in conquering the Imperialists, he would be
most happy to see the country under British rule. He promised he
would not venture nearer to Amoy than Chang-chow (which is about
twenty miles distant), provided the Mandarins at Chau-bay, a
town situated on the river, about half way between Amoy and
Chau-chow, did not blockade the river, and cut off all native
trade and communication with them. That, in case they did, he
should be compelled to take Chau-bay. That he should on no
account attack Amoy, as he did not wish to have any rupture with
foreigners. That he was very sorry the trade of Amoy suffered on
account of their occupation of Chau-chow. That he would be only
too happy to open trade reciprocally with foreigners; and that
he would grant them every privilege and protection. That he was
willing to trade with them for any description of European goods
and native produce in return. Opium was not interdicted. He has
made a law to protect all native farmers and tradespeople, and
this has been already felt by the country people who have opened
a day market in one of the main streets of the south suburb;
and, from daylight to dark, until the gates are shut, every
description of native 'Chow-chow' is to be obtained. Tszle-wang
told me that the establishing of this market, though doing a
great deal of good to both parties, had led to many executions
of both rebels and country people--the former on account of
taking goods and not paying for them, and natives found in the
city setting fire to houses and plundering; who, when caught,
are taken before a rebel Mandarin, and, if found guilty,
executed; as no rebel, under penalty of death, can take the life
of any person, except in action. The rebels appear to be well
armed with rifles, revolvers, and muskets. The Imperial soldiers
in this respect are not to be compared to them, as their arms
consist entirely of native matchlocks, gingalls, and spears,
and not one in ten has even a matchlock; and they are a wretched
lot of ragged rabble. On the other side, the rebels are very
neatly dressed, more cleanly, and are drilled after European
tactics. There are some Europeans amongst them, but I had no
communication with them. They have entirely routed the
Imperialists in every engagement they have had with them; and on
the 2nd instant they came down on the Imperial lines 2,500
strong, the Imperial troops numbering 11,000; who have advanced
to within about five miles of the city, to endeavour to protect
the farmers, to gather in the standing crops of rice, which are
in great abundance for many miles around the city, and which the
rebels have gathered in and secured. The Imperials were encamped
on both sides of the Rim, but their greatest force was on the
right bank, behind a rugged hill, the inner extremity of which
was crossed at right angles by a valley, which could have been
easily protected by throwing up a few earthworks and mounting a
few guns in them. Their weak point they could not see; and the
rebels, taking advantage of the hilly ground in the
neighbourhood to advance under cover during daylight, and,
coming down the valley at dark, entered the Imperial camp about
eleven p.m., without any warning being given. The Imperials were
completely panic-struck; and having no retreat but by river,
rushed to their boats in such numbers that many of them were
swamped, and hundreds of soldiers drowned. Many of them ran and
hid themselves wherever they could, and among the latter was the
chief Mandarin in command. They offered little or no resistance;
and the rebels, after killing 1,000 and taking 450 prisoners,
destroying the camp equipage, returned to the city at daylight.
Tszle-wang told me that his plan of campaign would be next to
take the large and populous town of Tong-wah, and from thence
march upon the district city of Chin-chew in the spring. That
the amount of the whole rebel force in the province of Fokien
under his command fell little short of 50,000 men; and hoping to
increase it to 80,000 after the capture of Chin-chew, he should
then endeavour to open communication with the British
authorities, and arrange to take Foo-chow-foo.

"Tszle-wang appears to be a man of considerable calibre. He
appears, for a Chinaman, to be well up in foreign politics, and
conversant on many subjects that you generally find the Chinese
most ignorant on. He is affable and engaging in his manner, and
appears to treat those about him with kindness. He is thirty-one
years of age; short, stout, and well-made; his face is much
sunburnt, and complexion, say dark; any person might think he
was of Malay origin, as he has both the features and colour of a
Malay. That he is some strategist and has considerable military
tact must be acknowledged by the manner he took the city of
Chang-chow, before a rumour was even circulated of the rebels
being anywhere near the place, or intending to capture it; and
from the defeats the Imperial force has sustained in every
engagement they have had with him, although in numerical
strength the Imperial force has always been 3 or 4 to 1. I
should like to pay another visit to the insurgents, but all
foreigners are interdicted from visiting them, both by the
Consuls and Mandarin authorities; in fact, we are now not even
allowed to enter the river, which is only a mile and a half, and
nearly twenty miles from Chang-chow, on the usual shooting
excursions, wild fowl being very plentiful in the river, and
which is our only amusement at this season of the year. The
whole foreign community feel this to be very hard indeed, and
consider it to be very arbitrary on the part of the Consul, as
this place is extremely dull--no amusements whatever, our only
recreation being in a picnic or shooting excursion up the
river--but Mr. Pedder tries to make himself as unpopular as he
possibly can, and he has told the Mandarins that they can arrest
any foreigner they can find on the river under any circumstances
whatever, and the Mandarins have threatened to decapitate any
boatmen who may hire their boats to or take foreigners up the
river. I also hear that the British Consul some few days ago
issued a _warrant_ to search the private dwelling of an English
resident here for arms and munitions of war; and, if any were
found, to bring him prisoner to the Consulate; but, happily, his
suspicions were wrongly placed, as they found nothing of the
kind in the gentleman's house whatever. Has a British Consul
authority to search a gentleman's private dwelling whenever he
may please, and set spies to watch the movements of a person to
please the Chinese Mandarins? Really this is cringing or holding
the candle to the Celestials, and taking away the liberty of the
subject entirely; and if it goes any further, I cannot say how
it may end.

