Chapter VI: Conclusion

Having said so much of the war with America, and particularly of the danger with which it threatens us, it may be expected that I should propose some method of escaping from this danger, and of restoring this once happy Empire to a state of peace and security.—Various plans of pacification have been proposed; and some of them, by persons so distinguished by their rank and merit, as to be above my applause. But till there is more of a disposition to attend to such plans; they cannot, I am afraid, be of any great service. And there is too much reason to apprehend, that nothing but calamity will bring us to repentance and wisdom.—In order, however, to complete my design in these observations, I will take the liberty to lay before the public the following sketch of one of the plans just referred to, as it was opened before the holidays to the house of Lords by the _Earl of Shelburne_; who, while he held the seals of the Southern Department, with the business of the Colonies annexed, possessed their confidence, without ever compromising the authority of this country; a confidence which discovered itself by peace among themselves, and duty and submission to the Mother-country. I hope I shall not take an unwarrantable liberty, if, on this occasion, I use his Lordship’s own words, as nearly as I have been able to collect them.

“Meet the Colonies on their own ground, in the last petition from the Congress to the king. The surest, as well as the most dignified mode of proceeding for this country.—Suspend all hostilities—Repeal the acts which immediately distress America, namely, the last restraining act,—the charter act,—the act for the more impartial administration of justice;—and the Quebec act.—All the other acts (the custom house act, the post office act, &c.) leave to a temperate revisal.—There will be found much matter which both countries may wish repealed. _Some_ which can never be given up, the principle being that regulation of trade for the common good of the Empire, which forms our _Palladium_. _Other_ matter which is fair subject of mutual accommodation.—Prescribe the most explicit acknowledgment of your right of regulating commerce in its most extensive sense; if the petition and other public acts of the Colonies have not already, by their declarations and acknowledgments, left it upon a sufficiently secure foundation.—Besides the power of regulating the general commerce of the Empire, something further might be expected; provided a due and tender regard were had to the means and abilities of the several provinces, as well as to those fundamental, unalienable rights of _Englishmen_, which no father can surrender on the part of his son, no representative on the part of his elector, no generation on the part of the succeeding one; the right of judging not only of the _mode_ of raising, but the _quantum_, and the appropriation of such aids as they shall grant.—To be more explicit; the debt of _England_, without entering into invidious distinctions how it came to be contracted, might be acknowledged the debt of every individual part of the whole Empire, Asia, as well as America, included.—Provided, that full security were held forth to them, that such free aids, together with the Sinking Fund (Great Britain contributing her superior share) should not be left as the privy purse of the minister, but be unalienably appropriated to the original intention of that fund, the discharge of the debt;—and that by an honest application of the _whole_ fund, the taxes might in time be lessened, and the price of our manufactures consequently reduced, so that every contributory part might feel the returning benefit—always supposing the laws of trade duly observed and enforced.

“The time _was_, I am confident—and perhaps _is_, when these points might be obtained upon the easy, the constitutional, and, therefore, the indispensible terms of an exemption from parliamentary taxation, and an admission of the sacredness of their charters; instead of sacrificing their good humour, their affection, their effectual aids, and the act of NAVIGATION itself, (which you are now in the direct road to do) for a commercial quit-rent,[47] or a barren metaphysical chimæra.—How long these ends may continue attainable, no man can tell.—But if no words are to be relied on except such as make against the Colonies—If nothing is acceptable, except what is attainable by force; it only remains to apply, what has been so often remarked of unhappy periods,—_Quos deus vult, &c._”

These are sentiments and proposals of the last importance; and I am very happy in being able to give them to the public from so respectable an authority as that of the distinguished Peer I have mentioned; to whom, I know, this kingdom, as well as America, is much indebted for his zeal to promote those grand public points on which the preservation of Liberty among us depends; and for the firm opposition which, jointly with many others (Noblemen and Commoners of the first character and abilities,) he has made to the present measures.

