Chapter XIV: Part 14

In the parish of Kirkmichael, county of Dumfries, there is “a small fort in the _Knock Wood_, called _Wallace’s House_, said to have been thrown up by Sir William Wallace, after he had slain Sir Hugh of Moreland and five of his men, at a place still named, from that event, the _sax corses_, i. e. the six corpses.” Stat. Acc. I. 63. It has been ingeniously remarked, that “the _sax corses_ more probably signify six crosses, in allusion to some religious monument so decorated.” Kerr’s Hist. Bruce, I. 125.

_Ane_ Kyrk Patryk, _that cruell was and keyne,_
_In Esdaill wood that half yer he had beyne._
_With Ingliss men he couth nocht weyll accord._--V. 920.

This, it appears, was the ancestor of the Kirkpatricks of Closeburne, who appear on record so early as the year 1141. Alexander II. grants a confirmation charter of Closeburne to one of this name, A. 1332, which is still in the possession of the family.

Kirkpatrick Sharpe of Hoddam is a descendant of the Closeburne family in the fourth generation; the name of Sharpe having been added, as attached, by the deed of the possessor, to the estate of Hoddam.

_For_ Jhonstoune _send, a man off gud degre:_
_Secund dochtir forsuth weddyt had he_
_Off Halidays, nere neuo to Wallace._--V. 1050.

This was the ancestor of the Marquisses of Annandale.

_Thai trew that he has found hys_ name _agayne._--MS. V. 1092.

NOTES ON THE SIXTH BOOK.

_Than passit was_ wtass _off Feuiryher._--V. 1.

In MS., _wtast_; Edit. 1594, &c. _octaues_ of Februar; _octaves_, Edit. 1714.

_--Nympheus, in beldyn off his bour,_
_With oyle and balm fullfillit off suet odour,_
Faunis _materis, as thai war wount to gang_, &c.--V. 12.

In Edit. 1594, l. 14, it is thus given,--

_Canettis in trace_ as they wer wont to gang.

In Edit. 1620,--_Caneittis_, &c.; in that of 1714, _Famous_. In MS. it may be read either _Famus_ or _Faunis_. Although I cannot make sense of the line, there seems to be an allusion to the _Fawns_ of heathen mythology; as the illiterate Minstrel might allude to the _Nymphs_ in the term _Nympheus_.

_Begynnyng band, with graith witnes besyd,_
_Myn auctor sais, scho was his_ rychtwyss wyff.--V. 47.

After ver. 72, a whole stanza is found in Edit. 1594 and 1620, which does not appear in MS.

This vther maid wedded ane Squyar wicht,
Quhilk was weill knawin cummin of Balliols blude,
And thair airis be lyne succeeded richt
To Lammintoun and vther landis gude.
Of this mater the richt quha vnderstude,
Heirof as now I will na mair proceid;
Of my sentence schortlie to conclude,
Of vther thing my purpois is to reid.

I hesitate very much as to the authenticity of this stanza. It would not of itself be a sufficient proof that it is wanting in MS., because we meet with similar deficiences; but it does not tally well with the stanza preceding, which speaks only of _a child_, that is, most probably, one to the exclusion of others. As little does it agree with the stanza immediately following in the copies which have adopted it; for it begins with these words;--

Rycht gudly men come of this lady ying, &c.

For this supposes either that there was but one young lady referred to, or that she, who is previously mentioned as having been married to Squire Shaw, had no family.

It has been said, that Wallace “left no legitimate issue; but had a _natural_ daughter, who married Sir William Baillie of Hoprig, the progenitor of the Baillies of Lammington.” Caledonia, I. 579. From the reference here made in a foot-note to Crawfurd’s Hist. Renfrew, 61, and Ruddiman’s Index Dipl. Scotiæ, 121, one might have supposed that these writers had brought some proof of the illegitimacy of this daughter. But it does not appear that the idea of illegitimacy had once entered into the mind of Crawfurd. He merely says of Wallace: “He left issue only one daughter, who was married to Sir William Baillie of Hoprig,” &c.; adding, “the lands of Elderslee returned to the family of Craigie.” Ruddiman merely says; “Reliquisse unam filiam Willelmus dicitur, quam uxorem duxit D. Willelmus Baillie de Hoprig,” &c.

The only thing that has the semblance of a proof that Wallace was not married, is what follows in the same note. “The estate of Ellerslie went to the Wallaces of Ricardton, as his nearest male heirs.” But their being _male_ heirs might be the reason of their inheriting this property. Besides, it does not seem fully ascertained, whether our illustrious champion was ever personally vested in these lands. It is admitted by the author of Caledonia, in a preceding note, p. 578, that “both Wyntoun and Harry concur in speaking of the great Wallace as the _second_ son of Sir Malcolm.” Lord Hailes says: “He was the younger son of a gentleman in the neighbourhood of Paisley. Such is the opinion generally received.” Annals, I. 245. It must be admitted, however, that Bower, in his continuation of Fordun, says that “Andrew, the elder brother of William, and honoured with the order of knighthood, being guilefully slain by the English, William succeeded to a sufficient patrimony in lands for his state, which he left to be held by his posterity.” Scotichron. II. Lib. xi. c. 28.

Unless we should suppose the Minstrel determined to lie in the face of evidence, his appeal, in the passage quoted, to his _auctor_, shews the general belief of the country at the time of his writing, and even during the life of Mr. John Blair, to whom he seems to appeal, that Wallace was married. Now, it is well known that Blair was the bosom friend and the faithful associate of Wallace; and, being a priest, it may reasonably be conjectured that he was the person who celebrated the marriage.

Pinkerton remarks, “that the murder of Wallace’s wife, which seems the first cause which excited him to arms,” (he means, most probably, after remaining for several months in peace,) “was committed at Lanark by Heselrig or Hislop, governor of the castle” of Lanark, “whom Wallace after slew. See Fordun, XI. 28. Henry the Minstrel in this instance accords with history, and with tradition; a large cave in Cartland Craigs near Lanark, where Henry says that Wallace lurked, being called _Wallace’s Cave_ to this day. It is remarkable that Sir D. Dalrymple should have omitted this important circumstance, for which Fordun [Bower, his continuator,] was surely good authority.” The Bruce, II. 20, N.

The “important circumstance” referred to must be that of Wallace having slain the governor of the castle of Lanark; for Bower does not say that the reason of this was the murder of the wife of Wallace. But undoubtedly this was a remarkable omission on the part of our learned and accurate annalist.

