Chapter II: Preface (2)

(Fig. 1): A long Saxon drinking glass, ornamented with raised
and decorated ribbons of glass. The bottom is rounded, so that
when filled with liquid it had to be emptied at one draught.
(British Museum.) (Fig. 2): Another form of Saxon drinking
vessel. (British Museum.) (Fig. 3): Old English bronze vessel
found in a barrow at Taplow, in Bucks, in 1883, now in the
British Museum. (Fig. 4): A silver spoon (Anglo-Saxon) found
at Sevington, in Wiltshire, in 1834. (British Museum.)
(Fig. 5): Great Seal of Edward the Confessor. The King is
represented crowned and seated upon the throne, bearing the
sceptre in his right hand and the orb in his left. Edward here
calls himself “By the Grace of God, King of the English,”
using the Greek and not the Latin term. (Figs. 6 and 7): A
silver penny of Alfred the Great, minted at London--(6) the
obverse bearing Alfred’s portrait and name; (7) the reverse
with the word “Londini” (as a monogram). (Figs. 8 and 9): A
silver penny of Edgar the Peaceful--(8) the obverse; (9) the
reverse. (Figs. 10, 11, and 12): Three views of King Alfred’s
jewel. This was found near the site of Athelney Abbey,
Somersetshire, in 1693. Fig. 10, the obverse, is faced with
an oval plate of crystal, having under it a miniature of a
man, in enamelled mosaic (probably St. Neot, Alfred’s special
protector), holding in each hand a fleur-de-lys. Fig. 11, the
reverse, is a detached plate of gold bearing a fleur-de-lys
ornament. Fig. 12, the edge, on which is inscribed “AELFRED
MEC HEHT GEWYRCAN” (Alfred bid me be wrought). The stalk
end bears a grotesque figure, apparently the head of a sea
monster. It may have been the head of a stylus or pen, or have
served as a standard in battle. (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.)
(Fig. 13): An ornamented fibula or brooch at Goldsborough,
Yorkshire. (British Museum.) (Fig. 14): An Anglo-Saxon
comb--St. Cuthbert’s comb, at Durham Cathedral.]

DANISH VESSELS, Etc.

(Fig. 1): A Norseman’s boat found in a peat bog at Nydam,
in South Jutland, in 1863. It is clincher-built of oak, is
large, open and pointed at both ends, and is designed only for
rowing, as there is no trace of a mast and no arrangement for
stepping one. It is 78 ft. between the high points at the stem
and the stern, and 10 ft. 9 in. broad amidships. It was rowed
with fourteen pairs of oars, which are like those still used
in the North, and are 11 ft. 2 in. long. The rudder is narrow,
and was fastened to one side of the boat near the stern end.
During the latter part of the heathen times, boats were drawn
up on land for the winter or when they were not wanted for
some time. This boat has holes at the ends for the ropes by
which it was hauled up on land. (Montelius’ “Civilization
of Sweden.”) (Fig. 2): A Danish vessel reconstructed from
a representation of a Danish ship from the MS. of Caedmon
Bodl. Junius ii., c. A.D. 1000. It is steered, like the one
in Fig. 1, by a rudder fastened near the stern of the ship
on the side still called the starboard or steer-board. (Fig.
3): Noah’s Ark. Another drawing from the same MS. The Ark is
represented in the form of a Danish ship, showing the dragon’s
head at the bows and the stern. It is interesting, also, as it
illustrates the fact that when the old illuminators wanted to
represent any circumstance--Biblical or classical--pictorially,
they made use of the material they saw around them, copying
the buildings, the ships, the persons, and the costumes of
their own time, so that MSS. form very reliable contemporary
evidence of these things. (Fig. 4): A Danish sword found
in the River Withalm, very similar in general design and
construction to the Saxon sword illustrated on Plate 9. (Fig.
5): A Jutish or Danish shield, made of wood with a bronze rim
and a boss or umbo of bronze in the centre, of the period
before A.D. 450, found in Jutland.]

NORMAN CUSTOMS.

The ordinary costumes of people in early Norman times differed little from that of the Saxons.

At first the Norman warriors were clean-shaven, but after settling in England the courtiers gave way to a love of finery. They wore long, embroidered garments with long white sleeves, and they allowed their hair and beards to grow long so that they incurred the reproach of the clergy, who called them “filthy goats.”

The Norman ladies also changed from the simplicity of their costume to a great extravagance of shape and material. The gowns were very ample, and were sometimes worn with a kind of train.

The general garments of the men were the tunic, the super-tunic, and the mantle.

The upper classes wore a garment next to the skin, under the tunic, called the _just-au-corps_; but amongst the lower classes the tunic was worn next to the skin. The _Tunic_ was made of linen or cloth, had short sleeves, and reached at first to the knees, but later to the ground. Over this was worn a _super-tunic_ corresponding to the Saxon tunica, with tight sleeves, reaching to the wrist, and subject to the same modification as the tunic.

The _mantle_ was similar to the Saxon mantle, but was fuller. In later Norman times it was made of the finest cloth, and was lined with rich furs. There were several forms of cap, as illustrated in the plate. The lower limbs were covered with a kind of trousers called _chausses_. The shoes in early Norman times were quite plain, but later they were very elaborate, coloured, and had pointed toes.

The costume of Norman ladies consisted of a robe, a mantle, and a couvre-chef.

The _robe_ was worn with long sleeves, and in later times with long pendulous strips at the wrists, often of such a length that they had to be tied into knots to keep them from trailing on the ground. The skirt of the robe was long, full, and hung in folds on the ground.

The _mantle_ was worn over the robe, and the head was covered, as in Saxon times, with a head-veil, which was now called the _couvre-chef_.

