Chapter XVII: Conclusion (1)

Having now finished my narrative, it remains for me to fulfil my obligations to the reader and the public, by briefly stating the result of my experience, not only upon the habits and manners of the people of Western Africa, but also as to the progress they have made towards civilization, as to their political institutions and religious improvement. In doing this I shall cautiously abstain from entering into abstruse calculations, and religiously confine myself to what my best judgement enables me to declare from practical observation. I must here however state, that it has been too long the custom to set little value on the African Negro, to consider him as a being mid-way placed between the mere brute and man; as impervious to every ray of intellectual light; and, in a word, as incapable of enjoying the blessings of civil or religious liberty. This custom is, to say the least of it, erroneous, and the notion on which it is founded unjust. The Spaniards, after the discovery of South America, affected to believe the South Americans of a species inferior to themselves. They ruinously acted on that belief for centuries, and the descendants of those Spaniards have lived to see the day, when long observation has taught them, at a large expense, a very different lesson. It is not however denied, that slaves must and will be slaves, with all the cunning and treachery which their condition engenders, and perhaps it may still be a question, if persons enfranchised from a state of slavery can, by the fact of such an enfranchisement, become at once, or even very speedily, fit and useful members of a free and enlightened community. At the first blush of the question the answer would be in the negative, but that negative should not be left unqualified. The people amongst whom I have travelled, and of whom only I would now be understood to write, are illiterate and consequently superstitious; but the former arises not from want of capacity or genius so much as from the want of means to cultivate them; their mechanical like their agricultural knowledge is extremely limited, but why from that argue their incapacity to meet improvement, if improvement were happily thrown in their way? They have beside, a civil polity and a diplomatic chicane in their intercourse with each other, which is not usually to be found in merely savage life. Like most half taught people their cunning generally supersedes their wisdom, but then I am still prepared to argue, that if you allow them the full exercise of their industry; if you improve and protect it; if, by wise and judicious policy, you lift the Negro in his own esteem, and teach his Chief, that what is good was intended for all, though not in the same proportion, for the servant as the master; if you abate their superstition by the careful introduction of evangelical truths; if, in a word, you realize those things, the condition of Africa will soon assume the appearance of health, longevity, and happiness.

Their wants are, generally speaking, few and easily satisfied; and their soil, though barren, yields a sufficiency of those common necessaries of life which are required in tropical climates. They have not, unfortunately, any common language to knit them together in society, hence must their intercourse with each other be extremely limited; their curiosity is not awakened by the contemplation of new and remote objects, they know few artificial necessities to induce the visits of strangers to supply them, and hence, except in war, they seldom pass the boundaries of the hut that shelters, and the field of rice or corn that feeds them. Nor are these the only disadvantages, or, more properly speaking, difficulties to their general improvement. It is a melancholy truth, that some of the white men who were in the first instances sent ostensibly to instruct them, were often actuated by different motives to suffer the lust of interest and power to tempt them from the useful discharge of the functions entrusted to them;—they, too, often meet cunning by cunning, treachery by treachery, and rapine by rapine: and while they thus conducted themselves,—why expect the Negro to view them in the light of friends and Christian regenerators? The Negro absurdly thinks the white man his enemy, and in how many thousand instances has not the white man realised this absurdity into positive and melancholy fact? The white inculcates principles whose practice he violates, and then he turns round and smiles at the incredulity, or affectedly weeps over the folly of those who will not yield to the happy influence which, forsooth! he was destined to spread amongst them. That this has been too much the case cannot be denied. That a different conduct now prevails, I can with pleasure assert, and I hope for the sake of mankind, that it may improve in proportion as the field of our enquiries shall enlarge. This misconduct was the beginning of all the evil which followed, and those erroneous views destroyed the best intentioned labours. We as Englishmen should consider that the prejudices of ages cannot be eradicated in an hour, nor the light of truth communicated by instruction at the mere will of man. To benefit our fellow creatures, we must expend time, patience, money, resources and sedulous instruction, because we know that cupidity, bigotry, and revenge, and all the bad passions which spring from ignorance, are not to be destroyed by any other effectual means. Many incidents have been stated in the course of my narrative, which justify these remarks, exclusive of those more prominent instances which are to appear in the sequel.

The principal difficulties which impeded my progress may be reduced to a few heads. The cupidity and duplicity of the chiefs, the existence of slavery as connected with our endeavours to abolish it, the idle fears and apprehensions growing out of recent hostile transactions in the Senegal, and, mainly, the rapid spread and dreadful influence of the Mahomedan faith.

