Chapter XVIII (2)

As I had been informed that I should depart for Timbuctoo, by the first opportunity, I selected some articles of merchandise, which I wished to dispose of at Jenné. Not knowing their value, I gave them to the sherif and the Haggi-Mohammed to sell for me. They carefully counted the glass beads, and measured the cloth in my presence, and the sherif noted down the quantities of each on a bit of paper. They executed this commission very well: they were to be sure the principal gainers by it, for they bought the greatest part of the things themselves. Before the bargain was concluded, they did indeed ask me whether I was satisfied with the price they had offered. I was aware that it was too low; but I readily gave my consent to all they proposed, feeling that I was in a situation in which I might need their services. They certainly took advantage of me, but they were merchants who bought merely upon speculation. The Haggi-Mohammed, thinking that I had some other things in reserve, came to my lodging, and tried to prevail on me to shew him the contents of my bag. He asked me whether I had any gold or silver, observing that he should be very glad to hear that I had some, as it would enable me to support myself on my journey home. I assured him that I had none left, and emptied my bag in his presence, having previously taken the precaution of hiding my papers and money, for I expected that I should have to undergo this scrutiny. He saw some glass beads, amber, and coral, which I had reserved, and he again told me that as all those things were brought to Jenné from Timbuctoo, it would be advisable for me to dispose of them before I set out. I at first scrupled to do this, but at length yielded to his urgent solicitations. He particularly admired the amber, all of which he bought at two hundred cowries per bead, (twenty-two French sous), one-fourth of its value at Sierra-Leone, where I had purchased it. He bought part of the coral at a still lower rate; but the glass ornaments and cloth, though they fetched a low price, I sold more advantageously. For sixty coral beads, (No. 4,) he offered me two hundred cowries. On my declining to sell them at that price, he took them up, and putting them into the pocket of his coussabe, said, “I will give you a thousand cowries, (one gourde.)” In this manner he extorted my consent, though I am certain that had I insisted on it he would have returned them. The traders of Jenné obtain mock amber and coral from Timbuctoo, which they sell at very low prices. Haggi-Mohammed, who was very well satisfied with his bargain, gave me half a dozen dates, and shortly afterwards presented me with a very neat white coussabe, made of cloth of native manufacture. In truth I stood greatly in need of it, for my own was absolutely in tatters. He also gave me about two yards of the cloth of the country to roll round my head in the form of a turban.

During my stay at Jenné I was very kindly treated by the Moors. I paid nothing for my maintenance, and was provided with every thing I could wish for. The sale of my merchandise was the only thing of which I had reason to complain. I often sat in company with the Moors, upon a mat which was laid down in the shade before the door, and saw them make their purchases. I also observed many negroes, who, as they passed the sherif, saluted him by kissing their hands. The latter gave them cowries from a little bag, which he kept beside him for that purpose. A young Moor, named Hassan, who was very attentive to me, advised me, when I should get to Timbuctoo, to take the road to Tafilet or Fez, whence I could go to Algiers and afterwards to Alexandria. He informed me that there had been at Timbuctoo a christian, who had been attacked and beaten on the road; that he remained a long time at Timbuctoo to recover, but that he afterwards died, he could not tell how. I asked him what could have induced a christian to go to Timbuctoo: he answered that it was only to _write the country_, (_Jektoub torab_.) I concluded that this christian was Major Laing, who I was aware had left Tripoli to proceed to the capital of the Soudan, by crossing the great desert. I deplored the unhappy death of the intrepid traveller, and reflected that in case of my disguise being discovered I should in all probability share the same fate.

At four o’clock on the 16th, I was requested to wait on the sherif Oulad-Marmou, to whose good graces the sale of my merchandise had somewhat recommended me. I was shewn into a large lofty room on the ground-floor, which was lighted from an opening in the ceiling. To one part of the ceiling was attached a cord, supporting a lamp, in which vegetable butter was burned by way of oil. A mattress was laid upon the floor above a mat; a brass candlestick of European manufacture, in which was a sort of candle or taper, and a small cupboard, formed in the wall, and fastened by a lock and key similar to ours, together with some sacks of grain, standing in a corner, were all that the room contained. I ascended by a good staircase to the terrace, where I saw several little closets, all empty, except one, which appeared to be the sherif’s wardrobe, for some of his clothes were hanging to a cord, fastened to the wall. I was requested to sit on a round leather cushion, near which a mat was spread: and I found myself in company with seven Moors and a negro, all merchants of Jenné.