The hair was worn plaited into two long tails. From illustrations in MSS. it is seen that the costumes of the lower classes during Norman times were similar to those worn during the three preceding centuries.

(Fig. 1): The figure of Queen Matilda, wife of Henry I. The
sculptured effigies of these two sovereigns are the earliest
of those of English sovereigns in existence, and are at
Rochester Cathedral. They are mutilated, but still show
clearly the details of royal costume. In the figure of Matilda
the hair is plaited into two tails. She wears a long robe
girded at the waist and having long sleeves. Over this she
wears a long mantle. (Fig. 2): Costume of a young man of the
middle classes. (Representing David with a sling in Cott.
MS., Nero C4.) He wears a long tunic reaching to the ankles,
having a collar, long cuffs extending nearly to the elbow,
and an embroidered border along the bottom. He also wears
tight-fitting chausses, and the lower parts of his legs are
covered either with high boots or with leg bandages. (Fig.
3): Costume of an older man. (From the same MS., representing
Noah with an axe about to build the Ark.) He wears a Phrygian
hat with a band around it, a long, full tunic with hanging
sleeves, and a green mantle bordered with gold thrown over
it. He appears to be wearing stockings reaching to the knees,
and his shoes are ornamented with diagonal lines crossing
each other. He has long hair and a moustache and beard. This
is considered to be a good example of the ordinary costume
of the time. (Figs. 4 and 5): Examples of a covering for
the lower part of the leg. (From the same MS.) (Fig. 4): A
swathing for the leg worn by shepherds, similar in appearance
to the hay bands of the modern carter. (Fig 5): Shows a leg of
the breeches ornamented with diagonal stripes ending at the
ankle, where there is a band or garter. No shoes are worn, as
frequently appears to have been the case when persons were on
a journey. (Fig. 6): A sock or half-boot ornamented around
the top. (Fig. 7): A Norman shoe with stocking. (Fig. 8): A
shoe of later Norman times, decorated with bands and coloured.
(Fig. 9): Pointed military shoe from a seal. (Figs. 10, 11,
12, 13): The four commonest forms of head-dress in use. (Fig.
13): Shows that called the cowl. (Fig. 14): Figure of a Norman
lady showing the robe with long sleeves, the mantle, and the
couvre-chef.]

NORMAN ARMS AND ARMOUR.

The military costumes of the early Normans and the Saxons were very similar on account of the intercourse between the Courts of England and Normandy at the time immediately preceding the Conquest, and much of our knowledge of Norman military costume is obtained from the Bayeux Tapestry. The arms in use among the Normans were the sword (which only soldiers of superior rank were allowed to carry), the axe, the lance or spear, the mace, and the bow and arrows. The _sword_ was, as might be expected, of the same type as the Danish or Norse sword--straight, long, and double-edged, with a slight taper to the acute point. The scabbard was worn on the left side, and was suspended by a cord or strap around the waist. The _axe_ was of various forms, as may be seen from the plate. The _lance_ or spear was generally similar to that used by the Saxons, but had a pennon with several points. Sometimes several lances were carried, and were probably thrown as javelins.

The _mace_ is depicted several times in the Bayeux Tapestry.

The _bow_ and _arrows_ played an important part in the Battle of Hastings, and were of the form used by the Saxons.

The defensive armour consisted of the helmet, the hauberk, and the shield.

The _helmet_ was generally conical in shape, with a nasal or nose-piece of iron to guard the forehead and nose against a horizontal stroke. The nasal was fixed or movable. Sometimes there was a peak behind the helmet to protect the neck. The nasal was generally discarded about 1140.

The _hauberk_, or military tunic, was a garment in one piece, fitting almost tightly to the person and reaching to the knees, with sleeves reaching to the elbow. Occasionally it appears to have ended in close-fitting trousers at the knee. The hauberk was of quilted and padded material or of leather, covered with metal rings or plates or studs of metal and leather, and formed a very effective body armour. The plated or mailed tunic of William I. and his followers was superseded early in the twelfth century by a defensive hauberk, covered, as before, with various straps and plates of metal, or more generally formed of interwoven ring or chain mail. The legs and feet were enveloped in simple bandages or fillets bound around them.

The _shield_ completed the defensive equipment, and was generally long, rounded or oval at the top, with a pointed base, so that the shape resembled that of a kite. Many of them were decorated (according to the Bayeux Tapestry).

(Figs. 1 and 2): The ordinary costumes of Norman soldiers.
Each is clothed in a military hauberk, which fitted the
body very closely, and was probably slit a little before
and behind. In the case of these two the hauberk ends in
close-fitting trousers to the knee. The heads are protected
by conical helmets with nasal pieces, fitting over hoods of
mail. In Fig. 1 the warrior is armed with a sword, an axe,
and a spear. The shield is of the kite shape. The hauberk is
covered with ringed mail, and the sleeves reach to the wrist.
In Fig. 2 the sleeves reach to the elbow only, and are covered
with rings, but the body is covered with what is known as
“trellised” armour, formed of strips of leather fastened on a
body of quilted cloth and crossing each other diagonally, with
knobs of steel fastened in the angular spaces as an additional
protection. He holds in his hand a _gonfanon_ or lance with a
small flag--carried only by the leaders of the army. (Fig. 3):
A Norman sword. (From the Bayeux Tapestry.) (Fig. 4): Two
Norman soldiers, each carrying a decorated shield and spear,
one being armed with a sword. Each wears a flat-topped helmet,
one only being fitted with a “nasal.” The shield of the
right-hand one is curved to the form of the body. The hauberks
of mail are shown, and also the tunics worn under them
reaching nearly to the knee. (Figs. 5 and 6): Norman axes.
(From the Bayeux Tapestry.) (Fig. 7): A Norman archer. (From
the Bayeux Tapestry.) Dressed in a close-fitting vest with
narrow sleeves, and full breeches, gathered apparently above
and below the knee, and ornamented with large red spots. He
carries a quiver of arrows slung over his back. Other archers
are represented in the Tapestry fully dressed in ringed mail.
(Fig. 8): The head of a mounted soldier. (From the Bayeux
Tapestry.) A peculiar custom existed among the Normans at the
Conquest of shaving the back of the head as well as the face.
When spies sent by Harold reconnoitred the Norman camp, they
saw the Normans with shaven heads, and they returned with
the news that “the Duke had far more priests than knights
or other troops.” (Fig. 9): Guy, Count of Ponthieu. (From
the Bayeux Tapestry.) He is armed with an axe, and wears a
hauberk of scale armour. These scales were either of iron,
bronze, or _cuir bouilli_. (The latter was leather which had
been softened by boiling in oil and stamped or moulded into
a definite form while in that condition. When it was dry it
became very hard and tough.) He also wears a mantle gathered
on the right shoulder, but has no head covering.]

THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY.

The Bayeux Tapestry is a valuable picture of the manners and costumes of the Normans and the English about the time of the Norman Conquest. It is traditionally recorded to have been worked by Queen Matilda (the wife of William the Conqueror) and the ladies of her Court, to commemorate the invasion and conquest of England by her husband.

There is no evidence to prove this, and consequently there is much doubt about it; but it is held on the best authority that though the Tapestry is a _contemporary_ work, Queen Matilda had no part in its manufacture, since it was probably ordered for his cathedral by Bishop Odo (the half-brother of William I.), and made by Norman workers at Bayeux.

It is preserved in the Hotel-de-Ville at Bayeux, and consists of a long band of linen about 231 ft. long and 20 in. wide.

It is divided into 72 scenes or compartments, separated from one another by trees or buildings, worked in the material in a conventional manner. On it are represented 623 people, 202 horses and mules, 55 dogs, 505 other animals, 37 buildings, 41 ships and boats, and 49 trees, making a total of 1,512 objects. It has always been known as “tapestry,” but it is really an enormous piece of woolwork or embroidery, yet it has been known so long by the previous name that it will probably continue to bear it.

No attempt has been made to depict the figures in their natural colours, for we find horses coloured yellow, red, blue, and green, and perspective has been totally disregarded. But “if the drawing be rude, the composition is bold and spirited, and is always rendered with great truth of expression, which is, at times, exaggerated.”

The narrow border which runs along both the top and the bottom of the Tapestry (Pl. 19, Fig. 3) is for the greater part not connected with the thread of the story, and is decorated with animals, real and fabulous, and scenes of husbandry and the chase; but in some parts it contains allegorical allusions to the scenes depicted.

Over most of the scenes are worked Latin inscriptions in Roman capitals about an inch high, explaining the pictures. The reasons for supposing that, although not made by Matilda, it is nevertheless contemporary work, are:

(1) The accurate representation of the civil and military
costumes of the eleventh century.

(2) The attempt to represent Edward the Confessor and
William I. as they appeared on their seals.

(3) Certain words used in it suggest an English origin, but
admit of the explanation that the dialect spoken in Bayeux
was a mixture of Saxon and Norman.

(4) The prominence given to Odo and to less-known persons.

(5) The introduction of the local form of wine barrel and
certain dialectic peculiarities of the district.

The Bayeux Tapestry is not mentioned in any historical document until 1476, when it appears among an inventory of the ornaments of the Cathedral of Bayeux.

In 1522 its safety was threatened by the Calvinists who pillaged the cathedral, but it was restored to the authorities and was used to decorate the nave on festive occasions.

It remained forgotten till 1724, when, a drawing having been made of it by an antiquarian, public interest was aroused in it, both in France and in our own country.

In order to preserve it, it was lined and strengthened, for it was used to decorate the nave for eight days at the time of St. John’s Day. It has passed through many vicissitudes, and once or twice it was nearly destroyed, but a number of the leading inhabitants of Bayeux formed themselves into a committee to protect it.

Napoleon I. went to see it, and was much impressed by it when it was exhibited in Paris. It was afterwards returned to Bayeux, where it was visited by Mr. Charles Stothard, a clever and accurate young artist, and at the request of the Society of Antiquaries of London he made drawings of it, the work occupying him for two years.

In 1842 the Municipal Council of Bayeux provided a permanent resting place for the Tapestry in the Hotel de Ville, where it is still exhibited under glass, and where it has been visited by artists and archæologists from every part of the world. During the Franco-German war it was taken down, sealed in a zinc cylinder, and hidden away till all danger was past.

In 1871 permission was given to the English Government to make a photographic reproduction of the Tapestry, and a copy of this full-sized reproduction, coloured after the original, is now preserved at South Kensington.

The Tapestry commences with a picture of Edward the Confessor, and continues with scenes illustrating Harold’s visit to Normandy; his capture and appearance before William; his taking the oath of allegiance to William; his return to England and to Edward the Confessor; the death of the latter; the crowning of Harold; the preparations made by William (building ships, assembling soldiers, collecting food and arms) for the invasion of England; the passage of the English Channel; the landing at Pevensey; the march to Hastings; the preparations for the fight; a long and spirited picture of the battle, illustrating various incidents in it and culminating in the death of Harold and the flight of the defeated English.

(The writer wishes to express his great obligation for the above to Mr. Frank R. Fowke’s very complete work on _The Bayeux Tapestry_. Geo. Bell and Sons.)

