Skip to content

Chapter IX (1)

Text size

January, 1851, Ordered to El Paso--Capt. Sitgreaves--Sail
for Havana--Barnum and Jennie Lind--Sail for New Orleans--By
Steamer to Galveston--On the Gulf for Indianola--San
Antonio--Report of Expedition--Unprecedented March without
Water--Indians--With Gen. Jesup--Hartford Convention--Battles
on the Canadian Frontier--Gov. W. P. Duval (Ralph
Ringwood)--United States Senators--Clay's Magnetism--His
Duel with John Randolph--Lieut R. F. Stockton, United States
Navy, Duel with English Officers at Gibraltar--John Howard
Payne--Commodore Van Rensselaer Morgan--My Marriage--Assigned
to Fort Smith, Ark.--Trips to Washita, Fort Gibson, and
Towson--Choctaws and Cherokees--John Ross--Journey from
Fort Smith to Natchez, Miss.--A Misanthrope--Gen. John A.
Quitman--Death of Mrs. Roberts--Tender My Resignation--Go to
My Plantation--Go to San Antonio--Death of Mrs. French--Sail
for Europe--John Brown's Raid.

In the early part of January, 1851, Gen. Jesup told me that he would have to send me to El Paso again. I suggested that some other officer be ordered on that duty, as I had made the trip once. He said that there had been no rain in Western Texas for over a year; that the report was the troops were out of provisions, and as I had been over the road and knew the country, I must go again; that he would not under such circumstances intrust the expedition to any one else. This was complimentary, to be sure, and I pointed out the difficulties that would be encountered on such a long journey over a now barren country, destitute of water and grass; but told him I would do the best I could to make the expedition a success.

Capt. Lorenzo Sitgreaves, topographical engineer, United States army, was in the city under orders to make a survey of the Gila river, and, as he had to go to El Paso, would accompany the expedition. With him was Dr. S. W. Woodhouse, of Philadelphia, Pa. In due time we went to New York, and sailed for Havana, Cuba.

In Havana at the hotel were P. T. Barnum with Miss Jennie Lind, James G. Bennett and wife. We remained in the city about a week, and then took steamer for New Orleans. Capt. Hartstine, of the United States navy, commanded the steamer. He gave Miss Jennie his stateroom on deck. I was sitting with Miss Jennie in her room when we entered the Mississippi river. Soon a sweet little girl came in, and, dropping on her knees before the songstress, said: "Miss Jennie, you promised that you would sing for me when we got in smooth water. Please do, for the winds and waves are still." And she sung "I Dreamt I Dwelt in Marble Halls" and "Home, Sweet Home." O how melodious her voice sounded to us alone there far away, where the waters of half a continent mingled with the ocean, and awakened new emotions that moistened the eye with a tear! I heard her sing on the stage, but I remember better her songs to the little girl. She asked me about the length of the Mississippi river, and her astonishment was great when I informed her that she could go all the way from where we were, if the river were straightened out, to her home in Stockholm.

When we arrived at the landing in New Orleans there were perhaps a thousand persons present. The police appeared helpless. To land the ladies looked like an impossibility. How could they get through that crowd to the carriages? Miss Jennie would not attempt it. After a long time Barnum's tact accomplished it. The crowd had seen both Miss Jennie and Barnum's daughter on the deck when the steamer arrived. They were now below deck in despair. Barnum arrayed his daughter like Miss Jennie, covering her face with a thick veil, gave her his arm, and met the crowd, worked his way through to a carriage that was covered with people, and finally got his daughter inside, and jumped in. The carriage moved slowly on, the mob after it to see her get out. Then Miss Jennie was landed, and put in another carriage that followed. But the crowd discovered the deception, met Miss Jennie, and escorted her to her hotel. All this was merely a desire to see a distinguished vocalist. An hour or two after, we also got on shore. I have failed to tell you that Dr. Fisher, of Philadelphia, was one of our party. He was employed by me as physician to render medical services to the civil employees on the expedition. From New Orleans we took steamer to Galveston, where we were detained some days.

How often do extremes meet! In New Orleans we had just listened to the sweet voice of Jennie Lind; here we were entertained by an old negro slave with music drawn out of a cheese box made into a banjo. He knew but one song, and as he played it over and over we paid him to quit instead of encouraging him to continue. It made me feel very sad to see the poor fellow trying to please the people at the hotel with his rude banjo and song. What a fall from a Cremona or Stradivarius to a cheese box!

From Galveston we sailed to Indianola, and thence to San Antonio by stage, where we arrived February 24.

As it will be too much trouble for me to abbreviate my report of this expedition, I will, mainly for preservation, give it in full:

REPORT.

WASHINGTON CITY, November 2, 1851.

_General_: I have the honor to inclose to you the
accompanying report in relation to the late expedition to El
Paso, made in compliance with the following order:

QUARTERMASTER GENERAL'S OFFICE, }
WASHINGTON CITY, January 14, 1851.}

_Sir_: A large supply of stores for El Paso is on the way
from Baltimore to Indianola, Tex., as you are aware, to meet
an apprehended deficiency of subsistence for the troops at
that post and its dependencies in New Mexico. This supply
is to be taken to its destination in a public train. You are
selected to take charge of and conduct it. You will proceed
to San Antonio, and report to Maj. Babbitt for that service.
On your way thither you will stop at New Orleans, and
ascertain from Col. Hunt the state of the wagons which he has
shipped to Indianola by orders from this office; and if they
are not in every respect in a condition for the service in
which they are to be employed, you will call for whatsoever
you may think necessary to the efficiency of the service.
Should you obtain information on the route of the loss of any
of the wagons shipped recently from Philadelphia, you will
take measures to replace as many of them as you may think
necessary.

