Chapter XXV: Character of the Massacres

Massacres at Sivas, Cesarea, Birejik, Bitlis, and the Region
of Mardin--Protection by the Turkish Government for the
Jacobites--General Survey--Place and Time of the Massacres--Victims
Exclusively Armenians--Effort to Destroy the Strength of the
Nation--Motive--Responsibility of the Turkish Government and of the
Sultan.

The massacres at Sassun, Trebizond, Erzrum, Harput, Aintab, Marash and Urfa were in some respects the most important, though there were others where the loss of life was greater. Those included Diarbekir, where nearly if not quite 2,500 were slain; Gurun, in the mountainous region of the Taurus, where the number reached 3,000, and several where over 1,000 perished. With regard to most of these, full and accurate reports, however, are as yet wanting. This chapter includes briefer accounts of certain places, together with a brief survey of the general characteristics of all.

In Central Asia Minor, the most important city is that of Sivas. It is the capital of the province and the trade centre of a large section. Its population is Turkish and Armenian, the Turks being largely in the majority. There is also a considerable Kurdish element both in the city itself and in the mountainous section to the south. The following account of the outbreak was received from a perfectly reliable source:

“The outbreak began on the 12th (November) and was ‘permitted’ to continue for seven days; during this ‘bloody week’ about 1,200 Armenians and 10 Turks were killed. Suddenly at noon, as if at a given signal, the Turkish laborers seized their tools, clubs, or whatever was at hand; soldiers, Circassians and police with their arms, all under command of officers--aided by the Moslem women and children, rushed to the market to begin their dreadful work of killing, stripping the dead and looting the houses. No resistance was made by the Armenians, who seemed overpowered in the suddenness of the onslaught, the number of their armed assailants and the relentless ferocity with which they were pursued to their death. The shops of the Armenian merchants, whether wholesale or retail, were looted by the rioters and soldiers. Many of the merchants and their clerks were killed; thus at one blow the Armenian element was eliminated from the trade at Sivas. As the importing business had been in their hands almost exclusively, it is difficult to foresee anything to avert the impending financial disaster. The Armenian villagers in that vicinity have been robbed of everything, and the people are left to beg and die. A gentleman in high official standing, who has had unusual opportunities for information, uses the following language with regard to this affair: ‘Don’t be deceived by any of the silly government statements which attribute all these massacres to Armenians. It was a deliberate plan on the part of the government to punish the Armenians. The Sultan was irritated because he was forced to give them reforms, so he has had 7,000 Armenians killed to show his power, since he signed the scheme of reforms. The government has smashed some Turkish shop windows to show that the Armenians did it.’ Food was scarce; everything was carried off from the Armenian shops. There will be an immense amount of suffering all over the country. It is said to be a fact, that the Kaimakim (Governor) of Gurun telegraphed to the Vali (Governor-General of the Province) at Sivas, saying in effect, ‘You may rest assured that there is not an Armenian left in Gurun.’ The Armenians at Gurun made some resistance to being butchered and suffered worse for it. (Gurun is a large village about twenty-four hours from Sivas. It has a population of 10,000, one-half Armenians.)

“As the fury of this storm of blood and greed subsided, the stricken Armenians of Sivas slowly gathered the mangled and naked bodies of their kinsmen to their cemetery, where a great trench had been dug to hold the horrid harvest of death. A single priest read a short service over the long and ghastly rank; and thus was closed another chapter in the yet unfinished story of cruelty, lust and fanaticism.”

West of Sivas, in the ancient province of Cappadocia, is the city of Cesarea. It has a large Moslem population, chiefly Turkish of pure blood, as is the greater part of the race in that section. The Christian population is both Armenian and Greek, the former being largely predominant in the city, though there are a number of Greek villages in the plain. The Armenians here, as in the region south of the Taurus, use Turkish chiefly and are noted for their general sturdiness of character, and furnished very little support for the Huntchagist movement. For the most part, their relations with the Turks have been friendly, and the governors of the city, which is in the province of Angora, have frequently been men of character who have endeavored to deal justly by all classes. Cesarea being outside of the six provinces mentioned in the general plan of reforms, there was hope that it would escape, but the following, from a letter by a resident, will tell the story of the scenes that followed close upon the news that came from other places.