I do not say, that the account given by Bower of the slaughter of Hesilgir, or, as he calls him, _Hesliope_, amounts to a proof of the marriage of Wallace, or even certainly intimates the reason of the deed; but it authenticates the fact of Wallace having been at Lanark at this time, and renders it highly probable that he had met with some special excitement. According to the testimony of Bower, it was from this time forward that he openly appeared as the avenger of the wrongs of his country.

The memory of Wallace is still so fresh in the town of Lanark, that the inhabitants point out the place where he was wont to lodge.

“Tradition tells that the house where Wallace resided was at the head of the Castlegate, opposite the church, where a new house has lately been erected. It also acquaints us, that a private vaulted archway led from this house to Cartlane Craigs, but seemingly without the smallest probability.” P. Lanark, Stat. Acc. XV. 33.

_And thai oft syss feill causis till him wrocht,_
_Fra that tyme furth, quhilk mowit_ [hym sa sar,
That neuir in warld out of his mind was brocht.]--V. 78.

In MS. ver. 79 is;

_Fra that tyme furth, quhilk mouit_ hyr fer mar.

The following line, as printed in the text, which is the concluding one of the stanza, is totally omitted. Most probably it had been wanting in the MS. from which Ramsay copied; as he seems to have altered the three last words of ver. 79, so as apparently to complete the sense, by transferring the language, which obviously regards Wallace, to his wife. I have given the reading of Edit. 1594. It is the same in Hart’s, with a slight change of the orthography.

_He salust thaim, as it war bot in scorn;_
“Dewgar, _gud day, bone Senyhour, and gud morn!_”--V. 131.

It is thus given in Edit. 1594 and 1620;

_Dew gaird_, gude day bon Senyour, and gude morne.

Fr. _Dieu garde_, a salutation, God save you.

_Gud deyn, dawch Lard, bach lowch banyoch a de._--V. 140.

_Gud euin daucht Lord, Ballanch, Banyenochade._--Edit. 1594.
_Good euin daucht Lord, Ballanch, Banyenochadie._--Edit. 1620.

As the former salutation consists of a ridiculous mixture of French and Scottish, this seems to be composed of Scottish and Gaelic. _Gud deyn_ is evidently for “Good evening.” _Dawch Lard_ may signify lazy laird. The latter words have been viewed as Gaelic, _l’ail, luibh, beannach a De_, “if you please, God bless you!” V. Etym. Dict. vo. DAWCH.

_Off gret statur, and sum part gray wes he;_
_The Inglissmen cald him bot_ Grymmysbé.--V. 311.

Bot Grymmysbé, i.e. by no other name; and this, it appears, was a nickname, from his gray or grim complexion.

_The awfull ost, with Eduuard off Ingland,_
_To_ Beggar _come, with sexté thousand men._--V. 342.

This is the mode in which Ramsay gives the name of _Biggar_, a village in Lanarkshire. “There is a tradition of a battle having been fought at the east end of the town, between the Scots, under the command of Sir William Wallace, and the English army, who were said to be 60,000 strong, wherein a great slaughter was made on both sides, especially among the latter.” Stat. Acc. P. Biggar, I. 336.

_A yong squier was brothir to Fehew._--V. 363.

It is _Schir Hew_, Edit. 1594 and 1620; the same in that of 1714. But in Edit. 1648, it is, as here, _Fehew_. In MS. _Schyr hew_ seems to have been first written, and afterwards deleted, the letter _s_ or _f_ being left singly, with a blank before _hew_. But in ver. 397, it is clearly _Fehew_; as also in B. VIII. 1010, 1067, 1081, where the fate of this squire is referred to. Whether such a person ever existed, I can find no trace in the Fœdera, or in any history of that period. For the honour of Wallace, it may well be supposed that the whole story is fabulous.

_Off_ Anadderdaill _he had thaim led that nycht._--V. 536.

This denotes Annandale. But it seems to be an error of the copier, for Ananderdaill, the more ancient designation of this district, watered by the river Annan.

_--Haistit thaim nocht, bot sobyrly couth fair_
_Till Towrnbery_; thar _captane was at Ayr_
_With lord Persie, to tak his consaill haill._--V. 835.

In Edit. 1594, 1620, 1714, and Perth 1790;

To Turneburie _that_ captaine was _of_ Air.

This passage does not seem to have been hitherto given intelligibly, in any one edition. _Towrnbery_ has still been viewed as the name of the person who was “captain of Ayr.” But this deprives the passage of any reasonable meaning. How could this supposed person be “captain of Ayr” _with_ Lord Percy, who had the charge of the whole district? Thus, also, these words, “to tak his consaill haill,” according to the construction, apply equally well to Wallace and his troops, as to the supposed “captain of Ayr.” But Turnbery is the name of a place, particularly mentioned in The Bruce, V. Note, III. 829. The line must have been written as given in this edition. _At Aire_ is the reading, Edit. 1648 and 1673; and what has been rendered _that_, in MS. may be read _thar_, i.e., their. This shews the reason why the Scots did not hurry on, but went _sobyrly_ to Turnbery. They had learned that _their_ captain, the captain of those who had the defence of “Turnbery castle,” as it is denominated by Barbour, was _at_ Ayr with Lord Percy, to take his advice about the state of public matters.

_Apon the morn in_ Cumno _sone thai socht._--V. 846.

This is Cumnock, in Ayrshire, whence two parishes now take their name.

_He will nocht bow to na_ part _off your kyn._
Sufferyt _ye ar, I trow yhe may spek weill._--V. 884.

In Edit. 1594 and 1648;--to na _prince_ of your kin.

Instead of _Sufferyt_, it is _Assouerit_, i.e. assured, having security, Edit. 1594 and 1620; and ridiculously, _All ordered_, Edit. 1648 and 1673. _Soueryt_ is adopted, Edit. 1714. This term is more adapted to the sense than that of MS., as illustrated by the words that follow, expressive of Wallace’s strict adherence to any safe conduct given by him.

_Wallace said_; “_Schyr, we jangill_ bot _in wayne._”--V. 920.

In MS. it is “_nocht_ in wayne;” which contradicts the obvious design of the language of Wallace. In Edit. 1594 and 1620;

---- we jangill _all_ in vaine.

It seems most probable, that in the more ancient MS. whence Ramsay took his copy, _bot_ had been written indistinctly, and read by Ramsay as _not_, the contraction for _nocht_.