The duplicity of the chiefs is principally exemplified in the conduct of the kings of Woolli, Bondoo and Kaarta, and either in the want of inclination, or the fear of our approaching or passing Sego, by the king of that country. At Woolli perhaps they were of too trivial a nature, and the king so inadequate to prevent our passing by force, that they scarcely merit attention. They serve however to shew, that if he had not the power, he had at least the inclination to throw every obstacle in the way of our proceeding eastward, but in which direction, it is equally true, that none but his enemies resided. It may be naturally supposed he did not wish such persons to be enriched by sharing in the booty expected from our baggage, exaggerated reports of whose value had been circulated through the interior long before even the first expedition had left Senegal. At Bondoo the fairest promises were in the first instance held out to us by Almamy; nay, an apparent impatience was evinced by him to send us forward, but this we soon discovered to have originated in a desire on his part to grasp at those presents which he supposed we should make him in consideration for so laudable an attention to our interests, but which (although more than we could well afford) not being sufficiently valuable in his eyes, were no sooner handed over to him, than the appearance of things changed, and he made a demand for nearly as much more, under the name of customs. The English name, and the liberality of the British governors of St. Louis, and Senegal, to Almamy Bondoo were well and long known to him previously to our entering his country, but it appears that not only the recollection of their kindness to him had vanished with our cession of that colony to the French, but that he had been determined to crown his ingratitude with treachery, deceit, and even want of common hospitality to the expedition, which was unfortunately induced to prefer the road through his country for the reasons already mentioned in p. 61, and in consequence of the very apparently warm manner in which he expressed himself grateful for the handsome presents he had received from Sir Charles M‘Carthy when commanding at St. Louis. That every deference and respect for him as the king of Bondoo, and indeed in some cases rather more than enough, had been shewn him, is but too evident from the enormous sacrifices we made at the shrine of his insatiable avarice, with a view of conciliating his favour and protection, and of convincing him that our object in going to the east was not only the mere solution of a geographical question, but an endeavour at the eventual improvement of the commercial and social interests of the countries we visited, by opening a safe and direct communication between them and our settlements, where I assured Almamy we should be most happy to see himself and subjects as constant visitors. What could have induced him to act as he did towards us I was really for a long time at a loss to define, although he more than once hinted at having received private information, and as he said from good authority, that we had in view the destruction of his country, but which I could not then believe, and supposed he only made that excuse a cloak to hide some other motive with which I ineffectually strained every nerve to become satisfactorily acquainted. The information which I afterwards acquired with respect to the immense profits arising to the native merchants from the trade, and barter of slaves, in the transaction already mentioned of redeeming the Bondoo woman and her daughter out of the hands of the Kaartans, led me, in considering that subject minutely, to reflect on other circumstances connected with the question, and that left no doubt on my mind as to his having been thereby influenced: these shall be fully explained hereafter.

The king of Kaarta likewise, after tempting me under the most flattering promises to enter his country, having even sent an escort of one thousand horse to conduct me in safety, when he had received from me to the full measure which inclination or duty prompted me to give him, not only broke every promise he made me of assistance in the prosecution of my journey, but literally plundered me of the few articles which his avarice had hitherto spared. As on other occasions, I was here at a loss to conjecture the cause of such treatment, and upon the most mature and unprejudiced consideration, can only attribute it to the same causes as operated on his brother chiefs of Woolli and Bondoo.

The King of Sego was at war with the Massina Foulahs when Mr. Dochard entered his country, and as his enemies were a powerful people, he was unwilling to admit of our nearer approach, until, as he said, they should either be defeated, or yield to terms of peace which he should dictate to them. That Mr. Dochard’s delay might have been caused by such a disposition, is not at all impossible, but it is nevertheless evident, that the very great distance he ordered the removal of Mr. Dochard, pending these negociations, affords room for supposing that he was actuated by other motives than those which he had previously assigned, namely, a superstitious fear of the too near approach of a person who was supposed to possess supernatural powers, and likely to become a troublesome neighbour. That the general persuasion throughout the country of Bambarra, and particularly at Sego, was of this nature, has been already proved by Mr. Park, to whose appearance there the death of Mausong himself, and of other great personages immediately after his passage through, was industriously attributed by the Mahomedans. A second opportunity was afforded to their malice against us, and their hatred of our faith, upon the occasion of the subsequent death of some of Dha’s chief men, particularly the governor of Bamakoo, who died suddenly a few days after Mr. Dochard’s arrival at that town.

The existence of slavery as connected with the endeavours of England to abolish it, tends in a material degree to awaken the jealousy of the native chiefs, who, in common with the Moorish and Negro traders, derived, and are still deriving, a very lucrative income from that abominable traffic, which they designate by the softened appellation of a lawful branch of commerce. In order to give an adequate idea to my readers of the profits attending this trade in human flesh, it will be necessary for me to state a few particulars.

I have already stated in page 326, that in order to save from the fate which I had good reason to know awaited my baggage at Moonia, I had released from slavery a Bondoo woman and her child, with the intention of restoring them to their family, and had paid for each of them a larger sum in merchandize than is generally considered the ransom of a slave taken in war, but in reality amounting to a mere trifle when put in competition with the liberty of a fellow-creature, as will appear by the following statement:—

ARTICLES PAID FOR THE WOMAN AND HER CHILD.

Value in
England.

3 pieces of blue India equal in Kaarta each to 40
baft 75s. bars, of the nominal value
of 1s. 6d. ea. 120

30 lbs. trade gunpowder 30s. of the same bars 300

1000 common flints 12s. 10 one bar 100

1. yd coarse scarlet
cloth 16s. 50

A fine silk pang 15s. 50
------ ---
£7 8s. 500

Or the value of five prime slaves in that country. Had one of the native merchants purchased those poor creatures, he would not have paid more than two hundred of those bars for them, and probably not so much, as he would first have changed those articles for cowries[34], the current money of that country, with which he would have made the bargain. He could next sell them to the traders in the Senegal, or as profitably to their friends in Bondoo, for the following articles:—

Kaarta bars.