“CESAREA, December 2d, 1895.

“At last the storm has struck us and the horror of the past three
days is beyond description. On Saturday, at about 2 P. M., one
of our school boys rushed into my room crying: ‘The destruction
has begun!’ I hastened to our roof and saw the scene which has so
often been enacted of late. Turks beating and killing every Armenian
on whom they could lay their hands. Much of the fiendish work was
carried on from the roofs of the houses, for here in Cesarea a large
portion of the houses have flat mud roofs, and one can go nearly
everywhere on the roofs, they being practically continuous.

“Turks swarmed over the houses, breaking in doors and windows,
stoning, beating, cutting, shooting whoever opposed them, and many
who did not. I succeeded several times in turning back the crowd from
the roofs immediately adjoining our house, but beyond that I could
do nothing. They evidently had strict orders to let us alone.... No
special guard was sent to our house, but by calling upon passing
soldiers I got temporary men stationed near our door, but they
would stay but a few minutes, then were off to have their share in
the business. However, we suffered no harm, but on the contrary,
succeeded in protecting many whose houses were attacked. They came
rushing over the roofs and up the ladder which I placed for them,
until we had over sixty people under our narrow roof. (Later they had
109.) The strain was terrible for three hours, but after sundown it
gradually quieted.

“Firing on the mob by the troops was absolutely forbidden until
special orders to fire were received from Constantinople. This order
was delayed till about sunset. I have this direct from soldiers and
believe it to be true. From sunset on I give the government credit
for making honest attempts to restore quiet. On Sunday A. M. there
was considerable disturbance, quieted by noon. I then succeeded in
getting two soldiers to accompany me to the governor--he gave me six
men for a guard. This morning again there was disturbance, and a
house near was attacked, but my men drove them away. The worst was at
evening, and seems to be past, but what has been passes description.
To-day I have been about looking up some persons and seeing some of
the wounded. Men and women were literally hacked to pieces; certainly
several hundred, and some Turks say 1,000 were killed.

“Saturday, 7 P. M. Women as well as men were fearfully handled.
Several thousand fierce fellows came from the neighboring Turkish
villages to help on the diabolical work, and many women were carried
away. This morning I was told that a bride and a young girl had been
taken from a neighboring house to the house of a Turk near by. The
husband who was in the market at the time, came and begged me to
help him get them back. On going to the Turkish house with two of
my soldiers I found that the girls had not been ill treated and the
house owner readily gave them up. In order to save their lives they
had said, ‘We are Moslems.’ I know of other Turkish families where
Christians were sheltered. These are about the only bright spots in
a very dark picture. To add to the horror, many houses were burned
and some perished in the flames. Dr. Avedis Effendi (an influential
preacher for many years), with wife and oldest son, were killed.

“I think the attack here was a concession to the thirsty mob, who
could not see why they should not have their fling as well as those
in Sivas and elsewhere.

“Our hearts are sick. We are so powerless to aid and comfort. Our
school boys are all safe.

“December 3d. We breathe easier this morning, but I cannot be sure
all danger is past. The method taken with the women was to demand
that they proclaim themselves Moslems. If they refused, as many did,
even girls from twelve to fifteen years of age, they were cut down
mercilessly. This fact can be substantiated with the utmost ease.
Should the troops withdraw, worse destruction is sure to follow.
Neighboring villages have suffered still worse, many of them stripped
once, and twice, and thrice, till nothing is left.”

The city of Birejik is on the Euphrates, between Urfa and Aintab. It is a prosperous place, with a population of perhaps 10,000 to 12,000, overwhelmingly Moslem, partly Turkish, partly Arab in origin.