NOTES TO THE SEVENTH BOOK.

_Than demyt he, the fals Sotheroun amang,_
_How thai best mycht the Scottis barownis hang._
_For gret_ bernys _that tyme stud in till Ayr,_
_Wrocht for the king, quhen his lugyng wes thar;_
_Byggyt about, that no man entir mycht,_
_Bot ane at anys, nor haiff off othir sicht._
_Thar ordand thai thir lordis suld be slayne._--V. 23.

Here the Minstrel introduces his account of the savage transaction ascribed to Edward I., in causing the greatest part of the barons of the west of Scotland to be hanged, without trial, under the semblance of peace; and of the vengeance taken by Wallace, in what has been usually called “the burning of the BARNS OF AYR.”

Before examining this account, I may observe, that instead of _For gret bernys_, as in MS., Edit. 1594 reads, _Four_ greit barnis; and that of 1620, to the same purpose, _Foure greit barnes_. Perhaps I ought to have adopted this reading, especially as the conjunction _for_, with which ver. 25 commences, does not seem necessary as marking the connection with the words preceding.

The story of the destruction of these buildings, and of the immediate reason of it, is supported by the universal tradition of the country to this day; and local tradition is often entitled to more regard than is given to it by the fastidiousness of the learned. Whatever allowances it may be necessary to make for subsequent exaggeration, it is not easily conceivable that an event should be connected with a particular spot, during a succession of ages, without some foundation.

Sir D. Dalrymple deems this story “inconsistent with probability.” He objects to it, because it is said “that Wallace, accompanied by Sir John Graham, Sir John Menteth, and Alexander Scrymgeour, constable of Dundee, went into the west of Scotland to chastise the men of Galloway, who had espoused the part of the Comyns and of the English;” and that, “_on the 28th August 1298_, they set fire to some granaries in the neighbourhood of Ayr, and burned the English cantoned in them.” Annals, I. 255, N. Here he refers to the relations of Arnold Blair, and to Major, and produces three objections to the narrative. One of these is, that “Comyn, the younger of Badenoch was the only man of the name of Comyn who had any interest in Galloway, and he was at that time of Wallace’s party.” The other two are; that “Sir John Graham could have no share in the enterprize, for he was killed at Falkirk, 22d July, 1298;” and that “it is not probable that Wallace would have undertaken such an enterprize immediately after the discomfiture at Falkirk.” Although it had been said by mistake that Graham and Comyn were present, this could not invalidate the whole relation; for we often find that leading facts are faithfully narrated in a history, when there are considerable mistakes as to the persons said to have been engaged.

But although our annalist refers both to Major and Blair, it is the latter only who mentions either the design of the visit paid to the west of Scotland, or the persons who are said to have been associates in it. The whole of Sir David’s reasoning rests on the correctness of a date, and of one given _only_ in the meagre remains ascribed to Arnold Blair. If his date be accurate, the transaction at Ayr, whatever it was, must have taken place thirty-seven days afterwards. Had the learned writer exercised his usual acumen here, had he not been resolved to throw discredit on this part of the history of Wallace; it would have been most natural for him to have supposed that this event was post-dated by Blair. It seems, indeed, to have been long before the battle of Falkirk. Blind Harry narrates the former in his Seventh, the latter in his Eleventh Book. Sir David himself, after pushing the argument from the date given by Blair as far as possible, virtually gives it up, and makes the acknowledgment which he ought to have made before. “I believe,” he says, “that this story _took its rise_ from the pillaging of the English quarters, about the time of the treaty of Irvine, in 1297, which, as being an incident of little consequence, I omitted in the course of this history.” Here he refers to Hemingford, T. I. p. 123.

Hemingford says, that “many of the Scots and men of Galloway had in a hostile manner made prey of their stores, having slain more than five hundred men, with women and children.” Whether he means to say that this took place at Ayr, or at Irvine, seems doubtful. But here, I think, we have the nucleus of the story. The _barns_, according to the diction of Blind Harry, seem to have been merely “the English quarters,” erected by order of Edward for the accommodation of his troops. Although denominated _barns_ by the Minstrel, and _horreas_ by Arnold Blair, both writers seem to have used these terms with great latitude, as equivalent to what are now called _barracks_. It is rather surprising, that our learned annalist should view the loss of upwards of five hundred men, besides women and children, with that of their property, “as an incident of little consequence,” in a great national struggle.

Major gives nearly the same account with that of Blair. Speaking of Wallace, he says: “Anglorum insignes viros apud _horrea_ Aerie residentes de nocte incendit, et qui a voraci, flamma euaserunt ejus mucrone occubuerunt.” Fol. LXX.

There is also far more unquestionable evidence as to the cause of this severe retaliation than is generally supposed. Lord Hailes has still quoted Barbour as an historian of undoubted veracity. Speaking of Crystal of Seton, he says:--

It wes gret sorow sekyrly,
That so worthy persoune as he
Suld on sic maner hangyt be.
Thusgate endyt his worthynes.
And off Cranford als Schyr Ranald wes,
And Schyr Bryce als the Blar,
_Hangyt in till a berne in Ar_.

_The Bruce_, III. 260. V. Note.

This tallies very well with the account given by the Minstrel.

_Four thousand haill that nycht was in till Ayr._
_In gret_ bernyss, _biggyt with out the toun,_
_The justice lay, with many bald barroun._

_Wallace_, VII. 334.

The testimony of the _Complaynt of Scotland_, a well known national work, written A. 1548, concurs. Speaking of the king of England, the writer says:

“Ony of you that consentis til his fals conques of your cuntre, ye sal be recompenssit as your forbears var at the blac perliament at _the bernis of Ayre_, quhen kyng Eduard maid ane conuocatione of al the nobillis of Scotland at the toune of Ayre, vndir culour of faitht and concord, quha comperit at his instance, nocht heffand suspitione of his tresonabil consait. Than thai beand in his subiectione vndir culour of familiarite, he gart hang, cruelly and dishonestly, to the nummer of sexten scoir of the maist nobillis of the cuntre, tua and tua ouer ane balk, the quhilk sextene scoir var cause that the Inglismen conquest sa far vithtin your cuntre.” Compl. Scotl. p. 144.

The author refers to this as a fact universally acknowledged among his countrymen, although, it must be recollected, no edition of the Life of Wallace was printed for more than twenty years after this work was written. He introduces it again, as a proof of treachery and cruelty, which still continued to excite national feeling.