6 pieces baft each called 10 trade bars at Galam,
where 60 of those bars are given
for a slave equal to 240

4½ lbs. of powder, ¼ lb. a trade bar 30

2 common guns (each 10) 20 do. 80

480 flints 40 do. 48

120 sheets common paper 20 do. 24

1 card snuff-box 1 do. 2

1 scissors 1 do. 2

1 steel 1 do. 2

1 common looking-glass 1 do. 2
---- ----
120[35] equal to 430[36]

For which he could again purchase five slaves in Kaarta, where there is no want of those wretched beings. Is it then to be wondered at that those people view with a jealous eye our endeavours to suppress that trade, or throw obstacles in the way of our penetrating into the interior of their country, where they suppose we are attracted with no other view than the ultimate subversion of their religion and favourite traffic in their own flesh and blood; for it is impossible to convince them (at least by words) that we have no such intention: and as to think of persuading them that the extension of our geographical knowledge in visiting unknown countries at such risks and expense, or that the lawful increase of our commerce alone attract our steps, we might as well tell them that a white man never bought a slave. Whenever I spoke of the Niger, or my anxiety to see it, they asked me if there were no rivers in the country (we say) we inhabit; for the general belief is, as before stated, that we live exclusively in ships on the sea. The Moors too, who are general traders, and visit all the states of the interior in their commercial pursuits, are aware that any encouragement given by the native chiefs to our direct and friendly intercourse with them must tend to undermine their own trade, and in the course of time to remove from the eyes and understandings of those chiefs and their subjects the veil of superstition by which they are now shrouded. They therefore take advantage of the credit and respectability which in their characters as Maraboos they so invariably enjoy, to circulate reports prejudicial not only to our views in Africa (which they, if they do not really believe like the negroes, represent in the same way) but to our character as a people, whom they designate by the degrading appellation of Kafér, or unbeliever.

From the simple calculation and exposé just now made, it must be obvious that the native princes and traders have a strong and direct interest to oppose the abolition of slavery; although as regards the negro population it is equally clear that they have, if possible, a stronger and more direct interest to promote it by every means in their power. It is not my intention to enter into the very wide and comprehensive question growing out of this position, namely, whether the free negro, if independent of his master, could obtain sufficient employment, or, obtaining, would be ready to accept it. The first authorities of the present day, the ablest political economists of this and every other country, have decided that labour should be free; not only as conducive to the increased comforts of the labourer, but as decidedly favourable to the pecuniary interests of the employer and consumer. The African chiefs, like the owners of slaves in other countries, think they have no security for their authority but the maintenance of their people in slavery; and the prejudices of the negroes are such, the custom has been so long continued and by time become so inveterately strong, that no one having pretensions to superiority will perform any of those useful occupations which the best informed in civilised countries so usually attend to. There is in the habit of slavery a something much more difficult of cure than even in the oldest and most stormy passions of educated man: there is within it a debasement not to be found in any other state, and it seems as absolutely to chain men to the mere measure of their length and breadth upon the soil, as if their existence had no other object. The sun seems to roll his orbit without their observance, and the earth to yield its fruits without their gratitude; and yet they exhibit a deep sense of injury, and feel an insatiable thirst for revenge: such opposite feelings all being generated from the unwholesome effluvia of their religion—of which, however, more hereafter.

Another and very plausible reason was afforded the chiefs and people of the interior for not wishing our presence in their countries, and for exciting them to jealous and fearful conjectures as to the object of our visits. This was the forcible possession taken by the French of a position on the Foota frontier of the Waallo country, which although no doubt dictated by a laudable desire of improving the condition of those people and giving a stimulus to their commerce, was done in opposition to the wishes of the Foota chiefs and of those of the Moorish tribes of Bracknar and Trarsar, all of whom claimed a right to the place, and to defend which they made war on the King of Waallo, whose permission alone to establish and occupy a post on disputed ground was purchased by the Governor of Senegal.

The other chiefs remonstrated against this infringement of their rights, but receiving no satisfactory answer, joined their forces, and almost wholly destroyed the country, where all the horrors and misery so appallingly attendant on African wars were inflicted on and borne by the wretched inhabitants. A dreadful instance of the detestation in which the actual state of slavery is regarded by the free-born negro, so far as they are themselves concerned, occurred at the destruction of one of those towns. The wives of some chiefs who had either been killed or taken by the enemy determined not to survive their husbands’ or their country’s fall, and preferring death, even in its most terrifying shape, to slavery and the embraces of their captors,—suffered themselves and their young children to be burnt to death in a hut, where they had assembled with that determination, and which was set on fire by themselves. This affair and some others of a similar nature which took place about that time in the Senegal, although rendered necessary by acts of plunder, breach of contract, or treachery on the part of the chiefs, who are unfortunately much addicted to such conduct, were unavoidably attended with circumstances which, so far from being calculated to make those people regard the visits of Europeans to their country in a favourable light, had the effect of corroborating in a great measure the false and interested reports already but too sedulously circulated by the Moors and other native traders, and too credibly received by the several chiefs.

Another circumstance, which took place in Bambarra, must serve to convince every impartial reader that fears were really entertained by the chiefs as to the ultimate results of our communications with them.

At an interview which Mr. Dochard had with one of Dha’s head slaves at Bamakoo, where all the occurrences in the Senegal were not only known but much exaggerated, he was asked with a significant smile, “in case the Niger terminated in the sea and was found navigable to Sego, would our large vessels come up to that place, and our merchants settle there as the French had done in the Senegal?” The object of this question is too palpably evident to need any comment of mine, and Mr. Dochard’s answer, “that he doubted the possibility of large vessels ascending that river, or the wish of our merchants to try it without even settling there,” although in my opinion the best he could have given, did not remove from the minds of Dha and his ministers their apprehension of the consequences.