“After the massacre at Urfa, on the twenty-seventh of October, 1895, the authorities at Birejik told the Armenians that the Moslems were afraid of them, and that therefore they (the Armenians) must surrender to the government any arms that they possessed. This was done, the most rigid search being instituted to assure the authorities that nothing whatever in the way of arms remained in the hands of the Armenians. This disarmament caused no little anxiety to the Armenians, since the Moslem population was very generally armed, and was constantly adding to its arms. In fact, during the months of November and December the Christians have been kept within their houses because the danger of appearing upon the streets was very great.

“Troops were called out by the government to protect the people. Since the soldiers had come to protect the Christians, the Christians were required to furnish animals for them to carry their goods. Then they were required to furnish them with beds and carpets, to make them more comfortable. Finally, they were required to furnish the soldiers with food, and they were reduced to a state bordering on destitution by these increasing demands.

“The end came on the first of January, 1896, when the news of the massacre of several thousands of Christians at Urfa by the soldiers appointed to guard them incited the troops at Birejik to imitate this crime. The assault on the Christian houses commenced about nine o’clock in the morning, and lasted until nightfall. The soldiers were aided by the Moslems of the city in the terrible work. The object at first seemed to be mainly plunder; but after the plunder had been secured, the soldiers seemed to make a systematic search for men, to kill those who were unwilling to accept Mohammedanism. The cruelty used to force men to become Moslems was terrible. In one case the soldiers found some twenty people, men, women and children, who had taken refuge in a sort of cave. They dragged them out and killed all the men and boys because they would not become Moslems. After cutting down one old man, who had thus refused, they put live coals upon his body, and as he was writhing in torture they held a Bible before him and mockingly asked him to read them some of the promises in which he had trusted. Others were thrown into the river while still alive, after having been cruelly wounded. The women and children of this party were loaded up like goods upon the backs of porters and carried off to the houses of Moslems. Christian girls were eagerly sought after, and much quarreling occurred over the question of their division among their captors. Every Christian home except two, claimed to be owned by Turks, was plundered. Ninety-six men are known to have been killed, or about half of the adult Christian men. The other half have become Mussulmans to save their lives, so that there is not a single Christian left in Birejik to-day. The Armenian church has been made into a mosque and the Protestant church into a mosque school.”

It was natural that after the Sassun massacre attention should be turned to that section of country, including the cities of Mush, Bitlis and Van. In Van the Armenians are very strong, probably not outnumbering the Moslems, who are chiefly Kurds, but so important an element that in a strife they would be able to defend themselves with considerable success. They are also of a generally higher grade of intelligence and force of character than most of the race, and have always been held somewhat in awe by the Turks. Their villages in the vicinity, however, have been subject to constant raids by the Kurds, and have suffered terribly. Bitlis is one of the most picturesque cities in Turkey; surrounded by high mountains and divided among the valleys so that it is impossible to get a general view of it. It is almost entirely cut off from the surrounding country by the snow during a considerable part of the winter, and is at all times difficult of access. The population, both Kurdish and Armenian--there are very few Turks--is rough and uncouth in manners and appearance. It has always been a turbulent city, and it was inevitable that it should feel the pressure of the prevailing uneasiness throughout the empire. The situation is thus graphically described by a letter written early in December, 1895:

“The summer just past has been a quiet one, interest chiefly
centering in the work of distribution at Sassun, where the gentlemen
have been laboring five months, annoyed by every sort of opposition
and insult on the part of the Turkish officials, and any success in
their efforts is due entirely to the presence and vigorous support
of the British Consul for Bitlis. Proof of the quietness of the
region and of the confidence all felt in that future which was to be
so wisely provided for by the ambassadors of the Christian nations
of Europe, is found in the fact that the writer made, without
apprehension, the four days’ journey from Bitlis to Van, with the
intention of staying a few weeks in the latter city. Three weeks
later the storm broke. The Sultan accepted the scheme of reforms.
The Moslems of Bitlis, forming a large majority of the population,
and more fanatical than their co-religionists in other cities, had
told the Armenians that in case of such acceptance the Turks would
see to it that no Christian survived to be benefited by a new regime.
The Armenians behaved most prudently--knew so vaguely, in fact, how
much or how little the reforms promised, that they manifested neither
elation nor anger.