Had such a plan as that now proposed been adopted a few months ago, I have little doubt but that a pacification would have taken place, on terms highly advantageous to this kingdom.—In particular. It is probable, that the Colonies would have consented to grant an annual supply, which, increased by a saving of the money now spent in maintaining troops among them, and by contributions which might have been gained from other parts of the Empire, would have formed a fund considerable enough, if unalienably applied, to redeem the public debt; in consequence of which, agreeably to Lord Shelburne’s ideas, some of our worst taxes might be taken off, and the Colonies would receive our manufactures cheaper; our paper-currency might be restrained; our whole force would be free to meet at any time foreign danger; the influence of the Crown would be reduced; our Parliament would become less dependent; and the kingdom might, perhaps, be restored to a situation of permanent safety and prosperity.

To conclude.—An important revolution in the affairs of this kingdom seems to be approaching. If ruin is not to be our lot, all that has been lately done must be undone, and new measures adopted. At that period, an opportunity (never perhaps to be recovered, if lost) will offer itself for serving essentially _this country_, as well as _America_; by putting the national debt into a _fixed_ course of payment; by subjecting to new regulations, the administration of the finances; and by establishing measures for exterminating corruption and restoring the constitution.—For my own part; if this is not to be the consequence of any future changes in the ministry, and the system of corruption, lately so much improved, is to go on; I think it totally indifferent to the kingdom who are _in_, or who are _out_ of power.

* * * * *

The following fact is of so much importance, that I cannot satisfy myself without laying it before the public.—In a Committee of the American CONGRESS in _June_ 1775, a declaration was drawn up containing an offer to GREAT BRITAIN, “that the Colonies would not only continue to grant extraordinary aids in time of war, but also, if allowed a free commerce, pay into the SINKING-FUND such a sum annually for ONE HUNDRED YEARS, as should be _more_ than sufficient in that time, if faithfully applied, to extinguish all the present debts of BRITAIN. Or, provided this was not accepted, that, to remove the groundless jealousy of _Britain_ that the Colonies aimed at Independence and an abolition of the Navigation Act, which in truth, they had never intended; and also, to avoid all future disputes about the right of making that and other Acts for regulating their commerce for the general benefit, they would enter into a covenant with _Britain_, that she should fully possess and exercise that right for _one hundred years_ to come.”

* * * * *

At the end of the preceding Tract I have had the honor of laying before the public the Earl of _Shelburne_’s plan of Pacification with the Colonies. In that plan, it is particularly proposed, that the Colonies should grant an annual supply to be carried to the Sinking Fund, and unalienably appropriated to the discharge of the public debt.—It must give this excellent Peer great pleasure to learn, from this resolution, that even this part of his plan, as well as all the other parts, would, most probably, have been accepted by the Colonies. For though the resolution only offers the alternative of either a _free_ trade, with extraordinary aids and an annual supply, or an _exclusive_ trade confirmed and extended; yet there can be little reason to doubt, but that to avoid the calamities of the present contest, BOTH would have been consented to; particularly, if, on our part, such a revisal of the laws of trade had been offered as was proposed in Lord Shelburne’s plan.

The preceding resolution was, I have said, drawn up in a Committee of the Congress. But it was not entered in their minutes; a severe Act of Parliament happening to arrive at that time, which determined them not to give the sum proposed in it.

FINIS.

FOOTNOTES

[11] See a particular explanation of this assertion in the Second Tract, Page 9.

[12] In _Great Britain_, consisting of near six _millions_ of inhabitants, 5723 persons, most of them the lowest of the people, elect one half of the _House of Commons_; and 364 votes chuse a ninth part. This may be seen distinctly made out in the _Political Disquisitions_, Vol. 1. Book 2. C. 4. a work full of important and useful instruction.

[13] See among others Mr. Locke on Government, and Dr. Priestley’s Essay on the first Principles of Government.

[14] See Dr. Priestly on Government, page 68, 69, &c.