The expenses of the department are enormous, and they must,
if practicable, be reduced. You must therefore carefully
avoid any expense not absolutely required; but at the same
time, economy is not to be carried so far as to impair
efficiency.

Maj. Babbitt has been written to and informed that you are
to organize a train under his instructions, or to aid him
in organizing it, and that you are to have charge of it. Let
that service be performed in your usual manner, and with your
accustomed energy, and I am sure all will go right.

All the operatives employed must go armed, and if a small
escort be necessary in addition, the commanding general I
have no doubt will direct it. Let it however be as small as
possible, so as not to use so large a portion of the supplies
as are usually required for escorts.

Collect all the information you can in regard to the country,
its resources, the condition of the Indians who roam over it,
what are their numbers, and how they can best be controlled;
also whether settlements might not be formed on the route
sufficiently strong to protect themselves from the Indians,
and furnish supplies for emigrants and troops.

With entire reliance on your energy, talents, and zeal, I am
respectfully your obedient servant,

TH. S. JESUP, _Quartermaster General_.

Capt. S. G. French, Assistant Quartermaster, Washington City.

In pursuance of the above orders I proceeded to San Antonio,
and reported for duty on the 24th of February, and commenced
making preparations for the organization of the train. Many
of the wagons required for the service, and all the stores,
were still on the coast, and all the available means that
Maj. Babbitt had were immediately employed in bringing them
to the depot at San Antonio. An estimate of the number of
animals that would be required was made, and, as there
were not enough in his possession, some three hundred
were received by purchase, and formed into teams for the
road, and a small train thus organized was dispatched to
Indianola to hasten up with the subsistence. But little
hired transportation could be procured, for the severity
of the winter had destroyed all vegetation, and the cattle
could barely subsist. Some of the stores thus sent by the
citizens from the coast were nearly or quite a month on the
road up to the depot at San Antonio. By the last of April
most of the stores had arrived, the requisite number of
employees had been engaged, and the loading of the wagons
was commenced. As they received the loads, they were sent
in small detachments to Leona, the point I had designated
as the general rendezvous. By the 7th of May the last train
left the depot, and I started with it for Leona. The supplies
for El Paso were kept separate from those drawn for the
escort and employees, and, in order to avoid the expense
of transporting salt provisions for the command, I received
from the commissary of subsistence eighty days' fresh meat,
the beeves being driven along by men in the employ of the
contractors, and furnished when required. As the Indians on
the borders had manifested considerable hostility during the
spring, I deemed it necessary to ask of Maj. Gen. Harney,
commanding the department, the protection of an escort.
For this service a detachment of eighty men from the first
regiment of infantry was ordered; but, as the transportation
of their subsistence would incur considerable expense,
I thought it consistent with proper economy and perfect
safety to suggest its reduction to fifty men. The number was
accordingly diminished, and on my reaching Fort Inge I found
the escort there under the command of Capt. B. H. Arthur
awaiting my arrival, and I will here express my obligations
to him for the cheerful aid he always afforded me.

I encamped at the rendezvous on the 11th. On the 12th the
last of the wagons arrived, and the day following was
passed in making final preparations for our departure.
The entire expedition, comprising one hundred and fifty
wagons (including three belonging to Maj. Backus,[17]
Capt. Sitgreaves, and Lieut. Williamson, _en route_ to New
Mexico) and over one thousand animals, moved on the 14th,
and encamped on the banks of the Nueces. These numbers were
further increased by those of citizens availing themselves of
our protection to pass through the Indian country.

The march was now continued without any accidents or
unnecessary delay, until the night of the 23d, when we were
visited by a thunderstorm, accompanied by such violent gusts
of wind as to prostrate all our tents and expose us to the
rain till morning. We were encamped in the valley of the
San Pedro river, and, knowing that it was subject to sudden
overflows from heavy falls of rain, I examined the ford the
next day about noon, and could perceive only a slight rise
in the water, and therefore commenced crossing the baggage
wagons, giving directions for the main train to follow soon
after; but no sooner were the former completely over than
in the space of a few minutes the waters rose several feet,
thereby completely cutting off all communication with the
main train for nearly two days. The waters having subsided
enough so as not to enter the wagon bodies, the stream was
passed, and we continued the march again without interruption
to the Pecos river. We found the water of this stream low;
but an examination of the ford led me to believe that it was
still too deep to pass over in safety, and I was obliged
to cause three cylindrical iron rods, or wires, that had
been left across the river by the contractors for the year
previous, to be raised and secured to the shores by means of
strong cables, which being planked over formed a suspension
bridge forty feet in length, over which the wagons with the
stores were run by hand. About seventy wagons had been thus
passed across, when the end of one of the rods that was bent
at a right angle broke, and the bridge became impassable. A
second examination of the river led to the discovery of a
ledge of rocks affording a good bottom, where the rest of
the wagons were driven across with but little difficulty.
The west bank of the river having been gained, we resumed our
journey. At the Comanche Springs we were overtaken by Col. J.
D. Graham, U. S. army, topographical engineer, on his way to
the Mexican Boundary Commission, who continued with us to El
Paso.