“On Friday, Oct. 25th, the Moslems closed their shops and went to
prayer in the mosques. Soon, at a given signal--the cry that the
Armenians were attacking the mosques--the Turks rushed forth, closed
the entrances to the bazars, and each man killed every Christian
he could find. The Armenians made no resistance; they had no arms
and were taken by surprise, for the governor had given assurance of
safety but the day before. The barracks were close by, the troops
should have been on the spot on the instant, but some time elapsed
before they set out for the scene of slaughter, and when they arrived
the soldiers dispersed into out-of-the-way places and themselves
took part in the butchery. Repeated bugle calls had preceded the
attack; after three hours the bugles ‘called off,’ the slaughter
ceased, and the work of plundering began; and in this the troops took
a very active part. Men, women and children joined in carrying off
everything of the slightest value; goods, materials, instruments used
in the trades, and what was of no use to them was burned, till the
markets were swept absolutely bare.

“The number of slain accounted for was about 500, but the actual
number must far exceed that. The Turks themselves buried fifty
Armenians in order that it might be supposed that so many Moslems
had perished. In reality, only one was known to have been killed.
The governor soon after imprisoned forty leading Armenians, and with
threats of still more fearful massacre tried to make them sign a
paper which laid the blame of the affair on the Armenians. This they
would not do, but so great was the pressure that not a few signed
the following statement to be telegraphed to the Sublime Porte and
patriarchate: ‘Several ignorant and low fellows from our community,
induced by evil designs, were the cause of this trouble, and got
their punishment in being killed. We that are left are loyal to the
Sultan and grateful for his gracious government.’”

On the northern edge of the great Mesopotamia plains, fully 1,000 feet above the plain, is the city of Mardin. It is the centre of the Jacobite community, who are found not merely on the plain, but in the rough and mountainous country through which the Tigris runs, and extending nearly to Bitlis. There are few Armenians, but the Kurds are very powerful and very hostile to all Christians, as has already been described in certain chapters of this book. It was inevitable that they should look with considerable jealousy upon their more favored comrades glutted with Armenian plunder. They could see no difference between one Christian and another. All were alike infidels, all under the ban of the Prophet, all alike proper booty for them. They therefore gathered in numbers in the mountains, attacked whatever villages they could with reasonable safety and came up to the borders of Mardin. The following is from an eye-witness:

“The beginning of trouble for us here at Mardin was determined by
the outbreak which began in Diarbekir after the midday prayer on
Friday, November 1st. The riot continued for three days; Kurds from
without riding in, looting and firing shops and houses adjacent to
the market. When the Kurds were expelled from the city and the gates
closed against them, they turned their attention to the villages.
These one after another were taken, plundered, and in many instances
burned; the massacres being generally in proportion to the degree of
resistance made by the villages. A district about ninety miles long
and fifty broad, east of Diarbekir and up to the borders of Sert, in
the province of Bitlis, was swept by this hurricane of destruction
wherever Christian villages nestled among the billows of this rolling
country. We are not yet in position to estimate the number of killed
and wounded in cities, towns and villages.

“The first intimation that the wave of wanton wreckage was moving
southward was given in the attack upon Tel Ermin, Wednesday, November
6th. This papal Armenian town of 200 houses and 60 shops, five hours
(20 miles) west of Mardin, was taken on the following day, plundered
and burned. The next day Goeli, a Syrian village south of Mardin,
and only two hours (8 miles) off, shared the same fate. At about the
same time three other villages fell into the hands of the Kurds,
and only one, 20 minutes north of the city, remained intact. This
they tried to capture, but were driven back. The Kurdish tribes on
every side were determined to attack Mardin after finishing their
destruction of the villages. Meanwhile the local government was
actively preparing for defense and the leading men of the city, both
Moslems and Christians, in a most fraternal spirit, joined their
efforts to those of the government to prevent a repetition of what
had occurred at Diarbekir. On Saturday and Sunday, November 9th and
10th, three serious attempts were made by the Kurds to enter the
city, in the hope that they would be aided from within. In this they
were disappointed, especially when they were fiercely attacked by
the very parties on whom they were relying to let them in. They were
obliged to draw off with severe loss. The Kurds persistently asserted
that a firman for the slaughter of the Christians had been given, but
that the Christians of Mardin had bribed the government to conceal it
and defend them. When the Kurds realized that the government and city
were a unit for the common defense, they drew off and the tide of
attack swept farther east, taking Nisibin and some twenty Christian
villages in its way. Many of the latter were also burned. Midyat,
like Mardin, resisted all attacks.