The figures illustrate the following scenes:

(Fig. 1): _Duke William came to Pevensey_. A very clear idea
is obtained of the general character of a Norman ship and
the manner in which it is steered by an oar on the starboard
(steer-board) side, etc. This ship, the _Mora_, bearing
William, was given him by Matilda, his wife, and bears on
the stern an effigy of his little son Rufus, blowing a bugle
and holding a banner. (Fig. 2): _Harold made an oath to Duke
William_. William is shown seated on a throne while Harold,
one hand on an altar and the other on a reliquary containing
the sacred relics, is taking the oath. (Fig. 3): _A scene in
the Battle of Hastings_. The English Army withstanding the
charge of the Norman horsemen after receiving a flight of
Norman arrows. Most of the English are armed with javelins and
shields, few with axes and swords. One figure is shown using
the bow, and he is the only one thus armed on the English
side. It has consequently been asserted by some authorities
that bows were not used by the English in the battle, but, as
Mr. Fowke says, “this seems to be hardly correct literally
... though ... the use of the bow as a weapon of war in
our country was then probably rare.” This scene shows the
whole width of the Tapestry with the two borders, the upper
containing allegorical figures, and the latter displaying the
fallen warriors. It may be noted that throughout the picture
of the battle the arms and accoutrements of both Normans and
English are similar, probably accounted for by the close
intimacy that existed between the two countries. (Fig. 4):
_Here is seated Harold, King of the English; Archbishop
Stigand_. Harold was crowned in Westminster Abbey on the
same day that Edward was buried in the same building. He is
represented seated on the throne, wearing the crown on his
head and holding the sceptre in his right hand and the orb in
the left. Stigand, who, the Normans allege, crowned Harold, is
shown standing at his left side.]

EARLY NORMAN ARCHITECTURE.

Norman, Anglo-Norman, or Romanesque architecture was called by the former name because it followed the Norman style. It is found in Normandy itself, in England, in Italy, and Sicily--in fact, wherever the Northern conquerors established themselves.

Its chief characteristics are solidity and strength--walls of enormous thickness, huge masses of masonry for piers, windows comparatively small, and a profusion of peculiar ornaments.

The earliest Norman work in England--as the transepts of Winchester Cathedral--is almost as plain as Anglo-Saxon; but the Norman churches are larger and higher than those of the Anglo-Saxon period. They are generally cruciform in shape, with a square tower over the intersection of the nave and transepts. The towers are not lofty, but are very solid, and usually contain windows with two lights. In a number of instances the choir ends in a semi-circular apse after the Roman style.

Early Norman work was much plainer than that of the later period; the arch is not recessed, or only once recessed, the edges are square, or have a plain round moulding cut in them, and the zigzag ornament (Pl. 20, Fig. 14) is used, though not so abundantly as at a later period. Windows are generally plain, small, and round-headed, and consist of single lights except in belfry windows. Doors are square-headed under a round arch. The simplest form is a narrow, round-headed opening with a plain dripstone. But Norman windows are not met with as frequently as doors, since they have, in many cases, been destroyed to make room for those of later styles. In England the Norman style is usually assigned to the eleventh century, and in the latter half of it the transition to the Early English style took place. It was introduced into England in the reign of Edward the Confessor, who was more Norman than English, and who himself founded the Abbey of Westminster. Some buildings were of a mixed character (Anglo-Saxon and Norman), some in the old style, others altogether in the new.

Soon after the Norman Conquest, the Norman Bishops who supplanted Englishmen in English sees and abbacies in very many instances commenced to rebuild the cathedrals and churches from their foundations.

The entire English fabric was usually pulled down, and a new building was erected on a much larger plan and in a better manner. It is chiefly in remote places, where the inhabitants were too few and too poor to rebuild and enlarge their churches, that we find remains of the original Anglo-Saxon work.

Early Norman masonry is very rude, the joints between the stones being filled with a great thickness of mortar, from one to three inches thick (this is called “wide-jointed” masonry), and the stonework was usually rubble. In the later work the joints are comparatively fine (“fine-jointed” masonry). The Normans were very active builders. William I. and his son, William II., built one hundred and ninety-five religious houses during their reigns, and all the cathedrals and great churches in the eleventh century were rebuilt, while many new ones were founded; though it is said that of the many churches commenced in the reigns of these two kings but few were completed until after 1100 A.D.

Gundulph built the Cathedral of Rochester, while certainly St. Albans and Ely were also commenced in the reign of the Conqueror. In the earliest work the ornament was not characterised by the same profusion so common in later work. It was shallow, and cut with the axe, as the chisel was little used at that time.

(Fig. 1): Pillar with spiral fluting in Waltham Abbey (founded
by Harold II.) The spiral grooves were originally filled with
chased and gilt metal. Of the twelve pillars in the Abbey two
are indented spirally and two with chevrons. The others are
plain. (Other instances of this work on the pillars may be
found at Durham, Lindisfarne, and Kirkby Lonsdale). The arches
are decorated with the indented zigzag ornament. (Fig. 2):
Flat Norman buttress (Iffley, Oxfordshire). The buttresses
at first were merely flat, pilaster-like projections, wholly
devoid of ornament. (Figs. 3 to 8): Norman capitals. These
were either plain, cubical masses with the lower angles
rounded off, forming a rude cushion shape (Fig. 3), or they
have a rude kind of volute cut upon the edges of the angles
(Fig. 8, from St. John’s Chapel in the White Tower). The
scalloped capitals (Figs. 6 and 7) belong to a later period.
This form of capital is most common in all the first half of
the twelfth century. The capital is the member by which the
styles are more easily distinguished than by any other. The
abacus (A, Fig. 4) is square in section. (Figs. 9 to 14):
Norman mouldings, which were almost endless in variety. They
were most abundantly used in doorways and other arches and in
horizontal strips. The most general is the zigzag (Fig. 14).
(Fig. 9): The star. (Fig. 10): The round billet (a square
billet is also used). (Fig. 11): The billet and lozenge. (Fig.
12): The beak-head. (Fig. 13): The bead course. (Fig. 14): The
zigzag or chevron. (Fig. 15): Early Norman pier, recessed at
the angles, and square edges, in St. Alban’s Abbey, 1080 A.D.
(Fig. 16): Norman doorway with recessed pillars and decorated
head, at St. Mary’s, Shrewsbury. (Fig. 17): Norman chamfer.]