[15] The independency of the Judges we esteem in this country one of our greatest privileges.—Before the revolution they generally, I believe, held their places _during pleasure_. King William gave them their places _during good behaviour_. At the accession of the present Royal Family their places were given them _during good behaviour_, in consequence of the Act of Settlement, 12 and 13 W. III. C. 2. But an opinion having been entertained by some, that though their commissions were made under the Act of Settlement to continue, during good behaviour, yet that they determined on the demise of the Crown; it was enacted by a statute made in the first year of his present Majesty, Chap. 23. “That the commissions of Judges for the time being shall be, continue, and remain in full force, during their good behaviour, notwithstanding the demise of his Majesty, or of any of his Heirs and Successors;” with a proviso, “that it may be lawful for his Majesty, his Heirs and Successors, to remove any Judge upon the address of both Houses of Parliament.” And by the same Statute their salaries are secured to them during the continuance of their commissions: His Majesty, according to the preamble of the Statute, having been pleased to declare from the Throne to both Houses of Parliament, “That he looked upon the independency and uprightness of Judges as essential to the impartial administration of Justice, as one of the best securities to the Rights and Liberties of his loving Subjects, and as most conducive to the honour of his Crown.”

A worthy friend and able Lawyer has supplied me with this note. It affords, when contrasted with that _dependence_ of the Judges which has been thought reasonable in _America_, a sad specimen of the different manner in which a kingdom may think proper to govern itself, and the provinces subject to it.

[16] Montesquieu’s Spirit of Laws, Vol. I. Book 11. C. xix.

[17] This is particularly true of the _bounties_ granted on some American commodities (as pitch, tar, indigo, &c.) when imported into _Britain_; for it is well known, that the end of granting them was, to get those commodities cheaper from the Colonies, and in return for our manufactures, which we used to get from _Russia_ and other foreign countries. And this is expressed in the preambles of the laws which grant these bounties. See the Appeal to the Justice, &c. page 21, third edition. It is, therefore, strange that Doctor TUCKER and others, should have insisted so much upon these bounties as favours and indulgencies to the Colonies.—But it is still more strange, that the same representation should have been made of the compensations granted them for doing more during the last war in assisting us than could have been reasonably expected; and also of the sums we have spent in maintaining troops among them _without_ their consent; and in opposition to their wishes.—See a pamphlet, entitled “The rights of Great Britain asserted against the claims of America.”

[18] It is remarkable that even the author of the _Remarks on the Principal Acts of the 13th Parliament of Great Britain_, &c. finds himself obliged to acknowledge this difference.—There cannot be more detestable principles of government, than those which are maintained by this writer. According to him, the _properties_ and _rights_ of a people are only a kind of _alms_ given them by their civil governors. Taxes, therefore, he asserts, are not the _gifts_ of the people. See page 58, and 191.

[19] See Observations on Reversionary Payments, page 207, &c.

[20] See page 22.

[21] The author of _Taxation no Tyranny_ will undoubtedly assert this without hesitation, for in page 69 he compares our present situation with respect to the Colonies to that of the antient _Scythians_, who, upon returning from a war, _found themselves shut out of their_ OWN HOUSES by their SLAVES.

[22] See particularly, a speech intended to have been spoken on the bill for altering the Charter of the Colony of Massachuset’s Bay; the _Considerations on the Measures carrying on with respect to the British Colonies_; the _Two Appeals to the Justice and Interests of the People_; and the _further Examination_, just published, _of our present American Measures_, by the Author of the Considerations, &c.

[23] I have heard it said by a person in one of the first departments of the state, that the present contest is for DOMINION on the side of the Colonies, as well as on ours: And so it is indeed; but with this essential difference. _We_ are struggling for dominion over OTHERS. _They_ are struggling for SELF-dominion: The noblest of all blessings.

[24] This has been our policy with respect to the people of _Ireland_; and the consequence is, that we now see their parliament as obedient as we can wish.

[25] It should be remembered, that this was written some time before the Declaration of Independence in July 1776. See page 85 of the next Tract.

[26] In February 1776.—In a few weeks after this, they were driven from _Boston_; and took refuge at _Hallifax_ in _Nova Scotia_; from whence, after a strong reinforcement, they invaded the Province of _New-York_.

[27] Except the _Negroes_ in the Southern Colonies, who probably will now either soon become extinct, or have their condition changed into that of _Freemen_.—It is not the fault of the Colonies that they have among them so many of these unhappy people. They have made laws to prohibit the importation of them; but these laws have always had a negative put upon them here, because of their tendency to hurt our Negro trade.