“The result of all this is that already some 3,500 refugees are
collected here with a prospect of more to follow. In the village of
Kulleth, nine hours (36 miles) east, 300 refugees from the Diarbekir
plain are begging food and clothing. The entire Christian population
remaining in Sert have been stripped of everything. Large measures of
relief will need to be instituted before winter is over, or thousands
will die from exposure and hunger.”

Similar scenes occurred in other places. There was, in general, however, considerable effort on the part of the government to protect these Jacobite Christians. In the city of Mosul, the governor’s orders were very positive that there be no trouble at all, and in numerous villages the soldiers not merely drove off the Kurds, but escorted the villagers to places of safety.

A general survey of the massacres brings out certain very distinct facts, which should be kept in mind in considering their nature and their effect.

1. With only five exceptions of consequence, the massacres were confined to the territory of the six provinces in Eastern Turkey where reforms were to be instituted. These places were Trebizond, Marash, Aintab, Urfa and Cesarea. Every other massacre of any prominence occurred within the very provinces for which the reforms were promised. In those four places the Moslems were excited by the nearness of the scenes of massacre and by the reports of the plunder which the other Moslems were securing.

2. The massacre in Trebizond occurred just before the Sultan, after months of every kind of opposition, was compelled to give his assent to the scheme of reforms, and from there the wave spread over the whole empire.

3. The victims were almost exclusively Armenians. The large Greek population in Trebizond and also in the vicinity of Cesarea, suffered scarcely at all, and the Jacobite population in the region of Mardin not more than would necessarily be expected from the incursions of the Kurds. Special care was taken to avoid injury to the subjects of foreign nations, apparently with the idea of escaping foreign complications and the payment of indemnities. The damage done to American buildings in Harput and in Marash was apparently in direct disobedience to special orders sent, and in those places, as well as in Aintab, Urfa, Cesarea, Bitlis, Marsovan, and indeed in every place where there were foreigners, the strictest orders were given that no harm whatever should come to them. A notable instance of this was in the city of Urfa, where an American lady missionary was protected by troops from the fanatical Moslem populace even at considerable risk to themselves.

4. With slight exceptions, the method was to kill within a limited period the largest number possible of Armenian men, especially those of capacity, intelligence and wealth, and to ruin their families by looting their property. Thus, in the city of Ak-Hissar, not far from Nicomedia, the order was distinctly given, “Kill the men; the women and children will then fall to us.” In several places the most explicit promises had been given that there would be no danger to those who opened their shops, and yet in almost every place a sudden and simultaneous attack on the market-place was made just at noon when shop-keepers and clerks were in their shops and unable to flee. The perpetrators were also in almost every place the resident Moslem population, reinforced by Lazes, Kurds and Circassians. Exception must be made of certain cities, as Erzrum, Erzingan and Harput, and to a degree, Aintab, where the soldiers of the regular army took a part in the work, and in two instances commenced and closed the massacre itself at the signal of the bugle. In a few instances, as at Diarbekir, Arabkir, Malatia and Gurun, the Armenians undertook to defend themselves, and in those places the slaughter was terrible, reaching not less than 2,000, and in some cases 3,000. The plunder was complete. The shops were absolutely gutted, even the doors and windows of the houses were carried away, and in the market-places not a single article of merchandise could be found. In many places even the clothing worn by men, women and children was stripped from them and they were obliged to flee naked.