The disappointment arising from not having water where on
former occasions it had been characterized as permanent
or living, together with the parched-up condition of the
country, caused me to move with more circumspection. The
Lempia was found dry its entire length, excepting one place,
that was a mile distant from the road and almost inaccessible
to animals, and another at its source at the Painted Camp.
I therefore remained at the last-mentioned place, and sent
expresses ahead to look for water, which resulted in the
discovery of a pool in a ravine twenty miles in advance,
to which point we moved. The condensation of vapor on the
mountain sides caused some rain to fall about ten miles
farther on the road, where the men in advance, by digging
trenches on the plain, drained it from the surface where it
had not been absorbed, in sufficient abundance for all the
animals. Preparations had been made in anticipation of a long
journey without water, by filling all the water barrels and
kegs at the Lempia. There was now but little hope of finding
water short of Eagle Springs, sixty-five miles distant, and
the weather being extremely warm, and the roads excessively
dusty, I started at two o'clock A.M.; but, much to the joy
of every one, a small hole containing water enough for a part
of the advance train was found about sunrise, and two others
containing sufficient to allow each animal a few quarts
were discovered where we halted at noon; again about sunset
some was found in a small water gulley in Providence Creek,
and each animal was given a few gallons as they passed by
and moved in advance in quest of an encamping place where
there was some grazing for the animals. But the dryness of
the herbage seemed only to increase the thirst of the poor
mules, and all night they kept up a continued braying. At
one A.M. I again started for the springs, still twenty-nine
miles distant, halting at eleven o'clock to give the animals
all the water in the kegs and to permit them to graze. Our
baggage wagons and the advance of the escort continued on
to the springs, which, to the astonishment of all, were so
nearly dry that the few animals with us scarcely got enough
to slake their thirst. I immediately set some men to the task
of digging out the springs, and dispatched a party several
miles up the mountains to where on a former occasion a large
stream was found running, but they returned and reported it
perfectly dry. As to procuring water from the springs where
the men were digging, it was an impossibility. While thus
perplexed, a thunder shower that hovered around a distant
peak of the mountains, and then rolled up the valley, for a
time inspired hope, but like the cloud it soon passed away.
About four P.M. the trains arrived, and I directed them to
continue the march all night to the Rio Grande, thirty-two
miles distant. All day difficulties had been accumulating.
In the morning an express had overtaken us, giving the
information that some of the mules belonging to the Boundary
Commission had strayed for water during the night, and they
were unable to move from Providence Creek. They could not
be left there without water; and, lest the missing animals
should not be recovered, I caused four teams to remain at
Eagle Springs; so that, should their animals be irrecoverably
lost, I might give assistance to get their wagons up to the
springs the next day, and resolved to remain in camp till
two o'clock the next morning, believing that ere then they
would reach our camp, which fortunately was the case. At two
o'clock in the morning I left the springs, and arrived at
the mouth of the cañon[18] through which the valley of the
Rio Grande is gained, about nine A.M., and found in it near
twenty wagons blocking up the passage, the animals exhausted
for want of water and from fatigue. They were immediately
loosed and driven to the river, eight miles distant, where
the main body was encamped, and in the evening these wagons
were brought into camp from out the cañon where they had
been left. Thus, from not finding water at Eagle Springs,
and being obliged to continue on to the Rio Grande, the
trains were forced to make a march of _ninety-six_ miles
_in fifty-two consecutive hours_, the last _sixty miles_
having been made in _thirty hours_. These marches were as
disagreeable as can well be imagined, and continued to be so
to the place of destination, owing to the intolerable heat,
the thermometer during the day in the shade standing at 110
degrees, and to the immense volumes of dust that rested on
either side the road like a cloud, obscuring everything from
the view, except when wafted away by the wind.

We reached El Paso on the 24th of June, forty-nine days
after leaving San Antonio, during which time thirty-nine only
were passed in traveling. The stores were all delivered in
good condition; and an estimate being made of what would be
required on the return trip, I found more salt provisions
on hand than were necessary, and therefore caused a part of
them to be left at San Elizario, whereby the supplies were
increased by about eighteen hundred rations. As soon as
the stores were delivered and I could complete my duties,
the journey homeward was commenced. We left El Paso on the
7th of July, and reached San Antonio on the 9th of August.
The same difficulty in regard to water was not experienced
when returning; for at Eagle Springs Mr. Smith, a gentleman
who had charge of a small train of wagons, arriving there
about a week after us, finding no water, remained there in
camp while his animals were being driven to the Rio Grande,
thirty-two miles distant, and dug out the springs to a
capacity four times greater than I had left them. I also
divided the train in sections, marching on consecutive days,
so as to let the springs fill during the intervals between
the departure and the arrival. The marches were always made
with a view to favor the animals, and the time of starting,
etc., was determined by the circumstances of distance, the
weather, grazing, and water. On the journey out, I generally
had the animals corralled at night for safety when there was
no moon; but after the stores were delivered, and the main
object of the expedition had been accomplished, more risk
could be afforded; and accordingly, from the time we left
the Rio Grande until the arrival at San Antonio, the animals
were herded all the time excepting when in harness. By thus
giving them every opportunity to graze, and always traveling
with a view to favoring them, I am pleased to state that they
returned to the depot in about as good condition as when they
started, after marching a continuous journey of more than two
thousand miles, if the trips to the coast from the depot be
included. The loss of animals from deaths, straying, thefts,
and otherwise, from the rendezvous to El Paso and back, was
two and a fraction to each hundred. No Indians were ever
met on the route, though the guard at night on two occasions
fired on what were supposed to be Indians. Often they hovered
near our camp, making signal fires on the mountains.