[28] In the county of Suffolk, where Boston is, there has not been, I am informed, more than one execution these 18 years.

[29] Mr. Burke (in his excellent and admirable Speech on moving his resolutions for conciliation with the Colonies, P. 9. &c.) has shewn, that our trade to the Colonies, including that to _Africa_ and the _West-Indies_, was in 1772 nearly equal to the trade which we carried on with the whole world at the beginning of this Century.

[30] See Dr. Davenant’s works, collected and revised by Sir Charles Whitworth, Vol. I. Page 363, &c. 443, &c.

[31] See Considerations on Money, Bullion, &c. Page 2 and 11.

[32] The coin deficient between one grain and three grains was not called in at the time this was written. This call was made in the Summer of 1776; and it brought in above three millions more than was expected. The quantity of gold coin should therefore have been stated at about SIXTEEN MILLIONS, and the whole coin of the kingdom at 18 or 19 millions.—The evidence from which I have drawn this estimate may be found in the first Section of the Second Part of the next Tract.

[33] See Sir James Steuart’s Enquiry into the Principles of political Œconomy, Vol. II. Book 4, Chap. 32.

[34] See the Second Tract, P. 65.

[35] Their debts consist chiefly of money raised by annuities on lives, short annuities, anticipations of taxes for short terms, &c. During the whole last war they added to their _perpetual_ annuities only 12 millions sterling, according to Sir James Steuart’s account; whereas we added to these annuities near 60 millions. In consequence therefore of the nature of their debts, as well as of the management they are now using for hastening the reduction of them, they must in a few years, if peace continues, be freed from most of their incumbrances; while we probably (if no event comes soon that will unburthen us at once) shall continue with them all upon us.

[36] Mr. _Lowndes_ in the dispute between him and Mr. _Locke_, contended for a reduction of the standard of silver. One of his reasons was, that it would render the silver-coin more commensurate to the wants of the nation; and CHECK HAZARDOUS PAPER-CREDIT.—Mr. CONDUIT, Sir ISAAC NEWTON’S successor in the mint, has proposed, in direct contradiction to the laws now in being, that all the bullion imported into the kingdom should be carried into the mint to be coined; and only coin allowed to be exported. “The height, he says, of paper-credit is the strongest argument for trying this and _every other_ method that is likely to increase the coinage. For whilst paper-credit does in a great measure the business of money at home, Merchants and Bankers are not under a necessity, as they were formerly, of coining a quantity of specie for their home trade; and as Paper-credit brings money to the Merchants to be exported, the money may go away insensibly, and NOT BE MISSED TILL IT BE TOO LATE: And where Paper-credit is large and increasing, if the money be exported and the coinage decrease, THAT CREDIT MAY SINK AT ONCE, for want of a proportionable quantity of _Specie_, which alone can support it in a time of distress.”—See Mr. _Conduit’_s Observations on the state of our Gold and Silver Coins in 1730, Page 36, to 46.

[37] According to the accounts of the exports to, and imports from the North-American Colonies, laid before Parliament, the balance in our favour appears to have been, for 11 years before 1774, near a _million and a half_ annually.

[38] See the substance of the evidence on the petition presented by the _West-India_ Planters and Merchants to the House of Commons as it was introduced at the BAR, and summed up by Mr. GLOVER.

[39] The annual average of the payments into the Exchequer, on account of the duties on tobacco, was for five years, from 1770 to 1774, 219,117l. exclusive of the payments from _Scotland_.—Near one half of the _tobacco_ trade is carried on from _Scotland_; and above _four fifths_ of the tobacco imported is afterwards exported to _France_, _Germany_ and other countries. From _France_ alone it brings annually into the Kingdom, I am informed, about 150,000l. in money.

In 1775, being, alas! the _parting_ year, the duties on tobacco in ENGLAND brought into the _Exchequer_ no less a sum than 298,202l.

[40] All the accounts and calculations in the _Appendix_ here referred to, have been transferred to the 2d and 4th Sections of the 3d Part of the Second Tract.