The main difficulty to our success in Africa decidedly results from the extent and influence of the Mohamedan religion. From the period of its introduction as affecting the mode of African legislation, which is scarcely a century since, the negroes, but particularly the chiefs, have lost the little of honesty or natural feeling which they before possessed. The doctrines of Mohamedanism are at right angles with those of Christianity, or if the doctrines be not so widely different, it is unquestionable that their influence produces the most melancholy and opposite results. Mohamedanism may direct the performance of moral duties, its theology may be wise and its ethics sound; but no abstract rules, however good or salutary, can operate upon the believers, while the interests of its ministers are at open war with them. In truth, we need not recur to Africa nor Mohamedanism to illustrate the truth of this position, for experience much nearer home has, while even these sheets are at the press, too forcibly proved it. Whatever then the written code of Mohamedanism may teach, I have invariably discovered that in practice, it countenances, if it does not actually generate, cunning, treachery, and an unquenchable thirst of litigation and revenge. It produces no good but from the meanest sense of fear, and its very profession is of itself considered as sufficient absolution from every atrocity committed to increase its disciples. But in Africa its pernicious tendency is still more exemplified than in those quarters where it has so long flourished with the rankest luxuriance.

The Africans in their pagan state were not liable to the same superstitions as they are and have been since their proselytism,—if it maybe so termed, because, their religion was not overloaded with ceremonies, and their priests had but a narrow and contracted influence. Mohamedanism has made them hypocrites as it keeps them slaves, and, while it prevails to its present extent, they must continue so. Essences are forgotten in the strict observance of a miserable ritual, and truth has lost its value and its splendour when only seen through the jaundiced instruction of peculating Maraboos. These jugglers in morality make whatever use they please of the victims of their sorcery, and if once they catch them in their toils, escape is almost literally impossible. The enmity which those ministers of false doctrine bear against our religion and ourselves naturally induce them to represent us in colours most terrifying to the converted negroes’ minds, by assuring them, that, although we say our intentions towards them are good, we are only under that cloak aiming at their total and eventual subjugation;—and, they bring forward the continuance of the slave trade by the French in the Senegal as a proof of _our_ want of sincerity.

The negroes, however, receive a sort of bonus by their conversion to Mohamedanism. In the event of war waged on them by a Mohamedan power, they are spared, or at all events not compelled to feel the horrors which usually attend it.

But the crying sin of Mohamedanism and the main spring of its pernicious tendency, is the toleration of polygamy. I confine my observations to its effects in Western Africa, although if this were the proper time and occasion, I should not dread being able to demonstrate that wherever tolerated, its tendency must be evil in the worst degree. Polygamy is the fruitful source of jealousy and distrust, it contracts the parental and filial affections, it weakens and disjoints the ties of kindred, and but for the unlimited influence of the Maraboos and the fear of hell, if they do not profit of the license of their great Apostle, must totally unhinge the frame of all society. The father has many wives, the wives have many children, favoritism in its most odious form sets in, jealousy is soon aroused, and revenge unsheathes the sword which deals forth destruction. But it is not to the domestic circle, it is not to the family arrangements, it is not to the fearful mischiefs it leads to upon social intercourse that I look alone; but to its division of the soil and to its mutilation of the different states, than which nothing can prove more destructive to any country. The jealousies of the mothers, while exciting to domestic hatred, lead to external civil war, and states rise and set with a sort of harlequin operation, and when they are sought for vanish in the air, and “leave not a wreck behind.” The consequence of these wars is, that during the precarious conquests of these chiefs, their whole employment is plunder, and where that cannot be procured the forfeiture—is life. All order and morality is upset, all right is unknown, and the effect must be the degradation of society and the dismemberment of empire in that ill-fated portion of the world.

To this cause also may be attributed in a great measure the existence (at least to the present extent) of slavery, for that religion not only gives an apparently divine authority to the practice, but instils into the minds of its proselytes a conviction or belief, that all who are not or will not become Mohamedans were intended by Providence and their Prophet to be the slaves and property of those who do. It is much to be regretted that those valuable and indefatigable friends of Africa who have been for years labouring towards civilization on the coast, where much has been done by the pious labours and example of the missionaries from the Church and other Societies, are so circumstanced, from the many difficulties which the climate itself presents and the rapid spread of the Mohamedan faith, that they are unable to penetrate beyond the influence of our settlements on the coast, and consequently excluded from all possibility (for the present at least) of giving those misguided people an opportunity of judging for themselves between the secure and happy state of those whom the exertions of an enlightened country and the influence of the Christian religion have redeemed from slavery and ignorance, and the miserably precarious and blind condition to which they are themselves subjected.

Having thus far stated the difficulties which have hitherto impeded, and are still likely to impede our researches in, and our civilization of Western Africa, it may not be considered as adventuring too much if I place before my readers a few suggestions, which, if acted upon, may have a tendency to diminish, if not to overcome them altogether.

I have adverted amongst others to the difficulty originating in the fears which were entertained in consequence of the transactions on the Senegal, but on that the remedy is obviously one to be administered by the healing hand of time. The native chiefs had long received presents which were originally granted for the accommodation and security they afforded to the European and Senegal merchants who traded with them. In the progress of time, however, those voluntary presents were not only demanded as a right, but when refused (which was only the case where a breach of faith on their part was committed), were enforced by the prohibition of further commercial intercourse, and this generally terminated in a compliance with their demand. This peaceable, and even almost necessary mode of conciliation, at the period I speak of, was afterwards continued as a matter of course. The arrogance of the native chief was pampered by the yielding, and his cupidity was fed by the necessity of doing so. And the evil did not rest here, for as we conceded they advanced fresh claims, which, even when admitted, afforded no certainty that their promises with us would be fulfilled.