“Doubtles thai that ar participant of the cruel inuasione of Inglis men contrar thar natyue cuntreye, ther craggis sal be put in ane mair strait yoik nor the Samnetes did to the Romans, as kyng Eduard did til Scottis men at the blac parlament at _the bernis of Ayr_, quhen he gart put the craggis of sexten scoir in faldomis of cordis, tua and tua, ouer ane balk, of the maist principal of them,” &c. Ibid. p. 159, 160.

Schir Ranald _fyrst, to mak fewté for his land,_
_The knycht, went in, and wald na langar stand._--
Schyr Bryss _the_ Blayr _next with his eyme in past;_
_On to the ded thai haistyt him full fast._--V. 205.

_Schir Ranald_ is Sir Reginald Craufurd of Loudoun, maternal uncle to Wallace. He was heritable sheriff of the county of Ayr. The granddaughter, the heiress of the property, was married to Sir Duncan Campbell, the son of Sir Donald of Redcastle, from whom the noble family of Loudoun is descended. Reginaldus de Craveford is one of the persons chosen on the part of Robert Bruce to judge between him and John Baliol, as to their respective claims, A. 1292. V. Fœdera, II. 555. But whether this was the _Ranald_ here mentioned, or his father, who was then alive, is doubtful; because our author gives the name of _Ranald_ to his father, while others call him _Hugh_. _John_ and _Hugh_ de Craufurd are mentioned in two rescripts of Edward I., as barons received under his protection, A. 1255. Ibid. I. 559. 567.

_Schyr Bryss the Blayr_ was the ancestor of the Blairs of that ilk in Ayrshire. There was a _Bryce_ Blair of Blair in the seventeenth century; whence it appears that this ancient christian name was retained in the family. V. Crawfurd’s Renfrew, p. 203. Nisbet, I. 211.

It deserves observation, that these are the two persons particularly named by Barbour, among those who suffered that cruel martyrdom for liberty which was inflicted by the English tyrant. _Syr Brice_ is the reading of Edit. 1594 and 1620: and I am now convinced that the name ought to have stood _Bryce_ in the Bruce, B. III. ver. 265; as it is corrected in the extract made in the preceding Note. But I was misled by the appearance of the letter _y_ in the MS., which differs so much from its usual form, as at first view to resemble _u_.

Sir D. Dalrymple remarks; “Barbour says that Sir Brice Blair was executed in company with Sir Reginald Crawfurd; but he erroneously supposes this to have happened in Scotland.” Ann. II. 19, N. Kerr follows him in this assertion. Hist. Bruce, I. 284.

But our worthy senator is so averse to give credit to anything that tends to confirm what he calls “the famous story of _the Barns of Air_,” that he prefers the single testimony of Matthew of Westminster to that of Barbour; not to mention the later but concurrent one of the Minstrel. The English historian says that Reginald de Crawfurd, with Thomas and Alexander _de Brus_, “brothers of the pseudo-king,” having been defeated and taken prisoners, were presented to Edward at Carlisle, “wounded and half-dead, and that he immediately ordered their execution;” and that “to this their heads bare witness, being placed on the castle and gates” of that city. Hist. p. 458.

It is surprising, however, that the difference of the dates did not make Sir David hesitate to oppose the united testimony of our oldest Scottish writers on this point; especially as the account given by Matthew of Westminster is, by his own confession, at variance with that of Robert of Langtoft. The butchery at Ayr is said to have taken place, A. 1298; this at Carlisle in the year 1306–7, about nine years after. The fact seems to be, that the Reginald he refers to was the son of the other Reginald who had suffered in “the blac parlament” at Ayr. It was he who left a daughter, his only child and heir, who, as is mentioned above, was married to Sir Duncan Campbell. V. Nisbet’s Ragm. Roll. p. 18.

_The third entrit, that peté was for thy,_
_A gentill knycht, Schyr_ Neill _off_ Mungumry.--V. 213.

_Worthi_ occurs in the line; but this word being under-doted, _gentill_ appears on the margent. The latter is the reading of Edit. 1594, and of 1620. This person seems to have been one of the family now represented by the Earl of Eglinton. One of this family had the same christian name in the reign of James IV. V. Nisbet, I. 375.

_Kerlé turnyt with his mastir agayne,_
_Kneland and_ Byrd, _that mekill war off mayne._--V. 249.

All the editions have _Boyd_. It appears, however, from ver. 287, that Boyd was left in the town:

_‘Der wicht,’ he said, ‘der God, sen at thou knew_
_‘Gud Robert_ Boid, _quhar at thou can him se.’_

Besides, the name _Byrd_ occurs B. VIII. 233, where the person thus denominated is conjoined with Boyde:

Boyde, _Bercla_, Byrd, _and Lauder, that was wycht._

In Edit. 1594, 1620, and 1648, this is _Baird_, apparently the ancestor of the Bairds of Newbyth, descended from Baird of Auchmedden, a very ancient family. To this family, as proprietors in Lanarkshire, Fergus, John, and Robert _Bard_, mentioned in Ragman Roll, are supposed to have belonged. V. Nisbet’s Rem. p. 42. 46. Robert de _Boyd_ was ancestor of the family of Kilmarnock.

_At the_ Roddis _thai mak full mony ane,_
_Quhilk worthy ar, thocht landis haiff thai nane._--V. 403.

This refers to the knights of St. John then made at Rhodes.

_In all the warld na grettar payne mycht be,_
_Than thai with in,_ insufferit _sor to duell_, &c.--V. 442.

This, if not from O. Fr. _ensuairé_, wound up, lapt in, may be equivalent to _ensured_; as the Minstrel uses _sufferance_ for _souerance_ or _assurance_.

_Till_ Crage Vuyn _with thre hundir he yeid._--V. 649.

To _Craghumyre_, Edit. 1594, 1620, 1648, and 1673. _Cragunyn_, 1714; _Crage Vyum_, Edit. Perth. As this is connected with Lochow, it may be _Crage Ewan_ in Lochdochart, as laid down in Bleau’s Atlas.

_Fast vpon_ Aviss _that was bathe depe and braid._--V. 654.

This is obviously the word in MS. But I suspect that it is an error for _Awfe_, which occurs in Edit. 1594, 1620, 1648, and 1673. It is undoubtedly the river _Awe_ that is meant, whence the name of _Lochawe_ or Lochow.