"Your obedient servant,
"VERITAS.
"Amoy, 14th December, 1864."

In a subsequent letter, describing another visit to Chang-chew, the same writer states:--

"The rebel campaign is about to be carried on with vigour in
this quarter; of the 30,000 men collected in Chang-chow, not
one-fifth are required to garrison the city. I heard from
Tszle-wang myself that he should immediately detach 7,000, under
Tsi-wang, to assist in the capture of Tong-san, and another
force would be despatched simultaneously to attack Tong-wak and
Chin-chew. The rebels (Ti-pings) are in possession of six cities
in this part of the province of Fu-keen, and within a few days'
march. _The rebels told me that Tien-wang's son was at one of
the cities._"

The violation of the Queen's Order in Council (commanding neutrality to be observed after the Soo-chow massacre) by the British Consuls in China, is well shown by the previous letter of "Veritas." Besides the partisan acts therein complained of, six or seven English steamers were hired to the Mandarins at Shanghae to carry Imperialist troops to Amoy. They did so, and were well paid for the affair; but is this neutrality? Moreover, every kind of war material was freely supplied to them, and British officers were allowed to command some of the Imperialist troops (_Colonel_ Kirkham, formerly with Gordon, and one _Captain_ Macdonald being particularly noticed), while all supplies for, or communication with, the Ti-pings were forbidden and attempted to be cut off; but, notwithstanding, munitions of war, and some Europeans (including _Colonel_ Rhode, Gordon's late Adjutant-General, and _Colonel_ Williams, who had commanded one of the Anglo-Manchoo regiments) managed to reach the revolutionists.

Shortly after the capture of Chang-chew, the Shi-wang issued the following proclamations:--

"NOTIFICATION FROM THE TAIPING CHIEF AT CHANG-CHOW.

"Notification from His Royal Highness Lee, Shee-king and
Protector General, ordering the people to submit willingly and
to continue their occupations.

"Whereas agriculture is the chief of the occupations of mankind,
upon which people necessarily subsist, and whereas, since I rule
this city I have always informed the people everywhere that they
may continue their duties and occupations as usual--be it
therefore known that those who submit to this government are
called good people. Strict orders have been given to my officers
and soldiers not to make any disturbance among the inhabitants,
which orders you must have heard.

"But how is it that at present the fields are left uncultivated
and all agricultural business seems to be entirely neglected?
The plantations of sugar-cane are nearly ready for harvest, but
will spoil if not cut, and the grains and paddy are nearly
rotten, the reason of which we cannot comprehend. Probably the
raising of arms is the cause of it, of which the people stand in
awe, consequently they moved to their countries; or is the cause
that at the time of fighting they are afraid that they may be
implicated, that on this account they fled to other places? But
the benevolent and just army will not destroy the good people;
while they exterminate the wicked, they will not punish the
innocent.

"Now two villages on the south and north have already submitted,
they are settled as usual. You people should be diligent at all
times in trade and agriculture.

"Further, in the four villages of that place, the sugar-canes
may be converted into sugar and the grains be collected: if you
do not immediately return and resume your occupations, then how
will the people get their subsistence? Furthermore, the people
who fled away have not paid their taxes due, being thus ignorant
of the plan of seeking peace.

"I treat others with great liberality, and therefore again and
again issue these notifications, intimating to you that all
those who have fled away may quietly return to cut the
sugar-canes and collect the grains, and those who have not paid
their taxes must, with submissive mind, come and pay their
taxes. You must not cherish any doubt or hesitation, nor have a
different heart, otherwise you will too late repent what you
have done. I protect the people as children, and look upon them
as wounded; therefore, for more than a month since I have taken
possession of the place, I have never allowed a single soldier
or officer to go to any village to give trouble. Now all the
regulations have been arranged and the laws rectified, and
strict orders have also repeatedly been given to the army thus
treating you people bountifully and kindly. When the superior is
so affectionate, you inferiors should readily come and pay
tributes.