In regard to the country through which the route lies, you
were furnished with a description in a former communication.
Of course all the peculiar characteristics that it has
obtained from the formations remain the same; but every
feature of productiveness and beauty, derived from the
seasons in their annual course, is sensibly changed, and to
the eye it presents but little that is attractive, owing to
the drought. From the Nueces to the mountains, which divide
the waters that flow into the Pacific from those that flow
into the Atlantic, the whole country appears altered. But
little rain has fallen for near two years, and hills that
before were clothed in verdure now are bare. Valleys that
seemed to vie in fertility with the most favored appear
sterile; and plains where two years ago the tall grass waved
like fields of wheat now are rocky and barren. Parasitical
plants hang leafless to the trees, and the mistletoe has
ceased to put forth its buds. Where the prairie had been
swept over by the fires of the previous summer the surface
of the earth was still black and covered with ashes, and
nothing green showed that the spring season had passed. The
vegetation of the previous years had become so dried and
withered by the scorching rays of the sun that it appeared
cineritious, crumbling into ashes or dust when pressed in
the hand or trodden on by animals. The little lakes that
once bordered the streams were dried up, and the streams
themselves had often ceased to flow. Even the prairie dogs
had forsaken the central part of their town, from starvation,
and inhabited the suburbs bordering on the vegetation that
widely encircles them, remote from their former homes. It
seemed as if Providence had withdrawn his protecting care
and left the country to itself. I never before had such a
negative proof of the fertilizing properties of rain and
dews. The general aspect of that vast extent of country west
of the Nueces is thus changed from what it was two years
since, when it was an untrodden wilderness unknown to the
white man. A general drought has prevailed, and it was only
occasionally that green grass was found where a shower had
passed in the spring. Notwithstanding the tide of immigration
settling into the country, the acknowledged enterprise of
our people, the rapid subjugation of the wild lands to useful
purposes by the settlers, and the utmost protection that may
be given to the advance of all our settlements--yet such are
the few attractions that most of that region of country,
on the route west of the intersection of the table-lands
with the Rio Grande, Northern Mexico, or perchance to the
Pacific Coast, it will be a long time before it can attract
the attention of agriculturists, or even become a pastoral
country to any great extent. The establishment of a mail
route from San Antonio to El Paso may cause a small post
to be established at Live Oak Creek or Howard's Springs,
but, generally speaking, the San Felipe limits the fertile
portions of Texas (south of the great plain) in a westerly
direction.

I have endeavored to collect some information in regard to
the Indians, as required by your orders, and from having been
on duty in Texas principally, since 1848, during which time I
have traveled over a considerable portion of the country they
frequent (in the south and west as far as New Mexico), some
conclusions I have arrived at may differ from the generally
received opinions in regard to them.

Their numbers appear to have been considerably overestimated,
if the report of men who have been among them can be relied
on, and the information gained by Lieut. Col. Hardee in his
late expedition to their country be correct. It is believed
that the entire number, including all ages and the different
sexes, of all the tribes that frequent the border settlements
of Texas, in the Eighth Military Department, does not exceed
four thousand.

The respective numbers of the different bands may be set down
(by their own computation principally) about as follows:
Delawares, 63; Shawnees, 70; Tonkaways, 300; Quapas, 200;
Caddoes, 160; Anadoces, 200; Iones, 113; Keechies, 48;
Tawacanoes, 140; Wacoes, 114; Lepans, 350; Lower Comanches,
700; and the Northern Comanches at 1,500. These tribes
roam over the country watered by the Red, Trinity, Brazos,
Colorado, Nueces, and San Pedro rivers and their tributaries
near their sources. The Northern Comanches have the most
extensive range for the pursuit of the buffalo to the
north of the Canadian. They traverse the entire country to
the south, and by their ancient warpaths cross the Pecos,
continue to the Rio Grande, enter Mexico, and carry their
depredations far into the interior of that distracted
country. The southern band of Comanches, and all the other
tribes enumerated, are found frequently associated together,
and on the northern portions of the line near their home
visit those posts in seeming friendship.

That barren, dreary, and desolate region immediately west of
the Pecos has not sufficient claims to be in possession of
any Indians. The Northern Comanches pass over a portion of
it as they wander alternately from the north to the south,
and the different bands into which the Apaches are divided
approach its borders from the north and west.

The Apaches are divided into numerous bands, and, united with
other tribes in New Mexico, have been variously estimated
at from fifteen to thirty thousand, the former being perhaps
nearer the truth.