LATER NORMAN ARCHITECTURE.

The Earlier period of Norman architecture may be approximately closed in 1120 A.D. (fifty-four years after the Battle of Hastings).

In the Later period the chisel took the place of the axe in the cutting of the ornament. Consequently there is a fineness and a more finished style of work, which could not be executed with the latter tool.

The Later or rich Norman style is chiefly characterised by the abundance of the ornament and the deep cutting. Sculpture, which was sparingly used in the earlier work, was frequently added to it at a later period, and as the style advanced, greater lightness and enrichment were introduced.

It is said that through the Crusades men saw the architecture of many cities, and their return from the wars was marked by a striking change not only in the masonry, but in the character and feeling of Norman work. It is said, also, that the ornaments in Later Norman work and in the Transition period which followed often partook very much of a Greek, Byzantine, or Oriental character.

St. Bartholomew’s Church, Smithfield, is a good specimen of Norman work. It was the church of the Augustinian Priory, founded 1123 A.D. by Rahere, the King’s minstrel.

The rich doorways of this period form one of the most important features of Later Norman work. They are considered to be the most beautiful and characteristic specimens which remain to us, and the most elaborate workmanship was bestowed upon them by the Normans. They are generally round-headed and very deeply recessed, and frequently have several small shafts at the sides of the doorway. The tympanum or semi-circular space above the door within the arch is frequently filled with rich sculpture (Pl. 21, Fig. 2). The mouldings are richly overlaid with ornament, which, though of a peculiar and rude character, produces great richness of effect.

The west door of Rochester Cathedral is a very striking instance of this.

The windows are, in general, long and rather narrow, round-headed openings. Many of them were ornamented very richly in the same manner as the doors with zigzag and other mouldings.

(Fig. 1): Very rich Norman sculpture from Shobdon Church,
Herefordshire, about 1180 A.D. (Fig. 2): South door, Kilpeck
Church, Herefordshire, showing the richly ornamented arch,
the decorated tympanum, and richly sculptured pillars at
the sides. (Figs. 3 and 4): Ornamented capitals from York
Minster. (Fig. 5): Ornamented capitals from St. John’s Abbey,
Chester. (Fig. 6): Capital preserved in the Chapter House of
Westminster Abbey, carved with the story of the Judgment of
Solomon. (Fig. 7): Pointed arch with pure Norman mouldings and
scalloped capitals from Malmesbury Abbey, Wiltshire, 1135-1139
A.D. It is generally assumed that _all_ Norman arches are
round, but the pointed arch, taken by itself, is no proof of
change of style. The semi-circular arch is the characteristic
form of the Norman arch, but there are a few Early examples in
which the pointed arch is used, supported by massive piers.
(Figs. 8 and 9): Bases of Norman columns.]

NORMAN CASTLES.

When Duke William of Normandy invaded England in 1066, the existing type of fortification called a _burh_ was a moated hillock, either wholly or partly artificial, surmounted by a timber stockade enclosing a wooden house or tower. He repaired and enlarged many of the existing strongholds, and also built many new wooden castles. But in order to overawe the conquered English he erected in the larger towns square stone keeps or castles, like the White Tower in the Tower of London. Gundulph, Bishop of Rochester, the great architect in the reign of William I., built the latter in 1081 A.D. It is one of the best examples that we have of Early Norman work, and is a huge quadrangular structure more than 100 ft. square, built of rudely coursed rubble, with a vast amount of mortar.

Many of the existing Norman keeps were founded in the reigns of William I. and William II., but were rebuilt at a later period. These keeps were usually square or rectangular towers of stone (not having much height in proportion to the breadth), with small, slightly projecting square turrets at each angle, and one or more flat buttresses up the centre of each face, with a dividing wall passing up through the centre of the building from the ground. (Pl. 22, Fig. 3, B C.)

Comparatively speaking, the windows were generally small, and the walls exceedingly thick. Those of the White Tower are 15 ft., and of Carlisle Castle 16 ft. thick. The connecting passages and staircases were constructed in the thickness of the masonry.

Norwich Castle, for its size, is a perfect type of the square Norman keep, and Castle Hedingham is another. Many magnificent stone keeps were built or rebuilt in the reign of Henry I., such as Rochester, Newark, Corfe, and Chepstow. Henry II. was also a great builder of keeps, and those of Dover, Canterbury, Scarborough, and Newcastle are shown by the Pipe Rolls to have been his work.

The solidarity of the keep made it impregnable against the siege operations of the day. Such a building could not be battered down, and at best it could only be injured by undermining. This was done by removing the earth from an angle of the building and gradually introducing wooden props. A fire was then kindled about them, and as the props burnt through, the wall fell.