_Dunkan off Lorn his_ leyff _at Wallace ast;_
_On Makfadyane with worthi men he past._--V. 861.

In MS. it is _lyff_, apparently denoting _life_, which would render the passage self-contradictory. In Edit. 1594 and 1620, _leiue_; 1648, _leave_. The meaning is; “Duncan asked permission of Wallace to pursue Macfadyane.”

_Of nobill blud, and alss haill_ ancestré.--V. 893.

The term is not _ancestré_ in MS. but may be read _imcrasé_, _imtrasé_, _uncrasé_, or _untrasé_. But as neither of these give any known sense, I have retained the word which occurs in all the editions. The only word that seems to have any resemblance is O. Fr. _entraisser_ (_s’_,) s’animer, s’exciter; Gl. Roquefort.

_Tharfor I will bot lychtly ryn that_ cace.--V. 918.

Edit. 1594, _rais_; i.e. as in Edit. 1648, _race_; which is a more natural mode of expression.

_A trew squier, quhilk_ Rwan _hecht be nayme._--V. 1009.

_Ruthuen_, Edit. 1594, i. e. Ruthven, the ancestor of the unfortunate family of Gowrie. As it is said that Wallace made him captain and hereditary sheriff of Perth, it deserves observation that his descendants for several generations seem almost exclusively to have possessed authority in that town. V. Cant’s Hist. Perth, vol. II.

_At_ Crummadé _feill Inglissmen thai slew._--V. 1085.

This is _Cromartie_, Edit. 1594, &c.

Hew Kertyngayme _the wantgard ledis he,_
_With twenty thousand off likly men to se._--V. 1171.

This refers to the battle of Stirling-bridge. He is called _Kirkinghame_ in editions. But the person meant was _Cressingham_, an ecclesiastic, who was the king’s treasurer, “a pompous and haughty man,” says Hemingford, who hurried on the battle in opposition to the counsel of Lundie and others. Hist. p. 118. 127. 129.

_In_ Jedwort _wod for saiffgard he had beyne._--
Jedwort _thai tuk; and Ruwan lewit he,_
_At Wallace will captane off it to be._--V. 1277. 1289.

It is _Iedbrugh_ in Edit. 1594 and 1620. The name of this place assumes a great variety of forms; Gedword, Geddeworde, Gedewrde, Geddewerde, Gedworth, Gedeworth, Gedewurth, Gedewrze; Jedworth, Jedwurth, Jedword, Jedwort, Jedewrth, Jedwod, Jeddeburch. V. Macpherson’s Geogr. Illustr. The latter is merely the modern name. The vulgar, and indeed almost universal, pronunciation, q. _Jethart_, points out what was the original designation. Here were two monasteries, one of them founded so late as A. 1513; the other was established in the year 1147. Another place, not far distant, retains the name of _Auld Jedworth_. According to Simeon of Durham, these two Jedworths were built by Ecgred, bishop of Lindisfarn, about the year 840. Dec. Script. 13. 28. 119. 121. Simeon writes it _Geddeword_.

The name, it has been conjectured, might be traced to the _Gadeni_, a tribe who anciently inhabited the whole tract of country that lies between Northumberland and the river Tiviot. Stat. Acc. I. 1. But the Gadeni have been placed, with far more probability, in Dunbartonshire. V. Pinkerton’s Enquiry, I. p. 35. 224. 320. It is obvious, that the name of the place is formed from that of the stream, which probably claims a British origin. _Gwyth_ signifies a channel or drain. But whatever might be the origin of _Ged_, or _Jed_, Ecgred having chosen this river as the seat of his mansion, had given it a name by adding the Saxon term _weorth_, or _worth_, denoting a possession, or hamlet; Fundus, praedium; vicus; Lye. In the same manner the names of many places in England have been formed; as _Worth_am, _Worth_ington, Wandes_worth_, Kenel_worth_, &c. Old German _wart_, and Alemannic _werts_, signify locus.

NOTES ON THE EIGHTH BOOK.

--“_He had sic message seyldyn seyne,_
“_That Wallace now as gouernowr sall ryng:_
“_Her is gret faute off a gud prince or kyng._
“_That_ kyng off Kyll _I can nocht wndirstand;_
“_Off him I held neuir a fur off land._”--V. 18.

That Corspatrick, Earl of Dunbar, used this provoking language, appears highly probable; as it is certain from other documents that, “when summoned by the guardian of Scotland, to attend a convention at Perth,” he “contemptuously refused. Blind Harrie is supported by the Tower Records.” Caledonia, II. 246.

I need scarcely say, that the earl had given Wallace this contemptuous designation, as being a native of the district of Kyle in Ayrshire.

“_In lyff or dede, in faith, him sall we haiff,_
“_Or ger him grant quhom he haldis for his lord;_
“_Or ellis war_ schaym _in story to racord._”--V. 44.

In MS. _schapin_; but undoubtedly from inadvertency. It had perhaps been written _schaym_.

_In till_ Gorkhelm _erll Patrik leiffit at rest._
_For mar power Wallace past in the west._--V. 129.

Edit. 1594,--_Cokholme_; followed by 1620, and other editions. But Macpherson says that Gorkhelm, here mentioned, is “in Etrik forest.” Geogr. Illustr.

_Was nayne sa strang, that gat off him a strak,_
_Eftir agayne maid neuir a Scot to_ waik.--V. 285.

In Edit. 1594, _wraik_, i. e. wreck. Perhaps this is the true reading. As in MS., it may signify, “to be deficient,” or “wanting,” as used for _vaik_. Here we have the double negative, common in Scottish.

_This ryall ost, but restyng, furth thai rid,_
_Till_ Browis feild, _&c._--V. 493.

In Edit. 1594, _Brokis feild_; Edit. 1648, _Browes_. D. Macpherson refers to _Browis-feld_ as in Teviotdale. Geogr. Illustr.

_Gud_ Lundy _than till hym he callit thar,_
_And_ Hew _the_ Hay, _off Louchowort was ayr._--V. 581.

“Richard de _Lundie_, _Lundin_, or _London_, was a powerful baron in the shire of Fife. He brought five hundred men to Wallace’s aid in the encounter with Macfadyan near Craigmore, in Perthshire.--Lundie, having become dissatisfied with some of the Scottish leaders, was on the side of the English in the battle of Stirling Bridge, September 11, 1297.