A neat little round table was brought and placed before us; it had legs three inches high. I thought at first that it was a table for playing some game, for it was inlaid with pieces of ivory and brass, ranged in regular order; but on the entrance of a large pewter dish, containing an enormous piece of a sheep, which had been killed in the morning, and stewed with a great quantity of onions, I discovered that I had been invited to dinner.

The sherif had beside him a covered basket, containing several small round loaves, weighing about half a pound each, and made of wheat-flour and yeast. He broke some of them in pieces, several of which he placed before each of us. Although our dinner was somewhat in the European style, yet we had neither knives nor forks, but all ate with our fingers. I found that the bread was very good, and certainly I never expected to make such a meal that day. We all helped ourselves from the dish with our hands, but with a certain degree of politeness. The conversation, which was exceedingly lively, was all at the expense of the poor christians. I was again asked whether I had eaten pork and drunk spirits. I made them the same reply as before, at which they burst into laughter, and began to ridicule the Europeans.

Our repast being ended, tea was introduced. The sherif, on this occasion, seemed to make his very best display. He was evidently anxious to let his negro guest see his superiority. We were attended by a young and handsome female slave. A box was brought in containing a porcelain tea service, which the sherif himself arranged on a plate of copper, which served the purpose of a tea-board. The cups, which were very small, were placed within others of a larger size, which had feet like egg-cups. We each took four of these cups of tea, with white sugar; and, after dinner, of which the sherif did the honours admirably well, we took a walk on the banks of the river. We sat down for a few minutes to see the canoes pass by, and, afterwards, we all said the evening prayer together, it being too late to go to the mosque. We then each returned to our homes. I found a great difference between the Moors of Jenné and the Brakna Moors, among whom I had lived eight months.

On the 18th of March, the new moon was saluted with several discharges of musketry, and, on the 19th, commenced the feast of the Ramadan. The Haggi-Mohammed asked me whether I meant to fast during the Ramadan. My interest was so much concerned in submitting to it, that I dared not venture to refuse; and, indeed, the fast was by no means so great a hardship to me now, as it had been in 1824. Then I had no shelter but a tent, whilst now, I was protected from the heat of the sun, in a cool well-aired house; so that I did not suffer much from thirst. At sun-set, a beverage, made of tamarinds, was brought to me, and, afterwards another, made of honey and sour milk, strained and dried in the sun, forming a kind of very hard cheese, which the Moors, who are fond of it, bring to Jenné. They reduce it to powder, and mix it with their drink. On the following days, a sort of pudding was brought to me, made of very white flour, mixed with a few tamarinds; so that I could patiently wait until supper was ready.

About eight in the evening, an enormous mess of rice, boiled with mutton was brought to me. In the course of the day, I had expressed a wish to buy some milk, for the purpose of mixing it with water, to drink in the night; but I could not get any at the market. However, about ten at night, the Haggi-Mohammed, sent me a good quantity of milk and also, a candle to light me at my repast. About one in the morning, I was supplied with a breakfast as abundant as the supper of the previous evening.

I soon found an advantage in this change of habits; for I was much better served in the night time than I had hitherto been in the day. Nothing could be easier than this kind of abstinence, which merely consisted in sitting up a little later than usual for the purpose of making a hearty meal, and sleeping away the hours devoted to abstinence. The slaves are obliged to observe the fast, but they, as well as their masters make ample amends in the night for their privations during the day.

On the 20th, I determined to make a present of my umbrella to the sherif. I thought it but right to do so, as he was to procure me a conveyance by water to Timbuctoo. He appeared highly pleased with the present. I thought that the Haggi-Mohammed was already sufficiently rewarded by the purchase of my amber and coral at a price much below their value; however, as I wished to continue on good terms with him, I made him a further present of a yard of calico, which I had reserved for myself.