"After this notification has been issued, if those who have not
paid their taxes and still insist on their obstinacy by
disregarding it, troops will be raised to punish them in order
to warn those who are perverse and stubborn, without lenity.
Every one of you must obey this command and not disappoint me of
my affection to you.

"LEE-SHAI-YIN,
Shee-king, and Protector General of the Celestial Dynasty.

"Taiping Celestial Kingdom, 14th year, 19th moon, 30th day."
--_Daily Press._

"ADDRESS FROM THE TAIPING CHIEF AT CHANG-CHOW TO THE TREATY
POWERS.

"His Royal Highness Lee-Shai-yin, Shee-king and Imperial
Protector General of the Celestial Dynasty, to their
Excellencies the Plenipotentiaries of England, France, United
States, and the people of their respective countries.

"Since creation our Chinese Empire was first governed by
Shinnung, then by the Emperors Yaw and Shun, who afterwards
resigned their throne. Again the Emperors Tang and Mo attained to
their throne by force of arms; then Dynasties Chun, Han, Ngai,
and Tsiun transmitted their thrones to their respective
posterity, and were succeeded by the Dynasties Tang, Sung, Yune,
and Ming. It would be a matter of considerable difficulty, when
referring to the distant generations, to repeat them all, but as
a nation it had hitherto been in amity with all your various
nations, no distinct border having been marked out. I was born
late, and have not had the fortune to view these good prospects,
and to enjoy the administration of the benevolent Government, but
I have examined maps of the world, and studied the histories, and
I am happy to possess a thorough knowledge of them, and the
contents of which are as before me. For a man to guard a place,
the watchword is to remember the fact that when the lips are cut
off, the teeth will be endangered. To be in amity with adjacent
countries, and for one to keep intercourse with neighbouring
countries, it is essential not to forget the maxim of one large
nation serving another small one. Of the history of China in
counting back from the Dynasties of Ming and Yune, there have
been innumerable successive revolutions of kingdoms who
invariably paid tributes and presented precious stones to each
other when due, and who never encroached upon other's territory.
But the Tartars were of a different species, remarkable for their
ravenous disposition, and for this reason, the central kingdom
with the eastern provinces, in order to prevent their invasion,
built the great wall. Unfortunately, during the latter part of
the Ming Dynasty they were allowed to invade the interior, we
became their victim, and have since been disgraced by them for
these two centuries or more. Who then with common sense and
natural patriotism would not strike his breast and weep? Even
your various nations, in a practical point of view, are countries
and in relation as lip to teeth, would not fail, I think, to hate
them.

"Long had it been designed to raise the just standard, but in
consequence of their being few in China who would support the
movement, the design had for a time to be abandoned. Happily our
Heavenly Father the Almighty God did not desert the descendants
of Han (China), and hated the Tartars, and sent down my Lord who
settled at Kinling[82] as a basis of operations for more than ten
years, and during that period exterminated thousands and ten
thousands of Tartars. My Lord had always been in friendship with
the heroes and enterprising men of your various nations who
carried on their respective trades as usual. Further, the
provinces of Kwang, Cheh, Yu, and others have been opened, and
the ministers and people of various nations have travelled and
rambled, and trade has been carried on uninterruptedly as usual.
Is this not excellent? In obedience to my Lord's command I have
been ordered to extirpate and root out the Tartars. Recently I
attacked and took Chang-chow, where I encamped my soldiers.
Whilst there I was glad to hear that you were close by, and I
would ere this have sent a despatch to you, but various
difficulties were thrown in the way. I now write this and tell
the people of Tai-po-tsz of Cha-chow to present it for your
perusal, earnestly hoping that after reading, you will consider
the importance of lip-lost-and-teeth-endangered phrase, and
perceive the advantage of a large nation serving a small one;
that you will support our just movement by combining together to
put an end to the Tsing Dynasty, in order that the people may
live in happiness, and your various natives enjoy peace. The
doctrine of our Heavenly Father, the Almighty God, and of Jesus
Christ, teaches us that He is merciful, saving us, answering to
prayers and unselfish--all mankind should look to future and
believe in Christianity.

"Therefore, more than ten years before my Lord's accession to
the throne, he believed in Christianity, as his conduct would
show.