5. The motive, so far as it has to deal with their religious fanaticism, is dwelt upon in a succeeding chapter. So far as the political element was concerned, it was evidently a firm resolve to crush out the only element of the Christian population which appeared to have any chance of asserting itself against the Moslem Government. The Moslems everywhere felt that their supremacy was at stake, and that unless these Armenians were thoroughly suppressed, they would, with the support of Europe, gain the upper hand. Only thus can be explained the apparent destruction of the best of the taxpaying element in the empire. The thought was to make sure of their political supremacy, and no other way of securing this could be conceived than by diminishing the number of the Armenians and utterly destroying the power of the survivors.

6. The responsibility for this whole movement must rest with the Central Government at Constantinople. A brief survey of the events in their chronological order will make this apparent. The trouble in the Sassun region commenced in 1893 with contests between the Armenian villagers and the Kurds, in which the Kurds were worsted. They appealed to the Turkish Government, which supported them with regular troops. Officials went to the Armenians, charging them with revolution. This charge was denied; absolute loyalty to the Sultan was avowed, and subsequent investigations of the commission proved that this avowal was genuine. The fact of the appearance of an occasional member of the revolutionary party by no means involved the endorsement of that party by the entire community. During 1894 the pressure from Europe became more and more strong, and through various sections of the country went the statement by officials and by priests that there was an organized effort to make the Armenians supreme and to destroy the Turkish power. The massacres at Sassun in the fall of 1894 were absolutely unprovoked, as has been shown above. The statements of the Turkish Government with regard to them were proven to be absolutely false. The men who were directly responsible for them were honored by the Sultan himself with decoration and promotion. Then followed the summer of 1895, during which repeated pressure from the European powers was brought to bear upon the Turkish Government for reform, and as persistently refused by that government. If it be granted that the disturbance in Constantinople was occasioned by unwise action of Armenian revolutionists, the riot by the Softas, which was not checked by the Turkish Government, was allowed as an indication of what might happen. The massacre at Trebizond commenced in the courtyard of the government house, and the governor himself was in direct telegraphic communication with Constantinople throughout the whole massacre. From Trebizond the wave spread southward and then in every direction over the empire. In every case promises made by officials of the Turkish Government were not only not kept, but were ostentatiously disregarded. In every case the police or soldiers of the regular army either looked on and did nothing to hinder the massacre and pillage, or took a direct share in it. The conduct of the Turkish Government throughout the whole and since, in absolutely denying statements that were perfectly well known to be true; in making misrepresentation upon misrepresentation; in throwing obstacle after obstacle in the way of those who would bring relief to the people, and in its methods of treatment with the foreign Powers, makes it very evident that it understood the situation, but did not wish it known.

To suppose that all this could happen through a series of years and months without the immediate knowledge of the government, is to assume that the government is entirely ignorant of the most important details of its administration, and no one who has followed the course of Turkish history for the past three years will admit that this is possible. The officials in Constantinople knew just exactly what was going on over their empire and did absolutely nothing to hinder it. Whether direct orders were sent from Constantinople to the local officials instructing them as to the day and hour of commencing and closing the massacres, it is probably impossible to say. There are many things that point in that direction, but it will require later and more full investigation to establish that fact. As to the personal responsibility of the Sultan, various positions have been taken. He has been described as so kindly and cordial, so sympathetic with his people, as to be utterly incapable of having anything to do with such wholesale destruction in his empire. The secrets of the Palace are not yet known. It is sufficient, however, to say that, with possibly the exception of Mahmud II, no Sultan has ever lived who gave such minute attention to the administration of the internal affairs of his empire. To suppose that he was ignorant is to belie his whole past history; to suppose that he knew, but could not prevent, is to credit him with a weakness that would be indignantly repudiated by every Turk in the empire.

LOOTING IN STAMBOUL. Scene of the Riots. Breaking open stores and
houses and stealing the goods of Armenians.]

MASSACRE IN STAMBOUL. This is a sketch drawn by an eye-witness of the
murder of Armenians by officers, Softas and Kurds in the streets of
Stamboul.]