At sun-set Oulad-Marmou gave me a handful of dates, and a very fine water-melon. He repeated this present every evening until my departure: the umbrella had completely established me in his favour. The produce of the sale of my merchandise was valued at thirty thousand cowries, and the sherif bought cloth of the country for me to that amount, assuring me that it would sell well at Timbuctoo. The cloth was packed up in two pagnes, for which I was indebted to his liberality. He also gave me four yellow wax-candles, made in the country, which I burned on board the canoe, during my passage.

On the 22nd of March, I was informed that I could start next day for Timbuctoo. The sherif sent me in the evening, a new loaf and a very good mutton stew for my supper.

On the morning of the 23rd he sent for me to his house. I took with me my bag, which he ordered one of his people to carry to the canoe, as well as my package of merchandise. He mixed together in my presence a good deal of millet flour and honey. This preparation was intended to be put into water for my drink; and I found it very useful on my passage, during which I was extremely ill-used, as will be seen in the sequel. The young Moor, whom I have already mentioned and to whom I made a present of a pair of scissors, gave me a large supply of wheaten bread, which had been dried in an oven, and told me how it was to be eaten; they first soak it in water and then mix it with a good deal of butter and honey. The sherif informed me that he had paid the master of the caravan three hundred cowries for my maintenance during the whole passage. He, as well as the young Moor, and the Haggi-Mohammed, attended me on board the canoe, which might be of twelve or fifteen tons burden. This canoe was not going to Timbuctoo, but merely to convey us to another vessel of larger size, which was waiting in the river; for at this season the branch was not navigable by large boats. The cargo of our canoe consisted of various kinds of provisions, twenty slaves, women, and children, the stoutest of whom were in chains. On the shore there was a crowd of people waiting to see us start.

END OF VOL. I.

* * * * *
LONDON:
PRINTED BY G. SCHULZE, 13, POLAND STREET.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: A title given to several African sovereigns.]

[Footnote 2: _Grigri_ a kind of writing which these people consider as a talisman.]

[Footnote 3: Negotiations, traffic.]

[Footnote 4: A piece of cotton cloth of the country, six feet long and two and a half wide.]

[Footnote 5: Blue India calico. The pieces are about sixteen yards long.]

[Footnote 6: Couscous, a kind of pottage made with millet.]

[Footnote 7: The Tabasky is the last day of the Ramadan: it may be likened to our Easter Sunday.]

[Footnote 8: The Peulhs inhabit Fouta-Toro; they are also called Foulahs.]

[Footnote 9: Or Niegueh.]

[Footnote 10: The carrier-bullock is a particular species. It has a bunch on the back. After it has been castrated, it is accustomed while very young to carry burdens; and to make it the more tractable, a cord is run through its nostrils.]

[Footnote 11: The name given at the Senegal to an arm of the river.]

[Footnote 12: Piastres: at the Senegal five and six franc pieces are called gourdes.]

[Footnote 13: A sort of gruel made of the flour of millet or other grain.]

[Footnote 14: The negroes who inhabit the countries of Cayor, Wâlo, and Ghiolof, are called Wolofs. They all speak the same language, with some modifications in the different countries. This language is understood by the Foulahs of Fouta Toro and their neighbours, the Serreres, as also by the Moors who travel in those parts.]

[Footnote 15: This is the same thing as the _bakat_ of the negroes of Wâlo; it is a _holcus_, the grain of which nearly resembles our millet—perhaps the _holcus sorghum_.]

[Footnote 16: A small basket of straw, resembling those of our shop-keepers: it is used for winnowing the flour for the purpose of separating the bran. The negresses are very expert at this operation, turning out the bran and the imperfectly pounded grain; the flour is left on the _layot_.]

[Footnote 17: To say prayers.]

[Footnote 18: I had chosen the name of Abd-Allahi as the most satisfactory to Musulman piety; it signifies _slave of God_.]

[Footnote 19: A sort of round frock without sleeves.]

[Footnote 20: Or _hassanyéh_. The Moors call those who bear arms _hassanes_; they are also called _harabis_.]

[Footnote 21: The marabouts are the priests; they are not armed and do not go to war.]

[Footnote 22: Instead of wool the sheep of this part of Africa are covered with hair; the coat of some of them is so short that it is impossible to shear them.]

[Footnote 23: The Laratines are the offspring of Moors and female slaves; they are slaves themselves, but are never sold, and proud of their origin; they sometimes refuse to obey their master. They are an intermediate race between the Moors and the slaves.]