Immediately after our cession of that colony, the French authorities there decided on convincing those people, that, although they were willing, in a great degree, to submit to the custom which had so long existed, yet, that they would not quietly bear the obstructions thrown in the way of their commercial pursuits upon the Upper Senegal; and prepared to meet force by force, which was eventually rendered necessary by the hostile threats and actions of the natives. Time, and time alone, can afford to those natives a proof that the resistance forced upon the French was not an act of disrespect to them, or of a disposition to invade their just pretensions or their rights; but intended to shew them that the benefits of commerce should be mutual, and that a present, unrefused as such, should not be converted into a right, to be enforced for the future by prohibitions or by arms.

Another remedy at once presents itself to the mind, but, unfortunately, that is a remedy which cannot, I fear, be speedily administered, much less easily obtained; I allude to the general concurrence of Europe in the abolition of slavery. England, however, does not come in for any share of blame on this eventful subject: every thing has been done by her which eloquence, treasure, influence, humanity, or religion could unite in favour of so desirable a consummation. It is to be hoped that her example will, sooner or later, induce the other powers of Europe to imitate it, in which event the most incalculable advantages would result to the suffering negroes of Africa. It would be, perhaps, unbecoming in me to press this important topic to an extremity; the wisest men as statesmen, and the minutest calculators as political economists, all concur in stating the general abolition of slavery (placing all humanity and religion out of the question) to be a general good. After the expression of such a very extensive and honourable feeling, it is matter of regret that some of the powers of Europe cannot be induced to aid in the great work which England had the honour of commencing, and completing as far as she was concerned. It is a heart-rending reflection that mistaken views of interest, or the calls of avaricious clamour, should not only take precedence of, but actually absorb all the obligations of good feeling, and all the commands of the Most High. But we are to hope a new light may break in upon the councils of those who are, perhaps, only mistaken, or who, from some over-ruling necessity, are obliged to tolerate a traffic at which not only our nature revolts, but which no one has of late years had the hardihood to attempt a shadow of justification.

I am persuaded that a mode of disposal of some of the liberated negroes similar to that which I adopted in the case of Corporal Harrup, would be attended with the most beneficial results to Africa and the Mother Country; to the former, by affording them a strong proof of our good intentions towards them, and to the latter, by extending our commercial intercourse by means of these people; who would unquestionably, not only revisit our settlements themselves, but would induce many of their fellow countrymen to accompany them. I am, however, aware that many difficulties present themselves to the accomplishment of such a step: first, from the almost impossibility of ascertaining whether the person so disposed of belonged to a free family, for few of them will acknowledge the fact of their having been born in slavery; and secondly, from the very limited intercourse between our colonies and the remote states of the interior, whence those unfortunate beings were dragged into slavery; and during their return whether they would, on most occasions, be exposed to a second, and, if possible, a worse state of bondage. The latter difficulty, however, is daily decreasing before the persevering endeavours of Africa’s friends in this country, under the immediate and personal direction of an active governor, who, in holding out every inducement to the chiefs and people in the vicinity of our colonies to keep up a direct and friendly intercourse with our commercial agents, is adopting a plan likely to be attended with the most salutary results[37].

The cupidity and duplicity of the chiefs has already obtained that notice which it required, and to obviate them, it has occurred to me there are no means more available, and, I may add, more speedily practicable, than the enlargement of our intercourse with the people, and the encouragement and protection of the internal commerce of Africa. By this we can improve them in the way of example, by the other we can benefit them and ourselves in the way of interchange of commodity; our habits and our manners will gain upon them in time, and our skill tend to stimulate and encourage theirs.

By increasing their commerce we also obtain another happy consummation, we give them employment, and we consequently to a certain extent, secure them from the incessant meddling of their maraboos. We could congregate them in greater numbers together, and therefore the more readily instruct them; and I may venture to add, that, if a fair degree of zeal were used in such a delightful employment, within a very few years they would prove themselves not unfitted for the enjoyment of liberal institutions. When once a people feel their moral power improving it is not difficult to give it a degree of perfection, and when once the chief found his former slave so far lifted in the scale of being, as to have some notion of the place and duties assigned him here, it would not be easy for him to continue his sway without limit or controul. While, however, the negro dreams of nothing beyond a mere animal support, he is admirably calculated for a slave; but give him an insight into something higher—teach him an art or a trade, in the exercise of which he finds comfort necessary to himself, and comfort flowing from such an exercise to others; place him in this situation, and without revolting against the authority of his chief, he will still feel that he is not singled out to remain the unpitied and the worthless slave. That there are powers of mind in the African, it were quite idle to dispute; that the productions of the country are capable of being beneficially employed, must, I think, be equally incontestible to any one who has carefully perused the preceding pages; and to act with honesty we should not allow both or either to lie for ever dormant. Common charity, much less common interest, forbids so unworthy a course, and, in truth, I cannot have the slightest suspicion that it ever was contemplated.