The condition of all these Indians, except some few of the
Delawares, is truly lamentable. Denied the possession of
lands and a home, despising industry, and regarding labor
as degrading, no provision is made for subsistence by the
cultivation of the soil; but, depending entirely upon the
flesh of the horse, the mule, the uncertainty of the chase,
and the few wild products of the country, they wander about
exposed to all the vicissitudes and every ill of life that
can arise from disease, extreme exposure to cold, nakedness,
and hunger bordering on starvation, leading an existence
more filthy than swine, and as precarious and uncertain
as the wolf; and this life is rendered, if it be possible,
even yet more intolerable by the almost entire absence of
laws respecting property and the rights of the individual.
Their views of property tend toward socialism, without that
restraint by which the strong are prevented from plundering
the weak, and but few injuries have legal redress. However
strongly their condition would seem to appeal to philanthropy
for relief, much sympathy is lost in the remembrance that
their code of morals inculcates many of our vices as their
cardinal virtues, and regards our virtues as so many vices or
traits of weakness, while their atrocious barbarities shock
every sensibility of nature and humanity. The experience
of the Jesuit fathers, other Christian missionaries, and
learned professors would almost incline us to believe that
the Indian is endowed with certain instincts, as they might
be called, that are inherent in his nature, and not always
directing him to good, which neither separation from his
people, education from infancy, the attainments of academies,
attractions of wealth, the refinements of society, nor the
doctrines and precepts of Christianity can destroy; and,
after all, he stands in nature an Indian still. Be this
as it may, of one thing we are certain, they are thrown on
our borders and violate our laws, and it becomes a question
how best to control them, and what policy to pursue in our
relations with them. They are now being encroached upon
by settlements on the frontier that will soon encompass
them on many sides. We are circumscribing their bounds,
limiting their hunting expeditions, and destroying their
game. And there is no checking these encroachments, for
the State of Texas claims possession of all the domain
within her boundaries, and no act of the agents of the
Federal government can at present cede them a portion of her
territory, or military force restrain the lawless traders
established in the Indian country. Treaties may be effected
with them, but they cannot stipulate to restrain citizens
from settling on their hunting grounds, nor grant them many
immunities. It is, under the present condition of affairs,
vain to suppose that the most skillful combinations for
military operations can check a famished, wild, and degraded
people from committing depredations on the lonely roads and
extended prairies, for the purpose of clothing their naked
women and children and to satisfy the calls of hunger; and
more especially so when these very acts are not regarded as
wrong, and are the only steps by which the untutored brave
gains distinction or renown among his people and receives the
awards due to valor. Theft with them is no crime, but only a
legitimate profession. In all civilized communities ambition
is satisfied in pursuing innumerable channels of a civil
nature. The Indian has but two, war and the chase, and they
are now no longer pleasures, but made a burden by the stern
necessities of providing subsistence.

How to control these nomadic tribes various plans have been
suggested, but all calling for legislative action, and I
feel a reluctance in alluding to them. But I know of none
more humane in the end than _to teach them the power of our
government_, then grant them a territory, dismount them as
far as necessary, feed and clothe them to a sufficient extent
to make them dependent on our agents, elevate the character
of their war and council chiefs in the estimation of their
respective tribes by treating them with some distinction and
consideration, whereby their influence over the bands will
become greater, and they will become instrumental in carrying
out our wishes. Encourage the cultivation of the soil, and
establish a few plain, salutary laws for their government
and for regulating the intercourse of the whites with them,
and have them enforced by the aid of the military; and then,
perhaps ere long, tranquillity may be known on the frontier
where for so many years partial war has been waged. A similar
policy might be urged from other considerations, especially
to prevent the immense amount of claims constantly growing
out of what are alleged to be Indian depredations, and the
expense of maintaining so large a force remote from points
where the supplies are drawn.

Were the State of Texas to grant the Indians within her
borders a definite territory, ceding the jurisdiction thereof
to the United States, so that the proper laws regulating the
intercourse of the whites with them could be established and
enforced, and were they but partially clothed and fed, the
State would have peace on the frontier, immigration to her
shores would increase, the immense resources of the country
would be developed, and prosperity, spreading happiness among
her people, would spring up over her entire dominions.

The service upon which I have been engaged has induced me to
urge upon your consideration the propriety of recommending
to the honorable Secretary of War the necessity for, and
the advantages that would be derived from, a legislative
enactment whereby a limited number of employees could be
enlisted in the service of the department for a term of
years, subject to such rules and regulations as in such cases
may be established by proper authority.

When passing through Galveston I had the pleasure to examine
the establishment of Mr. G. Borden for the manufacture of
meat biscuit. Two cans, in a crushed state, containing five
pounds each, were purchased, and on our journey to El Paso
and back it was almost constantly used; and, in connection
with vegetables, was found an excellent article. We had
no such object in view as to test the usefulness to any
extent, but from its convenience and palatable qualities
it naturally came into daily use. I gave away one can of
it, which served a party of four persons, who came from New
Mexico to San Antonio without pack animals, as a reliable
dependence for food on a journey of about six hundred miles
to the nearest settlements. They made it a substitute for
animal food excepting when they chanced to meet game, and
spoke of it in commendable terms. In forming a _part_ of the
ration it would commend itself, economically, in a degree
somewhat proportionate to the diminution it would make in the
weight of the ration; but the military advantages it would
afford, where land transportation is difficult, and certain
results are to be obtained, cannot be so well calculated.
In many points of view it commends itself so favorably, as a
component part of the ration for particular service, that it
is worthy of more than a single trial.