[Footnote 24: Among the Moors, and also the negroes, it is always a marabout who kills the animals intended for food; they would not eat meat which had been killed by a slave, or even by a man who was not a marabout.]

[Footnote 25: A wandering tribe, spread all over the western parts of Africa. The Laobés are carpenters and pedlars; they are the Jews of this country.]

[Footnote 26: Or Douichs, see the Map of the Course of the Senegal below Moussala.]

[Footnote 27: Perhaps the Teja-Kants, or Takants, reputed to dwell further eastward.]

[Footnote 28: Or Ouled-Douleeme.]

[Footnote 29: Perhaps the Abou-Sebahs.]

[Footnote 30: A _coussabe_ is a piece of cloth two yards long and three quarters wide, doubled and sewed together, with holes left for the arms at the top. Another opening is left for the head; so that it is a sort of shirt without sleeves.]

[Footnote 31: A sort of light, blue calico very coarse and thin in its texture, and used by the Moors for mosquito-curtains, and sometimes for coussabes for their slaves. It is sold at the Senegal at from eight to twelve shillings the piece of fourteen yards.]

[Footnote 32: A Moorish nation inhabiting the lower part of the river, westward of the country of the Braknas.]

[Footnote 33: Nobody is admitted to traffic without paying customs or dues; which are proportioned to the tonnage of the vessel and the value of the goods traded for. Government pays duty annually to all the princes on the banks of the river, with whom the inhabitants of St. Louis have dealings, to secure protection for their commerce.]

[Footnote 34: Worth about £166 sterling.]

[Footnote 35: Negro sailors are so called.]

[Footnote 36: This tribe has a market near the mouth of the river, known by the name of the post of the Darmancours or Darmankous.]

[Footnote 37: The name given to the Mulattoes.]

[Footnote 38: This establishment is so called from Richard, the gardener, who founded it, and _Tol_, which signifies a garden in the Wolof language.]

[Footnote 39: A French factory on the Gambia.]

[Footnote 40: The seracolets, or sarakolas, are a corporation of itinerant merchants who travel over Africa; it is an error to suppose that the sarakolas are a nation.]

[Footnote 41: Almamy is the name given to the kings of many of these countries.]

[Footnote 42: This is the name given by Europeans to this fruit in the African colonies; the Mandingoes call it _ourou_.]

[Footnote 43: Some inhabitants of Kakondy, acquainted with the manners of the Bagos, informed me that they make gods of any thing that comes into their hands, such as a ram’s horn, a cow’s tail, a reptile, etc., and sacrifice to them.]

[Footnote 44: The nédé is a species of mimosa, the fruit of which contains a feculent substance, which is eaten by the negroes of this part of Africa.]

[Footnote 45: A place which the masters of slaves allot to their agricultural negroes; they have each a hut and a piece of ground, the produce of which supports them.]

[Footnote 46: The _Cé_ or _Shea_ of Mungo Park.]

[Footnote 47: The sherifs are the descendants of the Prophet; they are the Arabian nobility.]

[Footnote 48: Arabs or Musulmans in general.]

[Footnote 49: The word Kaffre, or Kafir, means infidel, idolater.]

[Footnote 50: The boatmen who navigate this river are called sognios.]

[Footnote 51: The caravans assemble to travel in a body through these woods, which are infested with robbers.]

[Footnote 52: The title of a chief.]

[Footnote 53: Poulh and Foulah are the same.]

[Footnote 54: Zambala is the seed of the nédé, boiled and dried; it is pounded for sauce.]

[Footnote 55: A small univalve shell, which passes for money.]

[Footnote 56: A Mandingo who has eight or ten slaves is reckoned rich.]

[Footnote 57: Télé, day, sun.]

[Footnote 58: See the Mandingo vocabulary.]

[Footnote 59: Charms, like the grigris.]

[Footnote 60: The Arabic word for soap is _saboun_.]

[Footnote 61: I trust I shall be pardoned for this misrepresentation, for, had I admitted the liberty of worship, there were some among my interrogators who would have been acute enough to ask me why I had undertaken so toilsome a journey, since I could freely exercise my religion among a people, who, according to my own account had treated me very kindly.]