Upon this important branch of my subject I might descant to a very considerable extent, but that, fortunately, its magnitude is so thoroughly felt as to spare me the labour on this occasion: let me however look at the advantages of this increased commerce in any point of view, with all the difficulties which rather appear, than really do exist to impede it, I am fully convinced that to it Africa will be at last mainly indebted for any social and political enjoyments to which she may attain.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 34: Shells.]

[Footnote 35: Nominal value 2s. 6d. each.]

[Footnote 36: Nominal value 1s. 6d. each.]

[Footnote 37: The late unfortunate occurrences on the Gold Coast, and the melancholy death of Sir Charles M‘Carthy, have been too recently before the public to need any remark of mine. I must, however, be permitted to say, that in that gallant, intelligent and zealous commander, Africa has lost one of her best friends, and society one of its greatest ornaments.]

=APPENDIX.=

* * * * *

ARTICLE I.

The town of Bathurst is situate on the south-eastern extremity of the island of Saint Mary’s, at the mouth of the river Gambia, and lies in 16°. 6′. 3″. western longitude, and 13°. 28′. 20″. northern latitude. The greatest extent of the island is about four miles from WNW. to ESE., but its general breadth does not exceed a mile and a half, in some places much less. The surface of the island is a low plain, with a slight descent from the north and east sides towards the centre, where, during the season of the rains, it is much inundated. Its north-east shore, on which stands a part of the town, is not more than twelve or fourteen feet above the level of high-water mark. The tides, however, are very irregular, and are much influenced in their rise and fall by the NW. and SE. winds.

The settlement, although in its infant state, has made a most rapid progress in improvement. Many fine substantial government buildings have been lately erected, and the British merchants resident there, have vied with each other in the elegant and convenient arrangement of their dwelling-houses and stores, all which are built with stone or brick, and roofed with slates or shingles.

The soil of the island is a red or light coloured sand, with little appearance of clay or mould, but from its having furnished the natives of the adjacent country, and the inhabitants of a small town which formerly stood on the island, with rice previously to our taking possession of it, I am satisfied it would, by proper management, bring all the productions of the country to perfection; and, no doubt, be rendered as congenial to the culture of some of our garden vegetables as Senegal or Sierra-Leone.

The edges of the creeks which intersect the island, and the low grounds about them, are thickly covered with mangroves, which are rapidly decreasing in being turned to advantage for fuel both in the houses and for the burning of lime. The palm tree, the monkey-bread, or baobab, and several other kinds of large trees, are thickly scattered all over the high grounds, and with an abundance of shrubs and ever-greens give the place a cool, refreshing, though wild appearance.

Sarah Creek, so called by the natives, is from twenty-five to forty yards wide, and at ebb tide contains no less than seven feet water in the shallowest place, many places having twelve and upwards, with a bottom of hard sand and clay.

Crooked Creek, which is about the same breadth, has only two feet water at its mouth during the ebb, but its general depth in other places is from three to six feet.

Turnbull Creek is likewise very shallow, having in no place more than five feet water. It is possible that much benefit might result from so shutting up the mouths of Newt and Crooked Creeks, and the one adjoining the latter, as to prevent the high flood-tides in the rainy season from entering them, as it would, if effectually done, reclaim from inundation and its consequent bad effects, a large space in the almost immediate vicinity of the town. But it remains to decide whether the ground about them is lower than high-water mark, in which case it would be impossible to remedy the present evil in any other way than raising the level of the surface, a work that would be attended with considerable expense and difficulty.

That this infant colony has answered, nay, exceeded the most sanguine expectations of all concerned, is strongly proved by the very great and rapid increase of its population, not only by the considerable augmentation of the number of British merchants, but by an immense influx of the inhabitants of Goree, who, not finding employment under the French Government there, and being excluded from the trade of the Gambia, except through the medium of Saint Mary’s, or a small factory belonging to the French at Albreda (than which they are not allowed to go higher up the river) are daily emigrating to Bathurst.

The troops, inhabitants, and merchants are abundantly supplied with beef, mutton, poultry, fish, fruit, milk, butter, palm-wine, and all the African vegetables by the natives of the surrounding towns, who, feeling the advantage of such intimacy with the settlement, flock to it in great numbers, and consume a large proportion of the European articles imported into the colony.

Gold, ivory, bees-wax, and hides are brought thither in considerable quantities by the natives, traders, and the inhabitants of Goree who have settled there, and are annually shipped for England by the British merchants; fine timber of the mahogany kind has been found on the banks of, and islands in the river, and has likewise been sent to the home market, where, I believe, it has met with some encouragement.

ARTICLE II.—See PAGE 59.

PRESENTS TO THE KING OF KATOBA, APRIL 18th, 1818.

One fine gilt dirk.

A stone of large amber.

Ten bars of glass beads.

Two bottles of rum.

One piece of blue baft.

One do. of white muslin.

Twenty bars of amber.

Twenty do. of coral.

Eighteen bars of tobacco.

Sixteen do. of red cloth.

ARTICLE III.—See PAGE 87.

PRESENTS MADE TO THE KING OF WOOLLI AND HIS CHIEFS.

TO THE KING.

One single gun.

One pound, No. 1, amber.

Forty dollars.

A piece of white baft.

A ditto of blue ditto.

Twelve stones, No. 1, coral.

TO HIS SON.

A common gun.

Five stones, No. 2, amber.

Five do. No. 2, coral.

TO THE CHIEFS.

One hundred and twenty-six bars in amber, coral, and bafts.

ARTICLE IV.—See PAGE 116.