“In a charter by King William the Lion to the town of Perth, 1210, one of the witnesses is Robert de _London_, the king’s son. This natural son of the king had married the heiress of Lundin in Fife, and from her lands took his surname. Richard was their lineal descendant.

“In 1679, the family of Lundie, because of their descent, obtained liberty to bear the royal arms of Scotland. Afterwards the heiress married John Drummond, Earl of Melfort,” second son of James, Earl of Perth. This family is now represented by the Hon. R. P. Burrel Drummond of Perth.

I have extracted the greatest part of this note from those added to the Perth Edit. of Wallace, by my worthy friend the late Reverend James Scott of Perth, well known as an accurate and indefatigable antiquary. V. also Nisbet, I. p. 64. 107.

_Hew the Hay_ seems to be the same person who afterwards married a sister of King Robert the Bruce, the widow of Laurence Lord Abernethy. He was descended from William Hay of Errol, and was ancestor to the family of Tweeddale. V. Nisbet, I. 182. He is designed Hay of Locharret, or Lochquharret, county of Edinburgh. The ancient orthography was _Lochuswerword_, _Locherworn_. Sir James Dalrymple’s Coll. Pref. 76; also _Locherward_, Ind. Chart. I. 26,--16. 9. 13.

_All_ Mydlame _land thai brynt wp in a fyr,_
_Brak parkis doun, distroyit all the schyr._--V. 945.

In MS. _mydlen_. This I have explained as signifying middle, or denoting lands lying in the interior of a county or district. V. Etym. Dict. But I have here adopted the reading of Edit. 1594. Wallace being represented as at this time in Yorkshire, this is probably the honour or town of Middleham in the northern part of this county. In Bleau’s Atlas, it is written _Midlam_. It afterwards belonged to the Nevilles, who were Earls of Richmond.

_Amang noblis gyff euyr ony thar was,_
_So lang throw force in Ingland lay on cass,_
_Sen_ Brudus _deit, but battaill, bot Wallace._--V. 962.

In editions _Brutus_: i. e. he who is called _the Brute_.

_Than had we nayn bot ladyis to repruff._
_That sall_ he nocht, _be God that is abuff._
_Vpon wemen I will na wer begyn._--V. 1437.

In Edit. 1594, ver. 1438 is thus given;

That sall _not be_, be God that sitis abufe.

This might at first view seem to correspond better with the preceding line, as signifying the determination of Wallace to make no retaliation on the female sex for the treachery of men; but as the author perhaps refers back to what is said in v. 1435, as to the king breaking any truce, made by women, as soon as he found it convenient, and then proceeds to declare that he would make no war on them, I have retained the verse as it is in MS. Thus, it expresses a determination that Edward should have no opportunity of acting so treacherous a part.

_A harrold went, in all the haist he may,_
_Till_ Tawbane _waill, quhar at the Scottis lay._--V. 1497.

In Edit. 1594, _Auane_. The place is the same mentioned before, v. 1170, Sanct _Awbawnys_, i. e. St Albans. If we might suppose the _Tantonie bell_ to be a corruption of “St Antony’s bell,” we could easily account for the introduction of the letter _T_ here, as an abbreviation for _Sanct_.

_We ask her als, be wertu off this band,_
_Our_ ayris, _our king, be wrang led off Scotland._--V. 1517.

In Edit. 1594;--

Our _awin young_ king, be wrang led fra Scotland.

_Ayris_ is the word in MS. This may be an _erratum_ for _ayr_, in singular, as Bruce is thus designed, v. 1342--_our ayr_, i.e. “heir of our kingdom.” But I have retained it in plural, as by _ayris_ the Minstrel might not only mean the king, but the heirs of noble families, then kept prisoners in England; as Randell, Lorn, Bowehane, &c. mentioned in connexion.

_In the_ Leynhouss _a quhyll he maid repayr_--
_Twa monethis still he duelt in Dunbertane._--V. 1595. 1599.

In Edit. 1594,--_Lenox_, vulgarly pronounced _Lennoss_. The mention of _Dunbertane_ immediately after shows that this district is meant. V. Note on the Bruce, B. II. 40.

_His purpos was to se the king off_ France.--V. 1696.

It is undoubtedly a problematical question, whether Wallace ever was in FRANCE. Some, among whom we must reckon our historian Major, think that this is improbable. The Minstrel, it must be acknowledged, has interspersed so much fable in his narrative, as to bring discredit even on what might otherwise have been readily admitted as fact. It seems unlikely that Wallace should have left his native country twice; and the exploits ascribed to him while in France must generally be rejected, especially those said to have been performed by him in Guienne; because it is incredible that, if he had done so much injury to the English in their recent conquests there, not the slightest notice should have been taken of this by any of their historians. But I do not see the same reason for deeming it improbable that he should ever have been in France.

1. From the great intercourse between Scotland and France, as well as from the great celebrity of the achievements of our hero, it seems very natural to suppose that Philip King of France should express an earnest desire to see him, and even send him an invitation to this purpose; and not less so, that while his hands were tied up, during a truce or peace with Edward, he should take the opportunity of gratifying his curiosity, in visiting that kingdom to which so many of his countrymen had been accustomed to resort, as one that had been long in a state of amity and alliance with their own. He might be the more disposed to a temporary change of place, from the envy which his valorous deeds had excited among the nobles of Scotland.

2. The story concerning the capture of Sir Thomas Charteris of Longueville is in so far supported by the known fact that there was a race of this name at Kinfauns; and that a two-handed sword is still shown in the castle of Kinfauns, which tradition has uniformly ascribed to this Longueville. Henry Adamson, in his Muse’s Threnodie, speaking of this castle, describes it as the place,--

---- ---- which famous Longoveil
Sometime did hold; whose ancient sword of steele
Remaines unto this day, and of that land
Is chiefest evident. ---- _Book_ VI. p. 156.

3. In the Scotichronicon it is said, that “after the battle of Roslin, Wallace, having gone on board a ship, sought to France;” that “he acquired great fame there from the dangers to which he had been exposed, not only from pirates while at sea, but afterwards from the English in France; and that this is attested by certain songs in France as well as in Scotland.” The author goes so far as to assert, that Philip had applied to Edward for a truce between him and the Scots, that Philip might have a pretence for retaining Wallace for some time longer in France. Lib. XI. c. 34. MSS. Cupr. et Perth.