During the months of March and April the teams were employed
in bringing up the supplies for the troops in the Eighth
Military Department, and were sent on any other duty that
the service required, and were not confined exclusively
to transporting the stores destined for the troops in New
Mexico. The provisions for the escort were conveyed from San
Antonio; and from the forage that I received were fed the
animals belonging to the officers' teams, and some was issued
to the train of the Boundary Commission in the service of
Col. Graham. These and other circumstances connected with
the general duties of the service have rendered it impossible
for me to present you with more than an approximate estimate
of the cost per pound for transportation to El Paso. I
have embraced in the calculation the cost of freight of the
provisions for the escort; the transportation of the rations
for the employees of the department, and the value thereof;
the compensation for service of all persons connected with
the train; the loss of animals; incidental expenses, etc.;
and find the cost per pound, from the Gulf to El Paso, to
be about nineteen cents. This will not exceed the expenses
per pound under the contract for the previous year, but it
exceeds that now paid citizens who own small trains and are
carrying, to a limited amount, by four cents per pound. To
the government the forage for the animals has been a heavy
item of expenditure, and although I allowed only a third
of the rations of corn, without long forage, yet it has,
owing to the exorbitant price it commands, amounted to over
two-fifths of the entire expense of the expedition.

When the grazing is good small trains of twenty or thirty
wagons may avoid the use of grain almost entirely by
traveling more slowly and stopping oftener to graze; and if
the department will thus risk supplies without escorts of any
kind, it may, to some extent, diminish expense, but it will
be attended with more uncertainty.

It may be gratifying to you to learn that during the time
we were absent on the journey, with the exceptions I have
mentioned, nothing of note occurred. The trains were always
ready to move at the hours designated, and would come into
camp without any of those vexatious delays caused by animals
"giving out" from fatigue, or the breaking of wagons, or
other accidents generally attendant on such expeditions.

Respectfully your obedient servant,

S. G. FRENCH.
_Captain and Assistant Quartermaster._

Maj. Gen. Thomas A. Jesup, Quartermaster General, U. S. A.,
Washington, D. C.

The officers who accompanied me were Capt. B. H. Arthur, in command of the escort, and Col. J. D. Graham, Maj. Backus, Capt. Sitgreaves, Lieut. Williamson, who availed themselves of the protection of the expedition to go to El Paso; also my brother, John C. French, Bishop Lama, and Mr. Wright, collecting plants for Prof. Gray. His herbarium and large plants filled three wagons. I brought several loads of cacti, embracing about sixty varieties. Unfortunately they were all frozen in transit from New York to Philadelphia, an almost irreparable loss.

During the winter of 1851-52 I occupied a desk in Gen. Jesup's private office. The morning hours, from nine to twelve, were generally given to visitors calling on business or socially. Often were the battles of Niagara, Lundy's Lane, and Chippewa fought over again, until the hour to dine was at hand, and, when visitors ceased to call, the General would look over the morning's mail, then hand the letters to me to answer, telling me what reply to make to every letter. I found it very difficult at first to answer so many letters handed to me one after another, the answers to each verbally given me. Besides I seldom reached the hotel until dinner was over.

The General used to tell me all about the war of 1812. How he was ordered to Hartford on some ostensible service, but really to watch the proceedings of the Secession Convention held at Hartford. Daily he reported to President Madison, as far as possible, what the proceedings were. They had the desire to _secede_, but were apprehensive of the consequences.

As I have before me the proceedings of the Hartford Convention, and an attested copy of the secret journal of that body published in Boston by O. Everett, 13 Cornhill, 1823, I will give a few extracts from the journal.

MEMBERS OF THE CONVENTION.

From Massachusetts: George Cabot, William Prescott, Harrison
Gray Otis, Timothy Biglow, Nathaniel Dane, George Bliss,
Joshua Thomas, Hodijah Bayliss, Daniel Waldo, Joseph Lyman,
Samuel W. Wilde, and Stephen Longfellow.

From Connecticut: Chauncey Goodrich, James Hillhouse, John
Treadwell, Zepheniah Swift, Nathaniel Smith, Calvin Goddard,
and Roger M. Sherman.

From New Hampshire: Benjamin West and Miles Olcott.

From Rhode Island: Daniel Lyman, Benjamin Hazard, and Edward
Manton.

George Cabot was chosen President of the Convention.

Convention assembled December 15, 1814, and prepared rules
and orders. 1. Meetings to be opened each morning with
prayer.... 2. The most _inviolable secrecy_ shall be observed
by each member of the Convention, including doorkeeper,
etc....

December 16, 1814, committee met, ... opened with prayer....
Committee reported the following to be proper _subjects_ for
the consideration of the Convention:

The powers claimed by the Executive of the United States
to determine conclusively in respect to calling out the
militia of the States into the service of the United States,
and dividing the United States into military districts with
an officer of the army in each thereof, with discretionary
authority from the Executive of the United States to call for
the militia to be under the command of such officer.... The
refusal of the Executive of the United States to supply or
pay the militia of certain States when called out in their
defense.... The failure of the Government of the United
States to provide for the common defense, ... leaving the
separate States to defend themselves, etc.

December 17, 1814, met and opened with prayer, ... and
adjourned.

Monday, 19th, met as usual. (Proceedings of no importance.)

Tuesday, December 20, and 21st, 22d, and 23d as well, opened
with usual prayers and adjournments.