The square keep was followed by the polygonal and the round ones. Coningsburgh is circular, Berkeley is circular flanked by four towers, and Oxford is polygonal. The base of the keep was generally “battered”--_i.e._, sloped outwards (see Fig. 1)--to give a firmer foundation and also that it might better withstand the operations of the sapper. Very few of the existing keeps have openings in the lower storeys, which were used either as _dungeons_ or _store rooms_, and were only accessible by a trap-door from above. Generally there were two floors, occasionally three floors above the basement. One of these floors is assumed to have been the _hall_, and in the larger keeps the floor above it may have been reserved for the use of the ladies of the household. In the latter half of the twelfth century small mural chambers, probably for use as bedrooms, became more frequent.

In many keeps there were _chapels_, but every one contained a _well_, so that when besieged the occupants would not have to depend on outside sources for the supply of water. Dover Castle still has a well which is capable of supplying fresh water, although the keep is on the summit of a high cliff.

There were no _kitchens_ in Norman keeps, as the cooking was either done on the roof or in a special building in the yard. Fire-places were not invariable. In the White Tower, where for a long time it was supposed that there were no fireplaces, holes in the wall have been found which probably answered the purpose of chimneys. There was only _one_ entrance, perhaps some 20 feet above the ground, sometimes approached by a removable wooden staircase, sometimes by a fore-building with elaborate precautions for defence. The only ornamentation to be found is at the entrance doorway, on the staircase, or in the chapel. The keep soon had _outer defences_ added to it--ditches, palisades, and outer walls of masonry.

Into the outer defences the cattle and stores from the surrounding country would be brought, and the dwellings of the soldiers of the garrison, together with the domestic offices and stables, were erected within these.

It is more usual to find the keep at one end than in the centre of the system of walls, and the whole was surrounded by a _moat_.

(Fig. 1): Newcastle Keep, founded in 1080 A.D. The battlements
are of later date. In this keep there is a large room in
the thickness of the wall, known as the King’s Chamber, and
another which is assigned to the Queen. (Fig. 2): Rochester
Castle, which was probably entirely rebuilt in the twelfth
century on another site. The parapet or battlements are
considered to be the original ones. (Fig. 3): Plan of the
middle floor of the White Tower (Tower of London). A is St.
John’s Chapel, and the circular stairs are shown in the corner
towers, D D D. B C is the parting wall running through the
building. (Fig. 4): A Norman castle. (From Grose’s “Military
Antiquities.”) Showing the general arrangements of the
buildings, etc.]

NORMAN SEALS AND COINS.

Seals are held in the highest estimation as reliable _contemporary_ authorities in English heraldry, costume, armour, etc.

The matrix or die was usually of latten or bronze, and in the case of large seals two dies were used--one for the front, or _obverse_, the other for the back, or reverse--so that when complete the seal was similar to a coin or medal.

In the earlier seals pure white beeswax was used as the medium on which to impress the seal, and at other times this was coloured--green, red, brown, and nearly black.

There were two types of seals--_Plaqué_ seals, those impressed in wax direct on the document, and _Pendant_ seals, in which the wax impression was suspended by cords, or a ribbon, or strip of parchment from the document. (Figs. 1, 2, 3). Great precautions were taken with regard to the Royal Seals, or the Great Seals, as they were called. Seals may be classed as: (_a_) _Lay Seals_--(1) Royal Seal, (2) Personal Seals, (3) Official Seals, (4) Common Seals of Corporate bodies. (_b_) _Ecclesiastical Seals_--(1) Official Seals (Bishops, Abbots, etc.), (2) Corporate Seals (chapters, religious houses, etc.), (3) Personal Seals.

Many of the Royal Seals are very beautiful. The _Great Seal_, or the chief Royal Seal, was, and is still, in the keeping of the Chancellor, who has to keep it in his personal custody wherever he goes.

(Figs. 1, 2, 3): Pendant Seals. (Figs. 4, 5): Obverse and
reverse of silver penny of Stephen. (Fig. 6): Seal of Anselm.
(Fig. 7): Reverse of Seal of Henry I. The obverse of Royal
Seals bears a picture of the King seated on the throne in
robes of peace, and the reverse the King on horseback armed
for war. (Figs. 8 and 9): Obverse and reverse of a silver
penny of William I. At the Conquest there was no change in the
monetary system of England, and a coinage of silver pennies
only, continued to be issued of the same character as under
the Saxon Kings, and the silver penny continued to be the
only coin until the end of the reign of Henry III. The weight
was about 21 grains. (Fig. 10): Reverse of the Royal Seal of
William I. He is represented on horseback, armed in a hauberk
of leather on which metal rings are sewn. A conical helmet is
on his head. He carries a typical kite-shaped Norman shield
on his left arm, and bears a long lance with pennon in his
right hand. The motto or “legend,” when translated, reads:
“Know ye this William, Patron of the Normans, and by this seal
recognise him King of the Angles.”]

THE JOUST AND TOURNAMENT.

It was natural that men whose profession it was to bear arms should engage in friendly contests with one another, and in this way acquire skill in arms as well as indulge in a manly pastime. When only two combatants fought, it was called _jousting_. If a friendly trial of skill only were intended, the lances were blunt, and if swords were used it was only with the edge which could not inflict a wound on a well-armed man. This was the _joute à plaisance_.

If the combatants fought with sharp weapons and put forth all their skill and force, it was the _joute à l’outrance_.

When a number of knights were engaged on each side, it was called a _tournament_.

Sometimes this was played with weapons of lath, the players being arrayed in gorgeous costumes. Sometimes the tournament was a mimic battle, and was then usually fought between hostile factions. In a contemporary MS. in the British Museum we have a detailed account of all the preparations for a contest of arms.

The heralds of the King, noble, or lady who designed to give a joust travelled to towns, castles, and sometimes from court to court of foreign countries, clothed in the insignia of their office, and made public announcements of the event in each place, inviting knights to come and try their skill against the home champions.