PRESENTS MADE TO ALMAMY BONDOO, HIS CHIEFS, MINISTERS, &C. JUNE
13th, 1818.

A fine blue velvet saddle and bridle.

A large umbrella, gold laced and fringed.

A sabre.

A silver gilt cup.

Eight pieces of blue baft.

Two do. of white.

Two do. of blue cambric muslin.

Two do. of taffety.

Two do. of muslin.

Four pieces of white cambric muslin.

Four yards of scarlet cloth.

Five do. of yellow do.

Five do. of green do.

Two pounds of cloves.

Three double barrelled guns.

Four single do.

One pound amber, No. 1.

One string of large pipe coral.

Two do. small do.

One silver cup.

Two metal do.

One pair fine pistols.

Fifty pounds of tobacco.

Four morocco bound blank books.

Four cannisters of fine powder.

A small bale of flints.

One hundred and fifty pounds of powder.

Twenty-four dollars.

One yard red serge.

Seven do. of yellow.

Knives, scissors and snuff boxes, six each.

Two razors, two pair of spectacles.

Some worsted thread.

TO SAADA, HIS ELDEST SON.

One fine single gun.

Two pieces blue baft.

One do. white do.

One do. muslin.

One do. cambric muslin.

One yard scarlet cloth.

Ten stones of coral.

Twenty do. of amber, No. 1.

Fifty fine flints.

One morocco bound book.

Four canisters of fine powder.

Five yards of taffety.

Scissors, razors, snuff boxes, and knives, three each.

TO THE MINISTERS.

Four pieces blue baft.

Three do white do.

One do. muslin.

One do. taffety.

Four yards scarlet cloth.

One pound, No. 2, amber.

One string of coral.

Twenty-five pounds of powder.

Two pieces of blue cambric muslin.

Knives, scissors and snuff-boxes, twelve each.

Six razors.

AGREEMENT
ENTERED INTO
WITH ALMAMY BONDOO, AND PRESENTS MADE TO HIM AND THE PRINCES,
MINISTERS, ETC., ON THE 9TH MAY, 1819.

ARTICLE VI.—See PAGE 222.

TO ALMAMY MOOSA KING OF BONDOO, ETC.

FROM MAJOR WILLIAM GRAY, COMMANDING HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY’S MISSION
IN THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA,

GREETING,

Whereas it being my intention to make you a present suitable to your exalted situation as King of Bondoo, in order to obtain your friendship and assistance in prosecuting my journey; and to convince you of the amicable intentions of our great King George towards you and all your people, I have to demand from you in return the following terms, viz.—

1st. That you give directions to the chiefs of all the towns or villages in your kingdom, through which we may pass, to receive us as the messengers of so great a king as ours should be received.

2d. That you supply us with guides as far as your power extends in the direction we wish to proceed.

3d. That the presents given consist of the following articles, viz.

To complete the presents to Almamy Amady for the last year:

2 Double guns Two.

6 Single do. Six.

1 Fine double do. One.

160 Bottles of powder One hundred and sixty.

Present to Almamy Moosa this year:

2 Fine double guns Two.

1 Do. single do. One.

4 Pieces blue baft Four.

4 Do. white do. Four.

3 Yards of scarlet cloth Three.

5 Do. sprigged muslin Five.

5 Do. tamboured do. Five.

5 Do. taffety Five.

1 lb. Amber One.

50 lb. Powder Fifty.

1 Piece of cambric One.

20 Grains of coral Twenty.

500 Flints Five hundred.

500 Balls Five hundred.

1 lb. Cloves One.

TO THE QUEEN.

1 Pair of sprigged muslin pangs.

1 Do. fine worked do.

10 Stones large amber.

10 Do. coral.

9 Bunches of beads.

½ lb. Cloves.

3 Yards of serge.

WILLIAM GRAY, MAJOR.

I, Almamy Moosa, in consequence of the above presents, and my wish to be of service to you, the messenger of your King George of England, do hereby bind myself to render you the protection and assistance required by the foregoing terms; In confirmation of which I do hereby affix my signature, in the name of GOD the Most High, this 9th day of May, 1819, at Boolebany.

(Signed) ALMAMY MOOSA YEORA.
THIERNO—MAMADOO.
Prince MAMADOO SAFIETTA.

ARTICLE VII.—SEE PAGE 222.

PRESENT TO SAADA, 9TH MAY, 1819.

One double gun.

One piece of blue baft.

One piece of white baft.

One do. of cambric muslin.

Fifteen pounds of powder.

Half a pound of No. 2, amber.

Ten stones of do. coral.

Two hundred flints.

TO PRINCE TOMANY.

One double gun.

One single do.

Two pieces of blue baft.

Two do. of white baft.

Four yards of scarlet.

One piece of cambric muslin.

Half a pound of No. 2, amber.

Ten stones of do. coral.

Twenty-five pounds powder.

Two hundred flints.

Four ounces of cloves.

* * * * *

ARTICLE VIII.—SEE PAGE 223.

TO PRINCE AMADY CAMA, 18TH MAY.

One double gun.

Half a piece of blue baft.

Half a do. of white baft.

Ten stones of No. 2, amber.

Five pounds of powder.

Fifty flints.

TO PRINCE ALI HOO, 18TH MAY, 1819.

Half a piece of blue baft.

Half a piece of white baft.

Half a yard of scarlet.

Ten stones of No. 2, amber.

Four do. of coral.

Three pounds of powder.

Fifty flints.