Saturday, December 24, 1814, opened with prayer by Rev. Dr.
Jenkins.... The committee appointed to prepare and report
the measures as it may be proper for this Convention to adopt
respectfully report:

Article 1. Complains about the unconstitutional attempts of
the Executive Government of the United States to infringe
upon the rights of the individual States in regard to the
militia.... Recommends the adoption of decisive measures to
protect the States from usurpations, etc.

Article 2. Recommends the States to make provision for mutual
defense by retaining a portion of the taxes....

Article 3. Recommends certain amendments to the Constitution
of the United States as follows:

(1) That the power to declare and make war by the Congress of
the United States be restricted.

(2) That it is expedient to attempt to make provision for
restraining Congress in the exercise of an unlimited power to
make new States, and to admit them into the Union.

(3) That the powers of Congress be restrained in laying
embargoes and restrictions on commerce.

(4) That a President shall not be elected from the same State
two terms successively.

(5) That the same person shall not be elected President a
second time.

(6) That an amendment be proposed respecting slave
representation and slave taxation.

On motion it was voted that this Convention be adjourned
to Monday afternoon at three o'clock, then to meet at this
place.

Monday, December 26, 1814, the Convention met pursuant to
adjournment, etc.

On the 26th, 27th, and 28th nothing of importance was done.

On the 29th, after prayers, a proposition was referred to the
committee appointed on the 21st inst.:

That the capacity of naturalized citizens to hold offices of
trust, honor, or profit ought to be restrained; and that it
is expedient to propose an amendment to the Constitution of
the United States in relation to that subject.

But this is enough to show the drift and patriotism as they saw and _felt_ it.

One day, being late to dinner as usual, the table at Willard's was nearly deserted; but seeing Gen. Harney, I took a seat beside him. Soon after, Gov. W. P. Duval, of Florida, came, and, seeing Gen. Harney, he came over and was seated between us. I knew he was a good raconteur, and hoped to have him relate some Florida stories. After he and the General had talked over their experiences with the Seminoles and the Florida war, I asked him to relate some of his adventures in early life. He began the story of Ralph Ringwood, with his schoolboy days, the imported "jack," putting him in the smokehouse, the fright of the old negro housekeeper, Barbara, when she opened the door and the jack brayed, his leaving home, and so on all the way through as related by Washington Irving, with this difference, that he embellished it with many more incidents. He gave us an amusing account of his first visit to New York City. When he reached Washington City President Jackson invited him to dine with him privately. He was not familiar with regular courses at dinner, and came near getting nothing to eat, for while he would be telling a story to Jackson the servant would take his plate away, provisions and all, and put an empty one there. This occurred so often that when he was "helped" again, while talking to the President, he held on to his plate by holding his fork in it perpendicularly, pressing it down hard. The Governor was a very amusing story-teller, and I think he said the way "The Experiences of Ralph Ringwood" came to be published was: Being at West Point Academy, a member of the Board of Visitors, he was invited by Mr. Kemble, who lived on the shore of the Hudson opposite West Point, to dine with him, and there he met Irving and Spaulding and related to them his experiences in early life.

From the time I returned from Mexico, in 1847, until 1854 I was retained on duty in Washington City, to be sent on such incidental service as occasion required, and I am happy to tell you that during all these years I enjoyed the confidence and respect of all the officers in the War Department.

There were long periods of leisure, and I passed much of my time at the Capitol interested in the Congressional debates, especially in the Senate, where, through a friend of mine, I generally enjoyed the privilege of the seats under the gallery or on the floor. I have listened to Everett, the scholar; Sumner, the rhetorician; Choate, the lawyer; Calhoun, the metaphysician; Clay, the orator; Webster, the expounder, and all the other Senators in their best efforts day by day, and I must declare Henry Clay the most eloquent and persuasive speaker of all. The glowing words fell from his lips as though they had been touched by a burning coal from the altar of Elijah on Mt. Carmel. The great natural gift of Savonarola was his. I could illustrate his wonderful magnetic power over men by many occurrences.

In the Metropolitan Hotel the hall leading from the entrance of the office was long and wide. Seats were arranged to the wall on either side, and in this hall, at night, prominent persons were wont to assemble. An Englishman of high official position, on a visit to this country, had arrived in Washington and was a guest at the hotel. In the evening a number of Senators and government officials called to pay their respects to him. Now, without regard to the order of arrival, I will merely observe: When Mr. Cass entered the hall a few persons spoke to him on his way to the office. His card was sent up and he was shown to the reception room. Mr. Clayton came in and was shown up. Mr. Webster arrived, in buff vest and blue coat, and a cloud on his brow, and on his way to the office exchanged a few words with some of his friends. After a while Mr. Clay came. Instantly all rose from their seats. Though the hall was filled, the crowd pressed around him. He had a pleasant word for every one, and the gracious reception he gave them was so magnetic that with difficulty he reached the office and parted from his friends, leaving them _en rapport_ with him from sympathetic cheerfulness. When I was first introduced to Mr. Clay he said, "Ah, an élève of the Military Academy, I suppose?" and then spoke in commendation of the school. I felt sure the shade of his son rose up before him, for he was educated there, and was killed on the battlefield of Buena Vista. I once related to Mr. Clay a story I had heard about James K. Polk. His reply was emphatic: "It cannot be true. No man with such a heart could ever have been President of the United States." Contrast with this Mr. Benton's remark about Stephen A. Douglas: "He can never be elected President of the United States. His coat tail hangs too near the ground." I never heard Mr. Benton make a speech in favor of a measure; he was generally in opposition. If asked who I regarded the finest speaker in the Senate at that time, I would reply: "Henry Clay." I think his reply to Mr. Soule, of Louisiana, on the boundary of New Mexico the best speech I have ever heard. He was the most self-reliant man I ever knew. Gen. Jesup, who knew him well, told me that Mr. Clay's self-reliance prevented him being elected President. He would frame a bill on an important measure, introduce it, and whip the whole Whig party into supporting it. Mr. Webster and other great men in the party disliked coercion, and their support would be lukewarm, when he might have had their hearty coöperation if he had, before presenting a bill, called them to his room, shown it to them to make suggestions, and asked their support in advance, and made them feel that it was their bill as well as his. But no; he was a great leader of men, and commanded them to follow. That is well in military affairs, but in politics it creates jealousy where the leader is not established by law. In the Senate, where acts are recorded, he did command; in politics the vote is secret, his rivals were envious and, at heart, indifferent to his success, and he fell from his own greatness in the struggle for the presidency.