In the MS. there is an account of all the equipment that is required by a knight for such an occasion: a suit of armour and horse with trappings, an armourer, with hammer and pincers to fasten the armour, two servants on horseback in suitable costume, who are his squires, and six servants on foot, dressed alike.

As the fixed day approaches, the visitors flock from all parts, and find lodgings in the castle or in the town, or else pitch their tents in a meadow near the Castle. A suitable piece of ground is selected, barriers are put around it, and “grand stands” are erected for the ladies and gentry. On the day, the knights rise up at sunrise and bathe, and then are carefully armed, by their squires and armourers.

Then they come into the field, with their helms borne before them, and with servants (squires) carrying their lances. They are announced by the heralds to the assembled company of “ladyes and gentilwomen.” Each of the strangers who comes to the field has to satisfy the officer-at-arms that he is a “gentilman of names and armes,” and to take oath that he has no secret weapons or unfair advantage.

When this is satisfactorily completed, they put on their helms, and each of the home champions in turn runs two or more courses with a stranger knight. A course is successfully run if each breaks his lance full on the breastplate or helmet of his adversary, but neither is unhorsed; and they retire amidst the plaudits of the spectators.

If a knight is unhorsed, or lose his stirrup, he is vanquished, and retires from the game. Following that, there is probably a miniature tournament between the home champions and the strangers.

At length, when all have run their courses, the knights remove their helmets before the ladies, make their obeisance, and retire to their lodgings to change. Then they return, and a lady presents a prize to the one who is considered the best “juster,” and prizes of less value to those who have taken the second and third places in the contest, making a little speech suitable to the occasion. The herald comes forward and announces: “John hath justed well, Richard hath justed better, and Thomas hath justed best of all.” A dance completes the function, in which the champion knight leads off with the lady of the tournament.

There were two distinct ways in which the jousting took place: (1) On an open course; (2) with a barrier. In the former, the combatants usually started from the ends of the lists, and met about the centre. In the latter, a wooden barrier was erected down the centre of the lists lengthwise, and, when the signal was given, the combatants charged, each of them having the barrier on his left. (Fig. 1.) For these two methods of jousting, different arrangements of armour were worn; for some, the upper part of the body was armed more than the lower limbs, and sometimes it was _vice versa_.

(Fig. 1): A joust between Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick,
and an opponent, each charging on the left of the barrier. The
Earl of Warwick has his arms displayed upon his tabard, and
there is also a display of arms on the trappings, or bardings,
of his horse. This was not the first of the charges, for a
broken lance lies on the ground. (From the Life of Richard
Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, written in MS. by a Chantry
priest of Guy’s Cliff, named Rouse, about 1485.) (Fig. 2):
The combat on foot after the charge. The Earl of Warwick is
armed with a lance, and the other knight with a pole-axe.
Several splintered lances on the ground show that the combat
has been going on for some time. The Earl of Warwick’s crest,
“a bear with a ragged staff,” appears on his helmet, while his
adversary has a single large feather as crest.]

ENGLISH ARCHERS.

In Saxon times, little value was placed upon the bow as a weapon, but, after the decisive part it played at Hastings, its use was practised generally.

From early times, archers carried long stakes, sharpened at both ends, and when they took up their position on the battlefield, they stuck them into the ground before them, with the points sloping outward, to break up a cavalry charge which might be made against them. In the 12th century, English archers became renowned for their skill, and Richard I. himself used the long-bow on more than one occasion. By the end of the 13th century, it had come into great prominence. Each archer--in later times, at least--carried two dozen arrows under his belt, and archers sometimes carried great movable shields, which they fixed upright by means of rests, and so sheltered themselves from the enemy’s bowmen. They also carried swords, so that they could defend themselves, if attacked, hand to hand.

The great bow, or long-bow, was five feet long, and was formed of yew, which, at a range of 240 _yards_, discharged a strong arrow, sharp and barbed. The arrows were usually “a yard or an ell long,” but one, now in the United Service Museum, recovered from the “Mary Rose,” which sank in 1545, is six feet long.

The archers always began the battle at a distance, as the artillery do in modern warfare, to disorganise the enemy before the main bodies came to actual hand-to-hand fighting. The cross-bow, or arbalest, had been used in sport for many years, but in the 12th century it came to be employed in warfare, though its use was forbidden by the Pope as “being unfit for Christian warfare.” It was driven out of use by the long-bow in England at the end of the 13th century. In the Continental armies, it continued to grow in use in preference to the long-bow, so that in time the long-bow became essentially an English arm. There were several kinds of cross-bows, which may be classified accordingly as the string was drawn back (1) by hand, (2) by means of a lever, and (3) by means of a wheel and ratchet.

The missiles shot from the cross-bow were short and stout, and had heads of different forms, and were called quarrels or bolts.

There were several reasons why the cross-bow was superseded by the long-bow: (1) A good bowman could shoot about six arrows while a cross-bowman was winding up his bow and making one shot. (2) The penetrative power of the arrow, and the distance which it could travel, were quite equal to those of the quarrel from the cross-bow. (3) Long-bowmen, using their bows when held in a vertical plane, could stand more closely together than cross-bowmen, who had to discharge their weapons while holding them in a horizontal plane. (4) Greater skill and strength were required in handling the long-bow with precision than was the case with the cross-bow; consequently, more practice was necessary, and more enthusiasm and confidence developed with the use of the former than with the latter.

Of the archers who took part in the Hundred Years’ War, Boutell says: “In those days, the archers of England were the best infantry in the world; but then their famous long-bow acquired its reputation, in no slight degree, from the fact that, in peace, archery was the favourite pastime of the English yeomanry.” Crecy, Poitiers, Agincourt--indeed, most of the great victories gained over the French--mainly resulted from the unrivalled skill of the English long-bowmen. All our old writers are agreed upon the vast superiority of our English bowmen over those of other nations. The Scotch depended on their pikemen and the French on their men-at-arms.