TO OSMAN CUMBA, CHIEF OF SAMBA CONTAYE.

One double gun.

Half a piece of blue baft.

Half a do. of white do.

Ten stones of No. 2, amber.

Four do. of coral.

One yard of scarlet.

Fifty flints.

Four ounces of cloves.

Five pounds of powder.

* * * * *

ARTICLE IX.—SEE PAGE 232.

PRESENT MADE TO THE GUIDES.

One double gun.

Four pieces of blue baft.

Two do. of white do.

Two do. of Manchester prints.

Three yards of scarlet cloth.

Four muslin pangs.

Three taffety do.

One pound of No. 2, amber.

Six yards of baize.

Ten bunches of beads.

Five hundred flints.

Six knives and scissors.

ARTICLE X.—SEE PAGE 284.

PRESENT SENT TO THE CHIEFS OF FOOTA.

Two pieces of blue baft.

Two pieces of white do.

One pound of No. 2, amber.

One blank book.

Two yards of scarlet cloth.

Twenty-five pounds of powder.

Two hundred flints.

One piece of Manchester print.

TO THE TWO FOOTA PEOPLE WHO ACCOMPANIED OUR MESSENGER.

One piece of white baft.

Half a do. of blue do.

Eight pounds of powder.

Fifty flints.

One yard of scarlet cloth.

Thirty grains of No. 2, amber.

ARTICLE XI.—SEE PAGE 261.

LIST OF THINGS RECEIVED FROM FOOTA OF THOSE LOST THERE.

Three horses.

Seventeen asses.

Three goats.

Four double guns.

Thirteen muskets.

One pair of pistols.

One sword.

Four spring guns.

Two tents.

One bale of 50 pounds of powder.

One do. of flints.

One bag of balls.

Three large saws.

Two small do.

Three old saddles.

One and a half do. of blue baft.

The books and boxes.

Cooking utensils.

Forty country cloths, in payment for two asses that died while
in their possession, and the two gold rings I had given Bayla.

ARTICLE XII.—SEE PAGE 288.

PRESENTS TO SAMBA CONGOLE AND THE CHIEFS OF FORT ST. JOSEPH.

TO SAMBA.

One double gun.

One single do.

One pair of pistols.

Twenty-five pounds of powder.

One yard of scarlet cloth.

Sixteen grains of No. 1, amber.

Sixteen do. of No. 2, corals.

Five pair of pangs.

Four bunches of beads.

One hundred flints.

Half a pound of cloves.

TO THE CHIEFS.

Two double guns.

Two pieces of baft.

Fifteen pounds of powder.

Two hundred and fifty flints.

Forty-six grains of No. 2, amber.

Forty-six do. of No. 3, coral.

Five ounces of cloves.

ARTICLE XIII.—SEE PAGE 305.

FIRST PRESENT TO MODIBA.

Two double guns.

Two single do.

One pair of pistols.

One sword.

Fifty pounds of powder.

Five thousand flints.

Two pieces of blue baft.

Two do. of white do.

One yard of scarlet cloth.

One do. of yellow do.

One do. of green do.

Five do. of muslin.

Five do. of taffety.

Two fine pangs.

Half a piece of print.

Half a do. of blue silk.

Two coloured silk handkerchiefs.

Ten large stones of No. 1, amber.

Eight do. of No. 1, coral.

Half a piece of India print.

One fine saddle cloth.

A handsome plated tureen and cover. To which was added on the
1st of April,

ARTICLE XIV.—SEE PAGE 305.

One pound of small amber.

One pound of cloves.

One dirk and belt.

Twelve dollars.

One pound of worsted thread.

Two bunches of beads.

One silver cup.

ARTICLE XV.—SEE PAGE 307.

PRESENT TO ALI.

One double gun.

Two yards of muslin.

Two do. of silk.

Six stones of No. 1, amber.

Six do. of No. 3, coral.

One piece of blue baft.

One piece of pang.

Seven pounds of powder.

Fifty flints.

Two ounces of cloves.

Quarter of a yard of scarlet cloth.

* * * * *

ARTICLE XVI.—SEE PAGE 309.

THIRD PRESENT TO MODIBA, ON THE 14TH OF APRIL.

One piece of blue baft.

One do. of white do.

One muslin pang.

One worsted do.

One silk do.

One pound of small amber.

Twenty-four stones, No. 3, coral.

Four ounces of cloves.

Fifteen pounds of powder.

Two hundred flints.

One silver medal.

ARTICLE XVII.—SEE PAGE 314.

FOURTH PRESENT TO MODIBA.

One double gun.

One pound of No. 3, amber.

Ten yards of callico.

Six yards of silk.

Some fine beads.

Ten pounds of powder.

Half a yard of scarlet.

One hundred flints.

* * * * *

ARTICLE XVIII.—SEE PAGE 316.

FIFTH PRESENT TO MODIBA.

One single gun.

Two pairs of fine pangs.

* * * * *

ARTICLE XIX.

LIST OF THINGS TAKEN BY MODIBA’S SLAVES AT MONIA.

One double gun.

Twenty pounds of powder.

Four yards of red silk.

Twelve do. of callico.

One do. of scarlet cloth.

One do. of yellow do.

Two pounds of amber.

One thousand flints.

A large quantity of beads.

Four ounces of small pipe coral.

Four yards of baize; a number of knives, scissors, snuff boxes,
looking glasses, and a ream of paper.

ARTICLE XX.—SEE PAGE 325.