[41] A quarter of the inhabitants of every country are fighting men.—If, therefore, the Colonies consist only of two millions of inhabitants, the number of fighting men in them will be half a million.

[42] See the Appendix to Dr. Zubly’s Sermon, preached at the opening of the Provincial Congress of _Georgia_.

[43] The apprehensions here expressed have been verified by the events which have happened since this was written. American privateers have spread themselves over the Atlantick. They have frightened us even on our own coasts, and seized millions of British property.

[44] “I have no other notion of slavery, but being bound by a law to which I do not consent.” See the case of _Ireland_’s being bound by acts of Parliament in _England_, stated by William Molyneux, Esq; Dublin.—In arguing against the authority of Communities, and all people not incorporated, over one another; I have confined my views to taxation and internal legislation. Mr. Molyneux carried his views much farther; and denied the right of _England_ to make any laws even to regulate the trade of _Ireland_. He was the intimate friend of Mr. Locke; and writ his book in 1698, soon after the publication of Mr. Locke’s Treatise on Government.

[45] See on this subject the second Section of the second Part of the next Tract, Page 77.

[46] Some persons, convinced of the _folly_ as well as _barbarity_ of attempting to keep the Colonies by slaughtering them, have very humanely proposed giving them up. But the highest authority has informed us, with great reason, “That they are too important to be given up.”—Dr. TUCKER has insisted on the depopulation, produced by migrations from this country to the Colonies, as a reason for this measure. But, unless the kingdom is made a prison to its inhabitants, these migrations cannot be prevented; nor do I think that they have any great tendency to produce depopulation. When a number of people quit a country, there is more employment and greater plenty of the means of subsistence left for those who remain; and the vacancy is soon filled up. The grand causes of depopulation are, not migrations, or even famines and plagues, or any other _temporary_ evils; but the permanent and slowly working evils of debauchery, luxury, high taxes, and oppression.

[47] See the Resolutions on the _Nova-Scotia_ petition reported to the House of Commons, November 29, 1775, by Lord North, Lord George Germaine, &c. and a bill ordered to be brought in upon the said Resolutions.—There is indeed, as Lord Shelburne has hinted, something very astonishing in these Resolutions. They offer a relaxation of the authority of this country, in points to which the Colonies have always consented, and by which we are great gainers; at the same time, that, with a rigour which hazards the Empire, we are maintaining its authority in points to which they will never consent; and by which nothing can be gained.

ADDITIONAL OBSERVATIONS
On the NATURE and VALUE of
CIVIL LIBERTY,
AND THE
WAR WITH AMERICA:

ALSO

OBSERVATIONS on Schemes for raising Money
by PUBLIC LOANS;

An Historical Deduction and Analysis of the
NATIONAL DEBT;

And a brief Account of the DEBTS and RESOURCES
of FRANCE.

Should the morals of the English be perverted by luxury;—should
they lose their Colonies by restraining them, &c.—they will be
enslaved; they will become insignificant and contemptible; and
_Europe_ will not be able to shew the world one nation in which
she can pride herself.

ABBE RAYNAL.

TO
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
THE LORD MAYOR,
THE ALDERMEN, AND THE COMMONS
OF THE
CITY OF LONDON,

THIS TRACT,
Containing ADDITIONS to those OBSERVATIONS
on CIVIL LIBERTY,
which they have honoured with their Approbation,

Is, with the greatest Respect and Gratitude,
INSCRIBED,
BY
Their most obedient
and humble Servant,
RICHARD PRICE.

CONTENTS.

Page

INTRODUCTION vii

PART I.

SECT. I. _Of the NATURE of ~Civil~ Liberty, and the Essentials
of a Free Government._ 1

SECT. II. _Of the VALUE of Liberty, and the EXCELLENCE of a
Free Government._ 15

CONCLUSION. 41

PART II.

SECT. I. _Supplemental Observations on the Surplus of the
Revenue; the Quantity of Coin in the Kingdom; and Paper
Credit._ 53

SECT. II. _Of the State of the Nation; and the War with America._ 69

SECT. III. _Of Schemes for raising Money by public Loans._ 89