"He also received the Rev. Mr. Roberts, who preached the Gospel
to the Chinese who believed and praised with him to God. We have
welcomed your doctors, who cured many Chinese, and healed their
diseases. We all feel grateful for their merciful kindness, and
are under obligation for their favours. From this you will see
that your nations and our Chinese in a universal point of view
are as one. But the Tartars believe in Buddism, despise
Christianity, and turn a dead ear to its doctrine. It may be
argued that belief or disbelief rests with them, and they will
afterwards reap the fruit of their conduct. Well, why then do
they persecute Christian converts so that their lives are in
jeopardy? Therefore my Lord reluctantly took up arms, raised an
army, and coped with them. This has been going on for these more
than ten years, and through the mercy of our Heavenly Father,
the Almighty God, and Jesus Christ, and through the assistance
of your various nations, my Lord has taken many cities and
provinces, and killed many Tsing devils. Still to conquer and
subdue an empire of eighteen provinces, combined with a strong
army of Mongols and Chinese, who have ample munitions of war and
provisions, must be extremely difficult.

"Let us learn from the ancients as well as the moderns that to
lead an army to battle it is indispensable to have
reinforcements; and to establish a kingdom it is essential to
get assistance from the neighbouring countries. Your various
nations and China are at present like lip to teeth, and similar
to a large country serving a small one. Let me ask you that
before my Lord settled at Kiang-nan, could you get admittance
into the interior? Now you can ride from east to west and from
north to south, and the provinces of Hupeh and Ngan-hoin have
been opened to trade. If your various nations do not ally with
me to exterminate the Tsing Dynasty, and in case our force being
unable to cope with the Tartars, as we are deficient in naval
power, we shall be conquered, then the result of lip-lost and
teeth-endangered will soon follow. Therefore it is desirable
that your various nations should embrace this opportunity as
presented.

"If, on the other hand, your various nations, relying on the
omnipotence of our Heavenly Father and Jesus Christ, and acting
upon the doctrine of Christianity, will come to terms with us
for destroying the Tsing Dynasty, if you command your naval
armies and attack those places near the water, and whatever
cities, districts, ports, and passes you will have taken and
conquered by your force, you will be at liberty without the
least hinderance on my part to keep them, and whatever treasures
and food found therein, you will be at liberty to appropriate
them. And so I will attack on land, and whatever cities,
districts, and passes I conquer, and whatever treasures and food
I find, I will divide, giving one half to you, and all the
distant cities, ports, and marts will be surrendered to you.

"Thus having your naval armies, we can cross the ocean and
bestride the rivers without obstacle or hinderance. Our army, I
must confess, in its beginning is weak, and food is not
plentiful; and unless your various nations lend a hand to assist
me, the Tartars will be more ravenous and their ferociousness
will be greater, _and if once our army is subdued, they will as
a matter of course come upon your various nations_, when, it is
clear, you will be precluded from trading and travelling in the
provinces of Kiang, Kwang, Cheh, and Yu. I earnestly pray that
you will despatch your soldiers and co-operate with me to
exterminate the evil posterities, and that we all may obtain
advantages. Hoping you will comply with my views is my earnest
prayer.

"The statements I have made, though they are vulgar, I undertake
to swear before heaven that I will keep them. Let us write in
benevolence to accomplish our undertakings, then we shall make
peace with each other, trade with each other from generation to
generation, and enjoy together universal peace. Is this not the
best plan? The city of Chang has been and is a rich place, at
present both the soldiers and inhabitants are happy, trade is
flourishing, and treasures are plentiful. I also earnestly
request that you will convey merchandise and vessels containing
all kinds of foreign cargo, and the caps, powder, &c., which
will be sold immediately here. You have no occasion to fear that
some of my men will take them without paying for them. I will
make up the damages should they do so, and surely I will not
break my promise!

"On the day of this epistle reaching you, you will favour me
with a reply.

"With my best compliments to your gentlemen of your various
nations,

"I am your obedient servant,
LEE-SHAI-YIN,

"Shee-king, and Imperial Protector General of the Celestial
Dynasty
"Taiping Celestial Kingdom, 14th year, 10th moon, 1st day."
--_Daily Press._

FOOTNOTES:

[75] See _Friend of China_, July 11, 1865.

[76] See the account from _Shanghae Recorder_, at the end of the preceding chapter.

[77] Referring to Colonel Gordon, Captain Osborn, R.N., and their subordinates.

[78] Meaning the noble occupation of buying and selling; and that, too, at the point of the bayonet.

[79] _Times_, January 12, 1865. _China Overland Trade Report_, 30th November, 1864.

[80] The _Times_, October 26, 1864, in its China intelligence (under date, "Shanghae, September 4"), describing the evacuation of Hoo-chow, makes the following statement, which is a further proof of the total or partial escape of the Nankin garrison:--"The rebel force had been so greatly swollen by fugitives _from Nankin_ and other places, that it constituted quite a formidable army."

[81] The writer of the letter has evidently made a confusion of the name, Le, and title, Shi, of the chief, for the following proclamations prove him to be the Shi or Shee Wang.

[82] This must mean Nankin.