I recall what Gen. Jesup told me of Clay's duel with John Randolph, of Roanoke. When Randolph called Clay "a being so brilliant and so corrupt, only to be compared, indeed, to one thing under the skies--a heap of rotten mackerel by moonlight, that shines and stinks," Clay challenged him. Gen. Jesup and Dr. Hunt were Clay's seconds, and Gen. James Hamilton and Col. Tatnell were Randolph's. Gen. Jesup carried the cartel to Randolph, who referred him to Hamilton. The preliminaries were arranged and the parties met on the Virginia side of the Potomac above the bridge over the Little Falls at 4 P.M. April 8, 1826. Randolph drove out there in his morning wrapper. Randolph declared that he would fire in the air, against which Hamilton remonstrated in vain. Without relating the particulars of Randolph's wearing gloves, and how, therefrom, his pistol was prematurely discharged, I will only observe that at the word Clay fired, the ball passing through Randolph's wrapper without touching his person; then Randolph fired in the air. Seeing this, Clay advanced, seized Randolph in his arms, and exclaimed, "I hope, my dear sir, you are not hurt. What do I not owe you?" Randolph exclaimed, "Mr. Clay, you owe me a new wrapper," pointing to the rent made in it by the pistol ball.

But what I wish more particularly to relate is that many years after this, when Randolph was passing through Washington on his way to Philadelphia, he was driven to the capitol, a sick man, and carried into the Senate chamber and placed on a sofa. It so chanced that Clay was then speaking, and Randolph exclaimed: "Raise me up! be quick, that I may hear that matchless voice once more." What testimony to Clay's eloquence![19]

Randolph was Minister to the court of St. Petersburg. He died on reaching Philadelphia, and his last words were: "Remorse! remorse!"

Washington was the home of many eminent men, remarkable for their integrity in the administration of their duties, purity of character, and modest manner of living. In the army there was Gen. Scott, the brave and successful soldier. He had a few eccentricities in regard to language. He called a lieutenant a "leftenant;" a clerk, a "clark." If any one failed among us youngsters to not give "guard" the letter "u" long, he would be corrected; and as president of military boards he would assume to be recorder, and generally wrote the proceedings himself. The press ridiculed him for writing "sparcely settled" and "conquering a peace," and the Democratic party harped on his "hasty plate of soup" when he was nominated for the presidency; to such mean tricks will a party descend.

There was Gen. Nathan Towson, who so gallantly captured the British brig Caledonia under the guns of Fort Erie, in October, 1812, ever a polite gentleman; and Gen. George Gibson, J. G. Totten, and T. S. Jesup, the last twice breveted for gallant service in the battles of Chippewa and Niagara. And I often met Col. George Croghan, noted for gallantry in defense of Fort Sandusky, and of whom President Jackson said, when charges of intoxication were presented to him against Croghan, "Tear them up; Col. Croghan may _drink_ whenever he pleases;" and Col. J. B. Walbach, who was, if my memory serves me aright, one of the defenders of the Tuilleries when it was destroyed.

There were, of course, many naval officers at the capital, and a jovial, good set of men they were. Commodore R. F. Stockton resigned after the explosion of the "big" gun (the Peacemaker) on the propeller Princeton, and soon afterwards represented the State of New Jersey in the Senate. Lieut. Stockton was, as I was told the story, on the U. S. ship Delaware (in the harbor of Gibraltar), commanded by Commodore Pattison. Dining one day at a hotel on the neutral ground, among others present were three young English officers of the garrison and a young man, captain of a fine American ship. The three officers had indulged freely of wine, and made some offensive remarks to the young captain, who resented them, and I think threw his plate at their heads. When challenged, they refused to fight him, on the ground that socially he was not their equal. Stockton handed them his card, and exclaimed, "I will take that gentleman's place; you cannot refuse to fight me." He fought all three and wounded them, and then challenged all the officers of the garrison. When the commandant of the fortress heard of it, he called at once on Commodore Pattison and in a good-natured way suggested to him to get his madcap officer on board ship as soon as possible and make a few days' cruise, or he would have no officers of the garrison left to command the guns. Pattison acknowledged the necessity, weighed anchor, and went seaward.[20]

Comments

Log in to leave a comment.

Two Wars: An Autobiography of General Samuel G. FrenchChapter IX (1)

0%35 min left in chapter