Transcriber's note:

in title Changed: "RÉNÉ CAILLIÉ" to: "RENÉ"

pg v, Changed: "Pedestrian jonrney from St. Louis" to: "journey"

pg vii, 361, 368, 369 (x2), 370, Changed: "Cacoron" to: "Cacorou"

pg viii, Changed: "Fabibrisso" to: "Facibrisso"

pg viii, Changed: "Marianan" to: "Manianan"

pg 9, Changed: "At length we entered Boudou" to: "Bondou"

pg 14, Changed: "recovered our our spirits" to:
"recovered our spirits"

pg 19, Changed: "Peddie, Campbell, and Tucker" to: "Tuckey"

pg 86, Changed: "and carrried it off" to: "carried"

pg 110, Changed: "we made of gum and and were always" to:
"we made of gum and were always"

pg 129, Changed: "under his protection." to: "under his protection.”"

pg 135, Changed: "hesitates a long time hefore" to: "before"

pg 141, Changed: "to such an undertaking;" to:
"to such an undertaking;”"

pg 171, Changed: "climb the Irnanke mountains" to: "Irnanké"

pg 178, Changed: "we journeyed onward to Dougol" to: "Dongol"

pg 186, Changed: "great deal upou their heads" to: "upon"

pg 190, Changed: "I saw an ouroudé, or slave village" to: "ourondé"

pg 193, Changed: "the village of Diqui" to: "Digui"

pg 200, 201, Changed: "Foudedia" to: "Foudédia"

pg 202, Changed: "to the left of Dimayrara" to: "Dimayara"

pg 202, Changed: "forms part of Kankan-Fodea" to: "Kankan-Fodéa"

pg 214, Changed: "In these dilemnas" to: "dilemmas"

pg 226, Changed: "even pistacho-nuts, with gold" to: "pistachio-nuts"

pg 228, 242, 244, 284, Changed: "Sego" to: "Ségo"

pg 230, Changed: "as the Dhiolonkés of Bagaraya" to: "Dhialonkés"

pg 231, Changed: "for Lamfia imformed him" to: "informed"

pg 248, Changed: "shaded by bombaces and boababs" to: "baobabs"

pg 257, Changed: "or Lambatikila, whichever" to: "Sambatikila"

pg 284, Changed: "considerable commerce with Bamaka" to: "Bamako"

pg 294, Changed: "what a good, looking man he is" to: "good-looking"

pg 303, Changed: "you are sometimes oblige to" to: "obliged"

pg 305, Changed: "by large bombaces and boabab trees" to: "baobab"

pg 307, Changed: "as gentle aud humane" to: "and"

pg 314, Changed: "these were all its ornamements" to: "ornaments"

pg 317, Changed: "assemble at the almany’s house" to: "almamy’s"

pg 318, Changed: "agricultual implements" to: "agricultural"

pg 320, Changed: "and by a few boababs" to: "baobabs"

pg 324, Changed: "Here I inetalled myself" to: "installed"

pg 326, Changed: "with which be appeared" to: "he"

pg 326, Changed: "with thanks aud wished me" to: "and"

pg 364, Changed: "no sooner came up, than they fell" to: "come"

pg 369, Changed: "cotton mantles, and ostrich-features" to:
"ostrich-feathers"

pg 370, Changed: "waist aud between the legs" to: "and"

pg 370, Changed: "Cacaron" to: "Cacorou"

pg 391, Changed: "observed ronnd the village" to: "round"

pg 404, Changed: "me arrived at Magna-Gnounan" to: "we"

pg 415, Changed: "the neighbourood of Ségo" to: "neighbourhood"

pg 420, Changed: "From Toumaré to Jenné wood" to: "Toumané"

pg 423, Changed: "Marianan" to: "Manianan"

pg 431, Changed: "in a tranverse direction" to: "transverse"

pg 440, Changed: "Manianan, a large villlage" to: "village"

pg 449, Changed: "in which,” said I" to: "“in which,” said I"

pg 458, Changed: "fruit of the boabab" to: "baobab"

pg 460, Changed: "shaded by some boababs" to: "baobabs"

pg 469, Changed: "(one gourde.)" to: "(one gourde.)”"

Minor changes in punctuation have been done silently.

Other spelling inconsistencies have been left unchanged.