4. It is worthy of remark, that Major, after having mustered up several arguments against the probability of Wallace having ever been in France, at once seems to throw them all aside as of little weight, and in conclusion speaks like a man who had hitherto reasoned against his own secret convictions, acknowledging that he is unwilling expressly to deny that Wallace had been there. He closes the account with these remarkable words: Nolo tamen ob has _ratiunculas_ constanter _inficias ire_ ipsum oras Galliæ visitasse. Hist. Fol. LXXIV, a.

It would appear most probable, that the Charterises of Amisfield, now represented by the Earl of Wemyss and March, were connected with those of Kinfauns; from the similarity of their armorial bearings, if not also from their possession of Elcho, in the immediate vicinity of the latter. There was, however, one family of rank of this name settled in Scotland before the time assigned for the arrival of Longueville. Andrew de Charteris, who is said to have been the ancestor of the Amisfield family, swore fealty to Edward, A. 1296, and William de Charteris in 1306. V. Nisbet, Rem. Ragm. Roll, II. 23. Fœdera, II. 1015.

--_Erest in weyr to Sanct Jhonstoun couth fair._--V. 1697.

_Neirest but weir_, &c. Edit. 1594. This makes nonsense of the passage, and has been an early alteration. Wallace did not go _nearest_ to Perth, but went to the town itself. The meaning must be, “In the earliest part of spring.” V. VEIR, Etym. Dict.

NOTES ON THE NINTH BOOK.

_The barge_, be that, _with a full werlik far, &c._--V. 136.

In Edit. 1594, it is;

The barge _began_ with ane full weirlyke fair.

The language is defective as in MS. But _began_ is scarcely the term that we could suppose the Minstrel to use. He would more probably have said;

The barge, be that, _com_ with full werlik far.

I have therefore adhered to the reading of MS. borrowing the word in brackets in the next verse, from the edition quoted above.

“_For my trespas I wald mak sum ramed._”
_Wallace wyst weyll, thocht he war brocht to ded;_
_And off his lyff sum reskew mycht he mak._--V. 153.

The passage, as here given from the MS., is evidently deficient in sense. It is given more intelligibly in Edit. 1594.

For my trespas I wald mak sum remeid,
Monie saikles I haue gart put to deide.
Wallace wist weill, thocht he to deith was brocht,
Fra thame to chaip on na wyse micht he nocht.
And of his lyfe sum reskew micht he mak,
Ane better purpois syne sone than can he tak.

_Ane Skelton than kepyt the careage,_
A Brankstewat _that was his heretage._--V. 625. MS.

In Edit. 1594, and 1648;

_All Brankistnahait_ haill, that was his heritage.

_A Brankstewat_ seems an error for _All Brankstewat_. Both in MS. and in editions, the name has been evidently corrupted. I suspect that it ought to be _Branthwaite_. For the Skeltons were a family of considerable antiquity in Cumberland. John de Skelton was knight of the shire in the reign of Edward II. _Armathwaite_ was the designation of their property. But Richard Skelton, sheriff of Cumberland, in the reign of Henry VI., lived at _Branthwaite_. _Brankistnahait_, and _Brankistewat_, have been originally _Brankisthwaite_. _Thwaite_ forms the termination of many local names in the north of England. Grose explains it; “The shelving part of the side of a mountain.” Hutchinson’s account corresponds: “Down the river of Dudden stands the manor of _Thwaites_, between the river and the mountains, and the ancient seat of Joseph Thwaites of Ulnerigg, Esq., and the place being a stony mountainous country, is not everywhere altogether fit for tillage, meadow, and pasture. But in several parts and pieces, as they are marked by nature, differing in form and quality of soil, or otherwise, by the inhabitants inclosed from the barren wastes of the fells; such pieces of land are now, and were of old, called _Thwaites_ in most places of the shire, sometimes with addition of their quality, as Brackenthwaite, of ferns; Swithwaite, of rushes; Stonythwaite, of stones; _Brentwaite_, of its steepness; Brunthwaite, of burnt with the sun, &c.” Hist. of Cumberland, I. 531, 532. 494.

I do not find any similar term in AS. conveying the idea of a stony place. The signification has perhaps been originally more general, as denoting any place separated from another, as are those “inclosed from wastes;” from _thweot-an_, exscindere, q. “a place cut off” from another.

_A squier_ Guthré _amang thaim ordand thai,_
_To warn Wallace in all the haist he may._
_Out off Arbroth he passit to the se._--V. 647.

This is understood as referring to the ancestor of the Guthries of Guthrie; and it is a strong presumption of the justness of the idea, that Arbroath is the harbour most contiguous to the seat of this ancient family. He is afterwards in different passages designed “the _gud_ Guthré,” a character which, from all that I have seen, appears to have descended to his posterity.

_In_ Barnan _wod he had his lugyng maid._--V. 692.

_Birnane_, Edit. 1594. This is evidently Birname wood, that has derived such celebrity from its connection with the history of Macbeth.

“The hill of Birnam, rendered classic ground by the magic pen of Shakespeare, rises with a rude and striking magnificence to an elevation higher than that of the Sidla hills in Forfarshire, opposite to it. A round mount at the bottom of Birnam hill in the south-east, is worthy of remark. It is faced with steep oaks [q. rocks?] except for a few yards where it was fortified by art. This eminence has been known for time immemorial, by the names of Court-hill, and _Duncan’s-hill_, and is believed to have been on some occasions occupied by the unfortunate Scottish king of that name. It looks full in the face, at the distance of about twelve miles, the celebrated Dunsinan-hill, the seat and fortress of Macbeth.” Stat. Acc. VII. 355. 374.

Fersly _thai_ fled, _as fyr dois out off flynt._--V. 746.

The reading in MS. is, _Freschly_ thai _ferd_. But to this no meaning can be attached. I have therefore given it as in the editions. But I suspect that there has been some corruption of the original here, as _fled_ is introduced in the next line.

_Till_ Ardargan _he drew him prewaly._--V. 768.

This, I suppose, must be the place now called _Ardargie_, in the Ochil Hills, parish of Forgandenny, Perthshire.

_Apon the morn, with fyftene hundreth men,_
_Till_ Black Irnsyde _his gydys couth them ken._--V. 785.

“All round this monastery [Lindores, Fife,] was _Earn-side_-wood, where Wallace defeated the English. It was anciently four miles in length, and three in breadth; now there is nothing but some few shrubs to the east of the abbey.” Sibbald’s Hist. Fife, P. iv. sect. 9. p. 406.