The English archers were held in high esteem and trust by the English nobles, and it was the custom for some English barons and distinguished knights always to join the archers in battle, fighting side by side with them in their own ranks. On the other hand, the French nobles were very arrogant, and despised the common people, who were, consequently, made unfit to become good soldiers.

But the reputation of English archers rose so high that several foreign princes, in the 15th century, deemed their armies materially reinforced if they could retain 200 or 300 English archers in their service.

In 1363, and again in 1388, statutes were passed in England calling upon people to leave their popular amusements of “ball and coits” on their festivals and Sundays, and to practise archery instead. “Servants and labourers shall have bows and arrows, and use the same on Sundays and holidays.” By an ordinance made in the reign of Edward IV., every Englishman or Irishman dwelling in England was required to have a “bow of his own height, either of yew, witch-hazel, ash or auburne, or any other reasonable tree, according to their power.”

Butts were encouraged in every parish, and traces of them still remain in the names of places, as “Newington Butts.” Henry V., who was very proud of his English archers, ordered the sheriffs of several counties to obtain geese feathers for his archers, plucking six from each goose.

The arrows were carried in a quiver, or bound together into a sheaf, suspended from the waist-belt. When the battle was about to commence, the archer placed his arrows under his left foot, point outwards, or stuck them, point downwards, into the ground, or into his girdle. He was able to discharge his bow twelve times in a single minute, at a range of 240 yards, and “he, who in these twelve shots once missed his man, was very lightly esteemed.” In the reign of Edward III., a painted bow sold for 1s. 6d., a white bow for 1s., and sharp-pointed arrows at 1s. 2d. per sheaf of twenty-four.

As is well-known, at Crecy, and in many other battles, the English archers shot down or wounded the horses of the French knights so considerably that, in their pain and terror, the maddened horses upset the ranks of the cavalry and quite destroyed its efficiency.

At first, archers were not protected by body armour, but in later times they wore _jazerine_ jackets, consisting of overlapping pieces of steel, fastened by one edge to a garment of canvas, and then covered over with velvet or cloth.

A similar defensive garment of the 15th and 16th centuries was the _brigandine_, a specimen of which may be seen in the Tower of London. Archers often wore _salades_, or shell helmets, which covered the head and eyes, and sometimes had movable visors.

(Fig. 1): An English archer of the 15th century, wearing a
salade with movable visor to protect the head. It will be
noticed that he has stuck some arrows into his girdle, so
that they may be “handy” for shooting. See Fig. 8 also, and
compare with Fig. 7. (From Royal MS., 14 E. iv.) (Fig. 2): An
English salade. This was worn by archers, and it also formed
the usual head-piece for soldiers about the time of Henry VI.
(Wars of the Roses.) (Fig. 3): A Brigandine, from a specimen
in Warwick Castle. (Figs. 4 and 5): Quarrels, quarells, or
bolts, for shooting from the cross-bow or arbalest. Fig.
4 is feathered; Fig. 5 is from the Tower of London. (Fig.
5a): A bird-bolt, used for shooting birds from a “sporting”
cross-bow. (Fig. 6): An English arrow of the ordinary form
during the Middle Ages, showing the sharp projection of the
barb, which rendered the extraction a difficult and painful
matter. (Fig. 7): An English archer using the long-bow, and
cross-bowman winding up his cross-bow. It will be noticed that
the former is left-handed, as the arrow was usually drawn
back with the right hand and shot from the right shoulder.
He has arranged his arrows for shooting by sticking them,
point downwards, into the ground at his side. Both he and
the cross-bowman are wearing _jazerine_ jackets, but the
former has a camail and a chain mail jacket beneath it. The
cross-bowman has, hanging from his girdle, a leathern bag, to
contain the quarrels for his cross-bow. (Fig. 8): A sea-fight,
showing four archers using the long-bow, one cross-bowman,
and one soldier using the military flail. One of the archers
has placed his arrows in his belt, as in Fig. 1. (From the
Cambridge MS. of the “Greater Chronicles,” by Matthew Paris,
who died 1259 A.D.)]

EARLY CANNON.

The discovery of gunpowder, which, by degrees, totally changed military tactics and the constitution of armies, was the event that most powerfully influenced warfare in the Middle Ages. Very little is known about its actual invention. It is supposed that Greek fire, which was used with such terrifying and destructive effect in warfare, particularly in sieges, consisted of the three ingredients of gunpowder, with resin and naphtha in addition.

Roger Bacon, an English friar, discovered the secret of the composition of gunpowder in the latter half of the 13th century; but Schwartz, a Franciscan, at Cologne, perfected it about a century later.

The use of cannon for siege purposes commenced in England in the armies of Edward III. Froissart says that the English army used them against Calais, when besieging it in 1347. But there were very few made at first; an important fortress like the Tower of London, in 1360, only mounting four guns, while Dover Castle, in 1372, had six.

When first introduced, cannon were small and vase-shaped; they were slow in fire, and very liable to accidents.

They were called “bombards,” and were mounted upon a wooden cradle or frame. Towards the end of the 14th century, they had become of large dimensions, firing heavy _stone_ shot of from 200 to 450 lbs. weight. All the shot were stone until, because they did not do sufficient damage in battering down a wall, it became the practice to bind and otherwise strengthen them with iron.

The earliest cannon were of the rudest possible description. They were made of bars or thin sheets of iron, arranged longitudinally over a wooden core, in the form of a tube, around which were welded iron hoops to hold them together.