It is added in a note: “Of this wood no vestige remains. The place where it is said to have grown lies along the shore of the Frith, a considerable way below the junction of the Tay and the Earn. The name seems to countenance the tradition, that the Earn alone once flowed by the bottom of the hills of Fife, and did not unite for several miles below this with the Tay, whose course was then along the foot of the hills, forming the northern boundary of the Carse of Gowrie, which lying thus betwixt two rivers, was frequently overflowed, and only became habitable, when, in a great inundation, the Tay burst into the Earn, where they now join.”

In A. Blair’s _Relationes_, this battle is said to have been fought on the 12th of June 1298.

_Rycht weyll I wait, weschell is lewyt nayn,_
_Fra the_ Wood hawyn, _to the ferry cald_ Aran.--V. 805.

Macpherson thinks that this is perhaps the same with _Portnebaryan_, mentioned by Wyntoun, q. “the haven of bread;” _arran_ signifying bread in Gaelic, and _barra_ in Welsh, Cornish, and Armoric. V. Geogr. Illustrations. Shall we add another supposition,--that _Portnebaryan_ had been the ancient name of _Port-on-craigs_, a ferry to the eastward of _Woodhaven_. The latter still retains its ancient name. It lies opposite to Dundee.

--_In that jornay othir to wyn or end._--V. 1048.

The whole passage to ver. 1057, _Thai worthi Scottis_, &c. is wanting in Edit. 1594, and subsequent editions. Both verses, 1049 and 1057, beginning in a similar manner, the intermediate ones must have been overlooked by some transcriber for the press. In MS. ver. 1050 is; _The_ cruell strakis, &c. But as the sense requires it, I have substituted _with_, as in Edit. 1714, followed by that of Perth, 1790.

_The lord_ Cwmyn, _that erll off Bouchane was,_
_For auld inwy he wald [let] na man pass_
_That he mycht let, in gud Wallace supplé._--V. 1253.

According to Henry, his son John Comyn, younger of Badenoch, served himself heir to this envy; as he attributes to him, in a special manner, the loss of the battle of Falkirk. But the account which he gives of this battle disagrees with that of the English writers, who give not the slightest hint of such variance among the chieftains, as, had it really taken place, could not have been totally unknown to their opponents.

William, one of this family, was Chancellor to King David I., and in the year 1140, by the grant of the Empress Maud, was made Bishop of Durham. Crawfurd’s Officers, p. 7. So powerful did it become, that in the reign of Alexander III. there were three earls and one lord of this name, besides thirty knights of landed property. Nisbet, I. 367.

I need scarcely say that Comyn was competitor with the elder Bruce for the crown, as boasting the same blood. This ancient and honourable family is now represented by Sir William Cumyn Gordon, of Altyre and Gordonstown, Baronet.

_A cruell captane intill_ Erth _duelt thar_,
_In Ingland born, and hecht Thomlyn off Wayr._--V. 1283.

It is _Erth_ also in Edit. 1594; _Airth_ in that of 1620, and those of a later age.

“The tower at Airth was built before Sir William Wallace’s time. This tower is in good repair; it makes part of the house of Airth, and bears the name of _Wallace’s Tower_.” Stat. Acc. III. 493, 494.

Alexander de Airth, or Erth, is one of those whose names are recorded in the Ragman Roll. V. Nisbet, Rem. p. 23.

“The Erths of that ilk were once a very considerable family in this shire, being proprietors of Airth, Elphingstone, Carnock, and Plean. We find Adam de Erth mentioned among the commissioners who were appointed, in 1248, to ratify an agreement with England, concerning the regulations called the _Border-laws_. Bernard de Erth, who was probably a son of this Adam, married before 1271, one of the three daughters and co-heiresses of Finlaus de Campsie, a cadet of the family of Lennox.” Nimmo’s Stirlingshire, p. 516, 517. In the reign of James I. the eldest daughter of William Airth married “a son of the ancient family of Clackmannan, who thereupon came into possession of the lands of Airth. The family of Erth, like others, took their sirname from their lands; but it is now quite extinct in this country.” Ibid.

_Than to_ Faslan _the worthy Scottis can pass,_
_Quhar erll Malcom was bidand at defence._--V. 1518.

In editions it is _Falkland_. But this being so distant from the earl’s district, and from Dunbarton, where Wallace was immediately before, it must be an error. Macpherson places Faslan near the head of the Gairloch, above Roseneath, Dunbartonshire. V. Hist. Map of Scotl. In the passage, ver. 1514, Wallace and his party are said indeed to take their course thither from _Roseneath_, now a well known seat of the noble family of Argyle.

_And eftir sone thar wncle couth thaim ta,_
_Gud_ Robert Keth, _had thaim fra Glaskow toun;_
_Atour the se in Frans he maid thaim boun._--V. 1558.

This exactly tallies with the account given by Godscroft. V. p. 20.

_A mariage als thai gert ordane him till,_
_The lady_ Ferss.--V. 1566.

In editions _Ferres_. On this head Godscroft says; “His next wife was an English lady called _Ferrar_, or _Ferrais_, of which name we find the Earls of Darbie to have beene in the dayes of King Henry the Third.” Hist. Dougl. p. 16. In the Fœdera they are designed _De Ferrariis_.

_The_ Sanchar _was a castell fayr and strang._--V. 1577.

_Sauquhair_, Edit. 1594. But here, and in the rest of the narrative, I have replaced what must have been the original term, as in Edit. 1620 and 1648, _Sanquhair_. “The wattyr of Craw,” ver. 1606, must be the rivulet now called Crawick, which falls into the Nith. V. Stat. Acc. VI. 451. There we are informed, that “the old castle of Sanquhair had been a building of considerable magnitude and extent;” and that “it is said to have been for some time in the possession of the English in the reign of Edward I., and to have been recaptured by Sir William Douglas,” as is here related. Ibid. p. 460, N.

_And Jhonstoun als, that duelt in [to]_ Housdaill.--V. 1790.

This, in editions, is rendered _Eskdaill_. But this is undoubtedly a mistake. _Housdaill_ is evidently the asperated pronunciation of the name of that district called _Eusdaill_, as being watered by the river _Ewes_, which joins the Esk at Langholm. V. Bleau’s Atlas, p. 47. This seems to have been the ancestor of the Marquisses of Annandale.

_Thir thre capdanis he stekit in that stound,_
_Off Durisdeyr, Enoch, and_ Tybur mur.--V. 1806.